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Back-way Trauma

By: Momodou Ndow

Trauma is an emotional response to a stressful or dangerous event that can lead to long-term mental or physical damage.

The back-way journey is undeniably traumatic, as evidenced by countless news reports and personal testimonies. Many who have embarked on this perilous path—both those who succeeded and those who failed—share stories of unimaginable suffering: deaths, torture, imprisonment, slavery, and a litany of human rights violations. The severity of the trauma experienced, whether in the desert or at sea, is profound.

For those who survive, the emotional and physical scars can be long-lasting. The brutality many endure can cause deep mental and physical harm. The aftermath of such trauma is complex and unique to each individual, shaped by their coping mechanisms and access to professional help. Some may develop severe mental illnesses, while others may suffer from PTSD (Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder), a condition where recovery from a terrifying event becomes a prolonged struggle.

The back-way is more than just terrifying—it is a life-altering experience. Many who made this journey to Europe now face ongoing mental health challenges, with some living on the streets, struggling to survive, while others turn to drugs or alcohol to numb the pain of their traumatic experience.

Trauma can alter one’s worldview, leading to a loss of hope, limited expectations for the future, and fear that life may end abruptly. This can undermine basic life goals—like pursuing education, building meaningful relationships, or securing stable employment. As a result, some may become more vulnerable, withdrawn, or aggressive, while others may resort to criminal behavior out of frustration or desperation.

The back-way phenomenon has caused untold suffering, particularly among our youth. Those who have died are at rest, but those who survived are left to cope with the aftermath of their trauma, which manifests in various ways depending on its severity and how they manage it. Trauma is real, and without professional support, healing from such harrowing experiences may be elusive.

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Opinion: It’s Time We Talk About Our Traditions

By: Seringe ST Touray

The Introduction

The second most feared title in today’s Gambian society is the title of “Njeke.” The Njeke acts as the maid of honor, culturally, serving as a wedding bride’s companion or confidant. She supports the bride emotionally and practically, assisting with wedding preparations and rituals, and representing her in key interactions. The most feared title is “Yai,” meaning ‘mother,’ or ‘mother of the night.’ The bearer of this title guides the bride through the cultural traditions, provides advice on marital responsibilities, and ensures emotional and ceremonial support throughout the wedding process.

On the surface, these roles and responsibilities seem justifiable. Look closer, and you’ll find the unspoken practices of how culture is monetized to bankroll a perfectly prevalent and discriminatory caste system unfolding before our eyes. The social hierarchy comprises the Freeborn (Géer) ruling class, Artisans (Ñeeño), who are traditionally skilled workers (such as Griots, Blacksmiths, and Leatherworkers), servile groups (Jaams), who serve the Freeborn often as laborers or in domestic roles, and, in some cases, religious leaders who hold a respected and separate status.

To add to an already problematic system, the infusion of money has dragged culture to new depths, where many are compelled socially and emotionally to empty their savings to give to a distant relative they’ve never heard of, only to sleep in the dark because they can’t afford electricity. Class-based pride, flamboyance, and an essentially ‘showing off’ attitude have taken our society by storm, with almost every participant silently complaining about the absurd system behind closed doors, yet putting on pretend smiles as they answer the call of their true gods – namely, the cultures and traditions they despise but won’t denounce publicly. To many, the misfortune of being named a Njeke or a Yai seems like a call to a higher cultural power, but one which brings devastating financial consequences.

The Vicious Cycle

The culture of monetary contributions in some of our local traditional weddings creates a cycle of obligation rather than choice, where giving money is an unwritten yet socially enforceable contract. When extended family sends money for a wedding, they expect the same or more when their own children marry. Over time, and historically, inflation and economic downturns make monetary contributions harder to reciprocate, turning this tradition into a burden. This mirrors how banks traditionally lend money with the expectation of interest, knowing the repayment value will potentially exceed the loan. Both systems benefit from changing monetary value favouring the lender while disadvantaging the borrower. This is not to say that all participants are unwilling. In many cases, families will, while expressively dreading every moment among their own trusted inner circle within the extended family, harness their last savings to pour into the tension-filled culture over their own family obligations, from children’s school fees, utility bills, medical bills, and general comfort.

The pressure to contribute financially to wedding ceremonies, especially for those holding the titles of Njeke or Yai, can be devastating. The expectation of financial generosity often forces them to dip into savings meant for other life necessities, creating a cycle of stress and emotional strain as they try to meet these cultural obligations.

The Collector

The bookkeeper, or better known as “The Collector,” manages contributions from guests. They record financial gifts given by attendees, typically announced publicly, sometimes with a loud speaker during the ceremony, along with the names of those who gave money. The official opinion is that this practice is rooted in the culture of transparency, accountability, and acknowledgement. Unofficially – it segregates those that have, and those that have less in a spectacularly classist display. These announcements create intense competition, resulting in pressure. Gifts and contributions to the extended family are largely seen as mandatory regardless of one’s financial situation, forcing people to participate in a culture where their own significance is determined by their financial worth. To some, this is seen as counterproductive to celebrating love, but rather to appease culture. In fact, some families reject their daughter’s choice of partner if her partner’s financial situation doesn’t accommodate such lavish cultural displays – unapologetically choosing waste over affection.

The role of the Njeke or Yai in this environment is especially precarious, as they are expected to maintain appearances and uphold tradition, often at the cost of their own financial well-being. The pressure to contribute financial gifts places them in a difficult position, especially when their own financial resources are limited.

The Extravagance

Disclaimer: this part may be considered sensitive, as it’s grounded in a religious context. In exploring the culture of lavish spending on wedding ceremonies in an economy that cries itself to sleep, I reflected on what motivates people in The Gambia – culture, or religion. The clever ones will say that since religion is a way of life, our culture is a byproduct of our religion. The problem is – this could not be further from the truth. According to a 2023 Report on International Religious Freedom by the United States Department of State, about 96% of our population are Muslims, mainly Sunni, with about 3% Christians, mainly Roman Catholics. Both religious scriptures condemn the attitude of lavish spending and senseless extravagance as a whole.

The Quran, for example, unequivocally teaches that extravagance for the sake of status or self-indulgence is harmful. Surah Al-Isra (17:26-27) (Sahih International) teaches, “And give the relative his right, and also the poor and the traveler, and do not spend wastefully. Indeed, the wasteful are brothers of the devils, and ever has Satan been to his Lord ungrateful.” The verse, linking wasteful spending to negative traits, is similar to Christian teachings against the pursuit of earthly wealth and status. However, without much knowledge or background on Christianity, regrettably, I leave that to a more informed audience to contextualize better. Here’s the point overall – a society that prides itself on religious doctrines has now largely allowed itself, much like with politics, to be governed by materialism.

The financial pressures linked to traditional roles like Njeke and Yai contribute to this materialistic mindset, as these titles are often associated with extravagant expectations that require substantial monetary contributions. The prioritization of material wealth in these cultural and religious contexts has put immense financial strain on those expected to fulfill these roles.

The Conclusion

This prioritization of materialistic culture over faith-based morality or morality as a whole is reminiscent of how many people engage in acts of social contribution, but only for the praise and recognition. It’s reasonable to believe that the titles ‘Njeke’ and ‘Yai,’ originally intended as harmless practices for support, transparency, accountability, and acknowledgment, have over time become increasingly defined by status and materialism, much like many of our most significant institutions.

In fact, over the course of writing this opinion piece, I spoke to many people who directly or indirectly participated in the culture of flamboyance, specifically pertaining to marriage, and all agreed that the material focus on our cultures is an insidious threat. Yet, when you tell them it’s morally wrong to prioritize materialism, what do they say? ‘Everyone else does it…’ or ‘kum nehut bokut’ – a Wollof phrase meaning ‘those who oppose the system do so because they’re not part of it,’ a condemnatory statement that conveniently overlooks the moral aspect. And my personal favourite: ‘You can’t do everything right.’ Unfortunately, I have to give this one to them – much as it pains me to admit it!

The ironic karma in all of this, though, is that no matter how much effort you put in appeasing certain culture, you can never truly satisfy it. Instead, such culture will judge you for even trying, focus on your lows instead of your highs, and whisper about your misfortunes, if any. A more reliable path to happiness is pragmatism, and for the religious, both pragmatism and faith. The most unproductive path to happiness is worrying about what everyone else will think, or say.

Youssou N’Dour Announces New Album ‘Éclairer Le Monde’

By: The Fatu Network Editorial

Senegalese artist and entertainer Youssou N’Dour has announced the release of his new international album, “Éclairer Le Monde” (Light The World). After a long break, N’Dour shares his reflections on the challenges of the pandemic and the importance of building a hopeful future.

The renowned artist introduces the album with a preview of the music video for “Noflaay,” a song with a universal message promoting peace, self-acceptance, and unity.

This announcement was made on January 8, 2025.

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Adama Damia, 28, Leading Gambia’s Largest Vehicle Tracking Company, Partnering with Some of the Country’s Biggest Companies

Damia Security Solutions (DSS), The Gambia’s first and only Gambian-owned vehicle tracking company, was founded by Adama Damia Drammeh. Reflecting on the motivation behind starting the business, Adama explained that the idea came after a conversation with a cousin who expressed concerns about vehicle safety. “I realized that so many people in The Gambia shared similar concerns about vehicle protection, and the lack of innovative solutions in this space was evident. This growing need motivated me to start Damia Security Solutions. To me, it was about solving a real problem and offering peace of mind.”

Establishing DSS was not without its challenges. Adama pointed to limited resources, gaining customer trust, and navigating the technical aspects of the industry as significant hurdles. “Starting DSS came with its fair share of challenges. Limited access to resources was a major hurdle, and gaining the trust of customers and partners took time. Navigating the technical side of the industry also came with a steep learning curve,” Adama explained.

She credited persistence, collaboration, and a focus on customer feedback as key factors in overcoming these obstacles. “I collaborated with like-minded individuals, continuously improved our services, and most importantly, I listened to our customers’ needs. Surrounding myself with a supportive team and being open to learning every step of the way helped us overcome these obstacles and grow stronger.”

As the sole Gambian-owned vehicle tracking company, Adama described the dual responsibilities of leading in the industry. “Being the first and only Gambian-owned vehicle tracking company is a huge honor, but it also comes with a sense of responsibility. It pushes me to keep innovating and setting a high standard. What makes us unique is our deep understanding of the Gambian market – we know what the people need, and we combine that with global best practices.”

DSS’s tracking solutions were developed with customer needs at the forefront. “The features of our trackers – like real-time location tracking, geo-fencing, and remote engine cut-off – are all inspired by the feedback and needs of our customers. These features reflect our vision of creating affordable, reliable, and accessible solutions that make a real difference for vehicle owners,” Adama noted.

Adama highlighted the company’s growth as a notable achievement. “One of the biggest highlights for me has been the immense growth we’ve seen in just a few months. We’ve sold out all our trackers and are still receiving high demand for our services. On top of that, seeing companies renew their subscriptions is a testament to the trust and value we bring. These milestones remind me why we do what we do – it’s deeply rewarding to see both individuals and businesses benefit from our work.”

For young entrepreneurs looking to follow a similar path, Adama emphasized persistence and resilience. “Start where you are and with what you have. Believe in your vision, even when others might not. The road will be challenging, but persistence and focus on solving real problems will take you far. Build a network of supportive people, keep learning, and don’t be afraid to make mistakes—they’re part of the process.”

Looking to the future, Adama expressed aspirations for DSS to expand across Africa. “I see DSS growing beyond The Gambia to serve markets across Africa. There’s a massive need for affordable, reliable tracking solutions on the continent, and I believe DSS is uniquely positioned to fill that gap,” she said.

Adama also shared her personal approach to measuring success, which aligns with DSS’s mission. “For me, success isn’t just about profit or numbers—it’s about the impact we make. Knowing that we’ve helped someone feel more secure or supported a business in managing their fleet better is what truly matters.”

In closing, Adama shared her hopes for DSS’s contribution to the broader tech landscape. “I hope DSS becomes a benchmark for innovation in The Gambia, inspiring more young entrepreneurs to step into the tech space. I want our company to not only grow but also pave the way for more businesses to prioritize security, technology, and community-driven solutions.”

A Review of Halifa Sallah’s Constitution Building, Socioeconomic Challenges in The Gambia

BOOK REVIEW

By fatou janneh

Halifa Sallah’s Constitution Building, Socioeconomic Challenges in The Gambia is a deep analysis of constitutional processes and socioeconomic realities, offering a roadmap for addressing systemic inequalities. This book is the first in a series aimed at addressing knowledge gap in governance and citizenship. Sallah challenges readers to rethink the foundations of societal organization in The Gambia. Central to his critique is the absence of citizenship education in The Gambia’s curriculum. He contends that this gap perpetuates a lack of civic awareness and accountability, undermining individuals’ ability to engage meaningfully in governance. By advocating for the integration of sovereignty and civic responsibility into education, Sallah envisions a society where citizens are not only informed but also empowered to confront systemic injustice.

Hence, his framework intertwines the pillars of information, knowledge, and mindset as essential tools for transformative education. His argument transcends theoretical discourse by addressing the practical implications of dismantling gendered cultural norms that entrench inequality. Furthermore, Sallah situates education as a key mechanism for eradicating poverty and ignorance, thereby positioning it as a catalyst for national progress. Through historical context and forward-looking proposals, Sallah’s work critically interrogates the failures of past governance structures while outlining suggestions for fostering equity and justice. This makes Constitution Building not only a scholarly critique but also a compelling call to action for policymakers, educators, and citizens alike.

Constitution Building, Socioeconomic Challenges in The Gambia is divided into three main sections, with the first focusing on the Constitution Building of the Third Republic. In this section, Sallah carefully dissects the constitutional development process, emphasizing the importance of citizen involvement to ensure that the final document reflects the people’s will and aspirations. He critiques past processes for their lack of inclusivity and coherence. Also, he illustrated the dangers of constitutional amendments driven by narrow political interests rather than the public good. Sallah argues that a constitution is the “mother of all laws and norms,” providing the essential framework for a functioning society. He asserts, “This is why a constitution of a republic is adopted through a referendum, which is the supreme law-making exercise of registered voters in a country” (p. 8). Through this, the book challenges citizens to not only understand but also actively interrogate referenda, whether they address one question or many.

To guide readers, Halifa Sallah poses fundamental questions, such as, “How did we get to where we are in constitution building? What are the challenges and expected outcomes? Must Gambians be spectators in the process? Which direction should we take moving forward?” He then explains the three significant referenda that The Gambia has held since independence. First, the November 1965 referendum which failed to attain the necessary two-thirds majority to shift the country from a constitutional monarchy to a republic. Sallah argues that this failure was largely due to a lack of sufficient knowledge among the leaders and voters about the colonial content of the draft constitution. He suggests that “advocacy should have been conducted to enable voters to give appropriate answers to the referendum question of the time” (p. 9).

The second referendum, held in 1970, sought to establish a sovereign republic while retaining the monarchy under British sovereignty. This referendum passed with a two-thirds majority, leading to the establishment of a sovereign republic on April 24, 1970. The third, held on August 9, 1995, was controversial and widely misunderstood. Sallah critiques the 1970 constitution, noting that it was overthrown when most of its provisions were suspended by the military government, which ruled by decree. This same government, the APRC, was defeated in the 2016 presidential election, the first of its kind in the history of The Gambia.  He describes both the 1970 and 1997 constitutions as “citizen-based constitutions” (p. 79), emphasizing that power derives from the people. These constitutions are legitimate because they owe their origin to citizens and can be changed by them. Sallah concludes that these constitutions are not sacred documents but are instead mundane and subject to change, which shows the dynamic nature of statehood.

Sallah critiques the repetitive challenges and stagnation in constitutional development, stressing fact of history’s tendency to repeat itself in The Gambia’s nation-building process. He emphasizes that the content of the 2024 promulgation bill differs significantly from the 2020 CRC draft constitution initially presented to the president. Sallah asserts that the executive and legislative branches of the Gambian government are mainly responsible for the ongoing deadlock and constitutional impasse, attributing it to their lack of understanding of the 1997 Constitution, particularly Section 226. For instance, the cabinet invited international actors to intervene through negotiation, an approach that contradicts the provisions of the 1997 Constitution. Similarly, the National Assembly’s lack of expertise and inability to comprehend key provisions, including those governing the promulgation process and the Standing Orders of the National Assembly, has exacerbated the situation.

Sallah’s analysis emphasizes that the 2024 draft is significantly different from the 2020 CRC draft, which is now being reintroduced for consideration. The 2024 draft was unilaterally crafted by the cabinet, bypassing broader participatory processes. He states, “…the Executive has relied on the CRC Draft Constitution as a working document and the 1997 Constitution to come up with a 2024 version without expressly stating that fact in the introduction of its explanatory memorandum” (p. 25). In addition, the 2020 draft constitution has become a reference point used selectively by the executive in crafting its bill. Sallah reveals that “…the Executive has serious reservations regarding many clauses in the 2020 draft” (p. 23), exposing the disconnect between the executive’s actions and the broader aspirations for constitutional reform.

Halifa Sallah, on the second section of his book, challenges the religious justification for Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) by scrutinizing its alignment with Islamic principles and practices. He begins by asserting that Islam, as a universally practiced religion, must promote values that are universally applicable and sustainable across cultures. He states, “A religion with universal following should build a community whose members could live in any part of the world and still profess and practice their religion without any cause for interference.”

Through a critical analysis of data, Sallah highlights that fewer than one-quarter of Muslim women globally have undergone circumcision and stresses that none of the wives or daughters of the holiest leaders of Islam were subjected to the practice. These observations dismiss the notion that FGM is a religious obligation. He questions, “Could anyone conclude that only one-quarter of Muslim women are clean and that the three-quarters left are unclean?” This provocative inquiry challenges the validity of equating circumcision with religious purity.

Sallah extends his critique by analyzing the implications of such assumptions. If uncircumcised women are deemed unclean, does it follow that they are unfit to fully engage in their faith? He refutes this by emphasizing that adherence to the five pillars of Islam (such as faith in one God, zakat (charitable giving), prayer, fasting, and pilgrimage to Mecca) determines one’s spiritual standing. He observes, “The circumcision of a Muslim woman does not make her holier and cleaner person than an uncircumcised woman in the eyes of God,” (p. 106).

Furthermore, Sallah contextualizes the pursuit of knowledge as a core Islamic injunction, famously captured in the directive to “even go to China” to acquire it. This injunction demonstrates the dynamic and progressive nature of Islamic teachings. By advocating the pursuit of knowledge to improve humanity’s quality of life, he implicitly critiques practices like FGM that are rooted in outdated traditions rather than informed understanding. Through these arguments, he dismisses the notion that FGM is a religious mandate. He showcases the misalignment between the practice and the foundational teachings of Islam, advocating instead for an interpretation of faith that prioritizes knowledge, dignity, and universal applicability.

The third section of this book examines the need for ongoing national dialogue to address critical issues such as territorial integrity, economic development, and governance. The author critiques structural inefficiencies in revenue generation and allocation systems, arguing that these perpetuate poverty and stifle rural development. To address this issue, he advocates for a more balanced approach to resource management and policy implementation. His key argument is that reducing national dialogue to debates over government and opposition roles risks fostering dissonance rather than harmony. In such scenarios, he stresses, dialogue becomes a monologue, with each camp addressing only its constituency, thereby undermining collective responsibility. He writes:

A national dialogue is therefore only conceivable if we open up a non-partisan conversation on the subject of stability of the nation and state, and security of national resources, aimed at arriving at specific and general resolutions that could be relevant and applicable to both government and opposition, in their common quest to build a free, peaceful, stable, and prosperous nation where there is both state and human security, (p. 111).

Sallah emphasizes the importance of an inclusive national dialogue that transcends political divisions and focuses on collective interests, such as stability, security, and sustainable development. For a dialogue to be effective, it must not center solely on party politics or individual policy agendas. Still, it should engage both government and opposition in a spirit of cooperation and mutual understanding. He identifies four key pillars for national dialogue, including the cultural pillar, which promotes values and norms that foster national unity and cohesion, regardless of individual or group identities.

Furthermore, the author’s critiques of past constitutional processes raise important questions about fairness and practicality. While his emphasis on inclusivity and grassroots engagement is commendable, one might ask if his assessment fully accounts for the complexities of postcolonial state-building. Are his critiques entirely fair, or do they overlook incremental progress achieved despite historical and geopolitical challenges? Although his proposed solutions for promoting national dialogue (mainly focused on citizenship education and civic responsibility) are visionary, they face significant hurdles. Entrenched political divisions, historical grievances, and ethnic tensions often complicate dialogue efforts. Does his framework sufficiently address these challenges, or does it risk underestimating the resilience of political polarization and mutual distrust? By examining these tensions, Sallah’s work invites deeper reflection on the balance between critique and constructive pathways for reform.

Nonetheless, one of the book’s most compelling features is its ability to blend theoretical insights, case studies, and personal anecdotes with practical recommendations. Sallah combines historical context, political analysis, and economic realities to present a holistic view of The Gambia’s challenges and opportunities. However, while the book is rich in detail, its dense prose and reliance on abstract concepts may challenge some readers. Also, the broad scope could have been enhanced by a deeper discussion of specific case studies or comparative analysis with nations facing similar issues.

Overall, Constitution Building, Socioeconomic Challenges in The Gambia is a groundbreaking contribution to The Gambia’s discourse on governance, citizenship societal development. It truly excels in combining historical analysis with practical recommendations. Hence, Halifa Sallah’s vision for transformative change through civic education and participatory governance offers a compelling roadmap for scholars and policymakers. This is essential reading for anyone invested in The Gambia’s journey toward justice, equity, and sustainability. Constitution Building, Socioeconomic Challenges in The Gambia was published in September 2024 by the Center for Social Science Research and Education (CSSRACE) founded by the author.

 

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Groundnut Farmers in The Gambia Deserve Better Treatment

OPINION

By Hon. Saikou Mbarodi Jallow, Lower Baddibou Constituency Representative (National Youth Parliament – The Gambia)

The plight of groundnut farmers in The Gambia is alarming, and I stand in solidarity with them. As their representative in the recently concluded National Youth Parliament sitting, I brought to light the frustrations and hardships they face, which must not be overlooked.

After extensive consultations with the farmers in my constituency, it is clear that they are deeply dissatisfied with the government’s mode of payment through Qmoney. Many rural communities lack Qmoney outlets, creating immense difficulties for farmers to access their hard-earned money. This delay in payments adds salt to the wounds of already painful farming experiences.

The groundnut season is the backbone of our rural economy, and yet, the government has chosen to disregard the voices of the very people who make it thrive. Instead of showing respect and prioritizing the needs of farmers, the government’s reliance on Qmoney as the sole mode of payment appears to serve the interests of a specific company rather than the hardworking farmers. This raises concerns about favoritism, which we must address to ensure fairness and equity.

Let me make it clear: my solidarity with the farmers is not politically motivated. It is born out of patriotism and a genuine concern for the people I represent. I am the voice of the voiceless, standing for the rights of those whose cries often go unheard. The farmers deserve better treatment. They work tirelessly under harsh conditions, contributing immensely to our nation’s food security and economy. It is unjust to subject them to such unnecessary hurdles when they should be supported and empowered.

Moreover, the high cost of living continues to compound their struggles. Farmers rely on their earnings to sustain their families but delays and inefficiencies in payment only exacerbate their financial burdens. How can we expect them to thrive when their labor is undervalued, and their voices are ignored?

The government must act swiftly to address these issues. Immediate steps should be taken to provide alternative modes of payment that are accessible to all farmers, irrespective of their location. Policies should be implemented that reflect the realities of rural communities and prioritize their welfare.

As the representative of Lower Baddibou, I will continue to amplify the voices of my people and hold the government accountable. Farmers are the backbone of our nation, and they deserve respect, fairness, and timely compensation for their efforts. It is high time we prioritize their needs over any corporate interests.

I urge all Gambians to join me in standing in solidarity with our farmers. Together, we can demand better treatment for them and ensure that their contributions to our nation are not in vain.

HON. SAIKOU MBARODI JALLOW

TEACHER AWARD WINNER NBR  2023-24 – NAMIE FOUNDATION

Opinion: Banjul’s Crumbling Foundations: A Call for Urgent Action on Dilapidated Storey Buildings

By Alieu Jallow

The structural integrity of Banjul’s aging storey buildings has become a pressing concern, with recent incidents underscoring the potential dangers they pose to residents.

Whenever I visit friends in their homes in the lone capital, I find myself uneasy and uncomfortable, especially when visiting those living in storey buildings.

In December 2022, during the National Youth Conference and Festival (NAYCONF), my media colleagues and I were hosted in one of the so-called hotels (name withheld) with poor infrastructural settings. One early morning, I woke up to take a walk within the hotel complex and was shocked and fearful when I realized that one half of the building was seriously cracked like a valley. These cracks were visible on the third floor, surrounded by homes, some of which were “kerentin” houses and others substandard buildings. I began to wonder why the authorities allowed such buildings to operate. Throughout my six-day stay, I barely slept with comfort as the fear for my safety loomed in my mind every single day.

In September 2024, as a reporter with The Fatu Network, I covered a tragic event in which a building under construction collapsed, resulting in the death of a child and serious injuries to others. Eyewitnesses reported that the structure gave way as workers were placing iron rods on a ten-layer brick formation. This incident sparked community outrage and highlighted the urgent need for stricter construction regulations and oversight.

Similarly, in September 2020, as reported by The Standard newspaper, a storey building on Willington Street collapsed, injuring a woman and her daughter. The then Vice President, Isatou Touray, during a site visit, emphasized the necessity for relevant institutions to assess the habitability of such buildings and called for proactive measures to prevent future tragedies.

These incidents are not isolated. Reports indicate that numerous buildings in Banjul are on the verge of collapse, with some residents living in constant fear. The National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA) has identified at least 16 houses in critical condition, advocating for their immediate demolition to avert potential disasters.

According to a Point newspaper publication in September 2021, residents have raised concerns over infrastructural issues, with many blaming poor street construction and malfunctioning drainage systems for exacerbating flooding, which further weakens building foundations. The Point also reported that the Banjul City Council has appealed for urgent intervention to address these infrastructural deficiencies.

In response to these challenges, the National Centre for Arts and Culture (NCAC) has initiated a project to inventory and conserve heritage structures in Banjul. This effort aims to safeguard the city’s architectural heritage while ensuring that buildings meet safety standards.

Furthermore, the Banjul City Council launched the “Banjul Safe City Project” in February 2024, aiming to transform the city into a clean, crime-free, and child- and women-friendly environment. This initiative underscores the council’s commitment to improving urban safety and infrastructure. However, the question remains: when will this project come into full effect? Many institutions have decried financial challenges, as such projects are capital-intensive.

The situation in Banjul serves as a stark reminder of the critical need for comprehensive urban planning, regular building inspections, and stringent enforcement of construction standards to ensure the safety and well-being of all residents.

In conclusion, I humbly call on the government of The Gambia to take immediate and decisive action to address the growing threat posed by dilapidated storey buildings in Banjul. This includes conducting comprehensive inspections of aging structures, enforcing strict building codes, and providing support for the safe renovation or demolition of unsafe properties. Collaborative efforts with city councils, the National Disaster Management Agency, and local stakeholders are crucial to ensure proactive measures are taken before more lives are lost. I hope this opinion will spark action among our duty bearers in addressing these compounding concerns.

The Smiling Coast is Drowning in Tears

OPINION

By Dawda Baldeh

In the past, being identified as Gambian brought joy to people’s faces.

Despite limited resources and opportunities, every family appeared content, but those days were long gone.

This nation, once revered by many, is now becoming a refuge for criminals, drug traffickers, corrupt officials, and those in positions of public trust.

The Gambia, once known as “The Smiling Coast of Africa,” is now sorrowful.

The government appears disinterested in reviving its former glory.

The youth are succumbing to desperation, frustration, fear, criticism, neglect, hopelessness, despair, anger, and the list continues.

In 2016, Gambians voted for a new leader, hoping for fresh opportunities.

Little did we realize that this choice would lead to significant disappointment.

The evidence is clear for all to see. Since 2017, countless Gambians, from teenagers to adults, have lost their lives in the Mediterranean Sea while attempting to reach Europe.

This government pledged job opportunities for the youth, but those promises never came to fruition.

If you look around, you can see a family in mourning almost every corner.

It’s disheartening, and it appears our leaders are indifferent.

Recently, over 42 Gambians perished in the Mediterranean Sea off the coast of Tunisia.

What actions is the foreign affairs ministry taking regarding this? It’s a pressing question they seem to let slide without concern.

In the last two years, more than 250 young, healthy, and talented Gambians have died in the desert and at sea.

The level of corruption revealed in this country through various reports and audits is unprecedented.

Yet, little to no action has been taken. In our hospitals, people are dying, and medicine is scarce.

Public schools are nearly unappealing, and few wish to enrol their children there.

Teachers are constantly on strike, impacting only the poor who cannot afford private schooling.

Almost all government officials send their children to private schools and hospitals.

You may wonder why they are indifferent; it’s because they are not affected. As the saying goes, “who feels it knows it.”

We need reforms that mandate public officials to refrain from sending their children to private schools or hospitals, ensuring that those in power take their responsibilities seriously.

Imagine if the health minister took his children and family to public hospitals; do you think we would be facing such issues today?

If the president’s children attended public schools, do you believe there would be a lack of learning materials in those institutions?

Let’s be honest with ourselves. This country belongs to everyone, yet it seems only a select few are reaping the benefits.

Our public officials are treated like deities in this nation.

They are essentially supported by taxpayers, meaning the impoverished individuals struggling to survive.

In just a few years, over 70 innocent children have died in this country due to neglect. This shocking news calls for decisive government action, but it appears they are indifferent.

And guess what? None of these officials were directly affected. Their children do not face such hardships; it is the less fortunate who suffer.

Every day, my heart aches when I reflect on this country.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect The Fatu Network’s editorial stance.

Introducing Emerging Afromanding Artist Ahmad Mbow ‘Stage Killer’

SPOTLIGHT 

By Dawda Baldeh

In the spirited months of early 2021, Ahmad, better known by his stage name “Justice Boyo The Stage Killer,” took his first steps into the fast-growing world of Gambian music, fuelled by a passion ignited by some of the industry’s most celebrated artists. His sound is a rich tapestry of influences, seamlessly blending genres such as Afromanding, Afrobeat, and Afro-dancehall, creating a musical experience that resonates with a wide audience.

In an exclusive interview with The Fatu Network, this rising star expressed a deep desire to bring people together and foster unity through his artistry. Justice Boyo revealed that he looks up to the talented Jizzle as his musical icon, while the rap sensation ST serves as his driving force, inspiring him to push the boundaries of his craft. With such influences and ambitions, Justice Boyo is poised to make a significant impact on the music scene.

“I love music, and my style is distinctive,” he stated, emphasising that he uses music as a means to promote peace and love.

“It’s challenging, but I will get there. Music is a powerful tool because it brings people together,” he added.

Like many other emerging artists, ‘Justice Boyo The Stage Killer’ aspires to make significant progress in the constantly changing music industry.

His aim is not just to reach the local audience but also the international community, where he hopes his music will positively influence many lives.

Despite facing limited opportunities and ongoing challenges, he remains dedicated to pursuing his passion for music.

“Currently, I handle everything myself, but I am determined to realize my dreams of becoming a role model for others,” he said.

His powerful voice and distinctive stage presence are gradually gaining admiration from local audiences.

He has a show scheduled for December 27, 2024, in Darsilameh, where he will perform in front of local audiences to enhance his popularity.

“I want to use this event to showcase my talents and creativity,” he said, adding that the show will be an unforgettable experience for everyone in attendance.

“I hope people will come out and support my show as a rising Gambian artist,” he noted.

However, he mentioned that he has only a few promoters assisting with his show and encourages Gambians to support local talent.

He has released songs like: Makavelly, Soki, Ntol Lea Jangbea Noo, Cinderella, Calculate, Pretty Girl, and Darsilami FC, among many others which are all available on Audiomack.

His commitment to advancing his music career is a testament to the resilience and hard work he is putting in to share his talents widely.

Our Fertile Land Sits Idle As Foreign Rice Feeds The Gambia

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray

The Gambia’s reliance on imported rice is more than an agricultural issue – it reflects the nation’s struggle with self-sufficiency. Despite fertile land and the potential for local production, almost all of the rice consumed is imported. This dependence exposes a broader problem: our inability to rely on our own resources. It highlights a lack of strategic planning and weak governance, preventing the country from achieving economic sovereignty. Achieving rice self-sufficiency is about more than meeting dietary needs; it is about reclaiming control over our agricultural and economic future.

As it stands, over 80% of the rice consumed locally is imported from India, Pakistan, Thailand, and China, according to the World Bank (2023). This has created an unsustainable dependence on external sources, which not only impacts food security but also puts pressure on our foreign exchange reserves. Every year, millions of dollars are spent on importing rice, money that should arguably be invested in developing our own agricultural capacity.

The situation is worsened by the fact that imported rice is often cheaper than locally produced rice. The price difference is partly due to subsidies and economies of scale in countries that export rice to The Gambia, making it difficult for local farmers to compete. As a result, demand for locally grown rice remains low, preventing local small-scale farmers from making a sustainable living. This cycle of import dependence has persisted for decades, making it one of the country’s most pressing challenges.

Despite these challenges, there have been recent efforts to increase domestic rice production, notably through private sector initiatives. One of the most notable examples is the partnership between the government and Jah Oil Company. President Adama Barrow recently hailed the company’s rice farming efforts in Bayaba village, Sami District, Central River Region, calling it an important step towards achieving food security and reducing dependence on foreign rice imports. “Jah Oil’s investment in local rice farming demonstrates the importance of private sector involvement in our agricultural transformation,” said President Barrow (The Gambia Government Press Release, 2024).

Jah Oil Company’s investment in rice production has shown promise. With its large-scale rice farm, the company is increasing the supply of locally grown rice and providing jobs for people in the region. This initiative is a critical part of the government’s broader goal of ending rice importation by 2030. However, while such initiatives are a step in the right direction, they cannot be the sole solution to The Gambia’s rice production challenges.

As President Barrow noted in a GRTS interview during his trip to the rice farm this year, rice production is an expensive venture that requires significant resources and investment. While private sector involvement is necessary, it must be complemented by government policies that address the root causes of the country’s agricultural challenges. These include providing farmers with access to affordable credit, improving irrigation infrastructure, and ensuring that local farmers can compete on an even playing field with imported rice.

The Gambia’s dependence on rice imports is part of a broader issue of national dependency that also extends to remittances. Just as the country depends on rice imports to feed its population, it relies heavily on remittances sent from Gambians abroad to sustain its economy. These remittances make up a significant portion of our GDP and have been a lifeline for many families. According to the World Bank, remittances represented about 20% of our GDP in 2022 (World Bank, 2023). However, they also create a cycle of dependence, where the mindset that external help is always the solution continues to grow. This mindset weakens the drive for self-sufficiency, both for individuals and for the nation as a whole.

While remittances and foreign aid can provide short-term relief, they cannot be relied upon as the cornerstone of national growth. The country must focus on developing its own resources and industries, particularly agriculture, to reduce its reliance on imports and external financial support. This will require not only increasing local food production but also investing in key sectors like education, infrastructure, and technology, which can create more opportunities for Gambians to thrive within our own borders.

One key to breaking the cycle of dependence is attracting the youth to agriculture. For many years, farming has been seen as a labor-intensive, low-income profession, leading many young Gambians to seek opportunities abroad or in urban centers. However, with the right policies, there is significant potential to change this perception. The government and private sector must invest in modern farming technologies and create opportunities for young people to engage in agriculture, ensuring that the sector is seen as a viable and profitable career path.

This could involve providing training in modern farming techniques, offering incentives for young people to get involved in rice production, and improving access to financing for agricultural ventures. By doing so, The Gambia could address both the issue of rice self-sufficiency and the larger issue of youth unemployment, which has been a persistent challenge.

To achieve rice self-sufficiency, The Gambia must implement policies that address the challenges faced by local farmers and promote the growth of the agricultural sector. These policies could include subsidies for local rice farmers, particularly those in the early stages of production. This support could include grants, low-interest loans, and access to affordable inputs like seeds, fertilizers, and equipment.

Investments in irrigation systems, rural roads, and storage facilities are also essential to improving rice production. This infrastructure would help farmers increase yields, reduce post-harvest losses, and access markets more easily. Introducing modern farming techniques and technology could greatly increase rice production. Training programs for farmers on new methods and technologies could help them improve yields and reduce costs.

Ensuring that locally produced rice can compete with imports requires better access to markets and price support mechanisms. The government could implement price floors to protect local farmers from being undercut by cheaper imports. Finally, The Gambia must view agriculture not just as an economic necessity but as a long-term national priority. This requires strategic planning, sustained investment, and a commitment to creating a thriving, self-sufficient agricultural sector.

Our reliance on imported rice symbolizes a broader dependence that has stalled national progress for decades. Initiatives like Jah Oil Company’s are important but must be supported by government policies, infrastructure, and youth involvement in agriculture. Breaking free from this cycle of dependence is key to building a self-sufficient, resilient future.

UTG Longest Serving Cleaner Opens Up on Career Hurdles As Documentary Film Captures Her Silent Sacrifice

UTG longest serving cleaner Haddy Jatta during her leisure time at home

Haddy Jatta, 68, has been a cleaner at the University of The Gambia (UTG) since its inception in 1999.

Jatta has worked under different university management since 1999 and has seen a lot evolve at the university during these periods, yet her take-home as a monthly wage is just a paltry sum.

She recalled receiving eight hundred Gambian dalasis (D800) as her salary during her early days at the university. Despite this poor emolument, Jatta persevered and would continue to work at the university for more than two decades. Her story personifies the sheer perseverance and life of an industrious worker.

“My work at the UTG is better because if I sit at home, I will not get what I’m getting. I do the work to upkeep my family. I have been patient until my retirement, I am from a poor family. I can say I’m the better one amongst all of them because of the work I do,” she said.

Jatta is from a humble but less privileged family. Perhaps something that contributed to her longevity as a cleaner at the university. Like many across various sectors, her situation depicts a real scenario of living from hand to mouth. Yet, she would still extend generosity to other family members. “My elder brother is an Islamic teacher, and he lives in Cassamance. He has nothing and he depends on me. Whatever I have here, I share with him, one of my sisters resides in Brikama, she often passes by, and I share the little I have with her,” She revealed.

The fear of aggravating an already dire situation motivates Jatta to stay long in this job. She is often perplexed as to what to do next if she quits the less-paid cleaner job at UTG. “I have struggled for a long time now, but Allah doesn’t see me through to change the situation of my family,” she said.

“With my decades of service at UTG, 5 a.m. meets me there every day and I work with due diligence. If UTG doesn’t recognize my efforts, Allah will do,” an emotional Jatta said.

Professor Kah, one of the university’s former vice chancellors, contributed immensely to Jatta’s career at the UTG. Kah was hailed as an ‘exceptional’ and ‘development-oriented’ leader by Jatta. “During his time, he registered a series of developments. Our salaries were not good and eventually, they stopped giving us pay slips. When Prof. Kah came, he told us clearly that he couldn’t increase our salaries because he had a lot of work to do. He promised to increase our payment when he settled, unfortunately, it never happened because he doesn’t stay long,” she said.

Working as a cleaner at most places in the Gambia is largely underpaid and many wouldn’t endure the heat of earning low to the high demands of the real economy. This usually leads to many quitting their jobs for pastures greener elsewhere.

However, Jatta urged her co-workers to remain steadfast in the face of adversity. “I am pleading to my co-workers to be patient and do their work with honesty until their retirement arrives. Allah only rewards people through their actions. If they leave the work, they will not get the little they are receiving from the UTG,” She concludes.

Haddy’s years of dedication and hard work haven’t gone unnoticed. Her co-cleaners, lecturers and even the founding Dean of the UTG School of Journalism and Digital Media are full of praise for the Gambia’s main university’s longest-serving cleaner.

“She does a wonderful job by leading the cleaners at SJDM. When she revealed that she reaches campus at 6 a.m., I was baffled that she comes to school that early morning,” Nana Grey-Johnson, SJDM founding Dean said.

Haddy’s current poor financial status is aggravated by her single mother status, having no surviving child of her own to take care of her at this age like most of her peers. She spent all her earnings taking care of her siblings and their children- none of them attained higher education.  “I was surprised to know that she is a single mother. She always talks about children, but I am surprised to know that those children are not hers,” Nana Grey Johnson said. 

At her age, she is still bearing the responsibility of providing daily meals for those under her care, forcing her to continue working on a contractual basis after clocking 60 years – a normal retirement age in The Gambia.

Haddy’s co-cleaners are also going through a similar financial struggle, but at her age, they are worried about her health. “She is an elderly woman now and her legs are not as strong as before. This is one of the reasons the management is allowing her to retire,” said Bintou Sanneh, Haddy’s co-worker.

With hopes dashed out, Haddy, just like her co-cleaners, are motivated not by the little financial reward they receive from the University, but by their belief that God will see them through.

Bintou said life would have been better for Haddy and all of them if they were in Europe, where with their experience, they can serve as supervisors, but this is not the case at the UTG. “Those of us who started the cleaning at UTG can be supervisors. They brought somebody to supervise us. If it was based on merit, we are the pioneers of cleaning at UTG,” she said.

The UTG is The Gambia’s first public university established by the Gambia government in 1999. Haddy is currently one of the few staff of the university who started work since its establishment 25 years ago.

To capture Haddy Jatta’s touching life story for eternity, UTG Film Studies Lecturer, Prince Bubacarr Aminata Sankanu, produced a documentary film on her with his students which got splendid audience engagements during the 5th CineKambiya International Film Festival (CIFF) 2024. Plans are on the way to organize a nationwide outreach with the documentary as it amplifies the messages on gender justice, income disparities, the struggles of single mothers and the tribulations of domestic workers. Sponsors and partners are invited.

Call for Action: Empathic and grateful UTG students through the Journalism Students Association (JSA) and Law Students Association (LSA) have initiated a fundraising drive to support Ms. Haddy Jatta in getting a dignified retirement. The account numbers for the donations are: Adama M. Joof. Account number: 2158057411590 (GTBank); Alex A. Manneh. Account number: 6274013048 (Ecobank) & Aja Fatou Drammeh. Account number: 007023001025 (Access Bank). Wave number: 2631731.

This feature story is part of a semester project of the 2024 Film Studies II class at the University of The Gambia (UTG) School of Journalism and Digital Media SSJDM). Sarjo S. Jammeh, Ebrima Mbaye, Meita Touray, Sarjo Fadera and Banna Sabally contributed to the story supervised by Prince Bubacarr Aminata Sankanu, Deputy Government Spokesperson, Lecturer in Film Studies at UTG and President of Film Producers Association of The Gambia.

Stone Mining and Hard Work: Samba Secka’s Call for Gambian Youth to Embrace Hard Work

By: Michaella Faith Wright

Samba Secka, a resilient stone miner from The Gambia, has been in the industry for over seven years, overcoming significant challenges to make a living and remain independent. His story of hard work and determination serves as an inspiration to Gambian youth.

Born and raised in The Gambia, Samba Secka ventured into stone mining as a means of survival. He explained, “I chose this work because there was nothing else to do, and I didn’t want to depend on my family or children for support. That’s why I’m doing it.”

Secka shared the difficulties of selling stones, explaining that it can take up to ten days to secure a sale. “Sometimes we use hand gloves to protect ourselves, which we have to buy from Senegal. Selling stones is very difficult,” he said.

Despite the challenges, Secka remains committed to his work. “It’s not easy, but it’s better than waiting for someone to give you money. I believe in hard work and commitment,” he emphasized.

In addition to sharing his experiences, Secka offered advice to young Gambians, urging them to focus on building their lives instead of relying on political promises. “Election is coming, and my advice to the youth is not to allow anyone to mislead you. Most politicians don’t have their children here. Believe in your work and stop focusing on them,” he cautioned.

Secka’s determination and message serve as a reminder of the value of self-reliance and perseverance in the face of challenges.

“I like Jammeh, Except for the Killings.” The Moral Crime of Romanticizing Jammeh’s Terror

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray

Imagine sitting in your Paris apartment, thousands of miles from home, where you were living while studying, when your sister’s call shatters your world. Her voice, broken by uncontrollable sobs, delivers the words that will forever divide your life into before and after: “They have killed dad.” For Baba Hydara, this wasn’t just a nightmare – it was December 16, 2004, the day he learned his father, Deyda Hydara, a fearless critic of Yahya Jammeh’s regime and co-founder of The Point newspaper, would never write another word. Hours passed as the young man tried to process the unthinkable. His father, a journalist who championed press freedom and refused to be silenced, had been murdered. (According to TRRC testimony in 2019, former member of the “Junglers” hit squad, Lieutenant Malick Jatta, testified that former President Yahya Jammeh had ordered Deyda Hydara’s assassination in December 2004.)

Now, consider this: must one experience the loss of a loved one, suffer extrajudicial killings, torture, or corruption, to understand the full extent of Yahya Jammeh’s crimes? Is it necessary to experience his atrocities firsthand to empathize with the victims of his rule or to understand why longing for his return only deepens the wounds of a nation struggling to rebuild itself? For some, nostalgia for Jammeh’s rule may reflect dissatisfaction with the present rather than an honest appraisal of the past. For others, could nostalgia hint at a deeper and more troubling connection – do they see aspects of themselves in Jammeh? Moreover, is the longing for his era rooted in a desire for stability, or does it stem from an unwillingness to confront the harsh truths of his regime?

Dissatisfaction with our current government – marked by economic challenges and allegations of corruption throughout the system – undoubtedly and in part fuels this sentiment. President Barrow’s leadership is perceived by some as lenient towards the corruption of his loyalists, creating a contrast with Jammeh, who, despite documented evidence of his own corruption, was known to publicly punish misconduct from others, including officials from within his own inner circle. Many view Jammeh’s era as one where “just one person” was corrupt, as opposed to the widespread malpractice they see today.

But should dissatisfaction with the present lead us to wish for a return to a Jammeh-like era? Instead of revisiting a painful past, shouldn’t we aspire to something better? Given the documented harm he inflicted on countless Gambians, wishing for his return feels like a betrayal of the victims of his rule. Our frustrations should push us toward demanding progress, whether from current leaders or emerging ones who can guide The Gambia toward a brighter future.

Jammeh ruled for 22 years (1994-2016), a period marked by fear, oppression, and atrocities that must never be forgotten. While some reflect nostalgically on his era, it is crucial to confront the harsh realities of his rule through documented accounts and testimonies. Many argue, “I like Jammeh, except for the killings,” attempting to separate his reign’s positive elements from the brutal atrocities. However, this mindset overlooks the profound suffering experienced by countless Gambians under his leadership. As the Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparations Commission (TRRC) revealed, Jammeh’s crimes were not isolated; they were systemic, impacting not only the victims directly harmed but also the fabric of the nation itself. Acknowledging the past, no matter how uncomfortable, is essential for healing and moving forward as a country.

Jammeh’s regime was defined by human rights abuses. Extrajudicial killings targeted political opponents, activists, and journalists. According to Human Rights Watch’s 2006 report, nine prisoners were executed without fair trials in 2005, reflecting the impunity of his administration. Similarly, Solo Sandeng, an opposition leader, was arrested after leading a peaceful protest in 2016. According to TRRC testimony, he was tortured to death in custody, with witnesses implicating Jammeh’s direct orders.

Torture, unlawful detentions, and enforced disappearances were common tools of his governance. According to local and Amnesty International reports, journalist Chief Ebrima Manneh disappeared in 2006 after being arrested and was never seen again. During TRRC hearings between 2019 and 2021, survivors of detention centers like the notorious NIA headquarters provided detailed testimony of systematic abuse.

Corruption was extensively documented under Jammeh’s rule. The 2019 Janneh Commission report revealed that Jammeh misappropriated over $1 billion during his presidency, using these funds to finance his lifestyle while ordinary Gambians suffered economic hardship. Despite all the evidence showing he stole from the country’s coffers, Jammeh maintained a public image of zero tolerance for misconduct within his ranks, which some nostalgically interpret as discipline.

During Yahya Jammeh’s tenure, freedom of expression was severely restricted. According to Reporters Without Borders’ annual reports, The Gambia consistently ranked among the most dangerous places for journalists, with media outlets often shut down and journalists subjected to arrest, torture, or even death. These actions were widely documented by multiple international press freedom organizations. In 2016, under Jammeh, The Gambia ranked 143rd in the World Press Freedom Index, reflecting the dire situation for the press. However, after his departure, the country saw a notable rise in rankings, reaching 50th in 2022, a reflection of significant improvements in the protection of journalists and media freedoms.

One of the most documented episodes of Jammeh’s rule was his witch-hunt campaign. Between 2009 and 2011, according to Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International reports, hundreds of Gambians were accused of witchcraft, detained, and tortured. Victims were forced to drink hallucinogenic concoctions, leading to severe illness and, in some cases, death. These events were extensively documented by human rights organizations and later corroborated by TRRC testimony.

Multiple allegations of predatory behavior toward women emerged during and after Jammeh’s rule. Former beauty queen Fatou “Toufah” Jallow, in a 2019 BBC interview and subsequent TRRC testimony, detailed allegations of rape and sexual assault. Her testimony contributed to mounting evidence presented before the TRRC regarding allegations of systematic sexual violence under his regime.

According to the 2020 report by the Gambia Center for Victims of Human Rights Violations, land confiscation was another documented feature of his government, with cases of lands being seized without due process to benefit Jammeh’s allies or for his personal use, leaving families displaced and powerless.

Political dissent faced severe repercussions, according to multiple human rights organizations’ reports. Opposition leader Ousainou Darboe of the United Democratic Party (UDP) faced documented cases of arrest and harassment. International media outlets, including The Guardian and Reuters, regularly reported on these repressive tactics throughout Jammeh’s rule.

Electoral integrity was consistently questioned. African Union and Commonwealth observer missions regularly reported concerns about electoral irregularities, documenting instances of opposition member arrests and voter intimidation during multiple election cycles.

These incidents, documented by reputable organizations and corroborated by individuals who testified before the TRRC, form a clear pattern of governance that prioritized power over people. Nostalgia for Jammeh’s rule ignores the extensively documented evidence of harm inflicted on thousands of Gambians and the nation as a whole.

Such nostalgia thus and once again raises the broad and important question: is it driven by ignorance of his crimes, or are we willing to overlook justice and human dignity for a false sense of order? History holds the answers, and it is our responsibility to remember. Dissatisfaction with the present does not justify longing for the past. Instead, we must channel our frustrations into demanding better governance and greater accountability from those in power.

Is Today the Day Pep Realizes How Doomed He Really Is?

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Manchester City’s season is falling apart. Last Wednesday’s 2-0 loss to Juventus in the Champions League only added to their struggles, with just one win in their last 10 games.

City currently sit 5th in the Premier League, nine points behind Liverpool. This afternoon, they face a challenging Manchester United side in the derby. Today could be the moment Pep Guardiola comes to terms with the reality that Manchester City’s title hopes are slipping away. Or, will he manage to turn things around and break their bad luck?

Guardiola has pointed to the congested fixture schedule as a key factor in his team’s struggles, stating during a press conference on December 13, “This calendar has more games than ever, and we have more injuries than ever.”

Atlético Madrid Secures Omar Janneh’s Future with New Contract Until 2028

By: The Fatu Network Editorial

Italian football journalist and transfer expert Fabrizio Romano announced that Atlético Madrid has agreed to a new deal with Spanish-born Gambian Omar Janneh, a “talented striker who scored 5 goals in 6 Youth League games.”
According to Romano, Omar’s “new contract will be valid until June 2028.”

Pep’s Woes Deepen

By: The Fatu Network Editorial

Manchester City suffered a 2-0 defeat against Juventus during yesterday’s UEFA Champions League match, leaving them precariously positioned just one point clear of the elimination zone and three spots above it. With only one victory in their last 10 games, their next challenge comes against Ruben Amorim’s Manchester United.

KAC Chairman Tunkara: We’ve ‘appointed seven women to the tribunal court’ – Exclusive insights on transforming KAC

By Alieu Jallow

Papa Tunkara, the Chairman of the Kerewan Area Council, in an exclusive interview discussed with The Fatu Network his journey from obscurity to leading a vibrant and functional council, reflecting on the challenges he faced as a former ward councillor of Farafenni, the strategic initiatives that fuelled their success, and his vision for the future.

He explained that when he took office, he inherited a council struggling with significant issues, including limited resources, inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of community engagement.

“The time we came into office, we made inquiries through the director of finance and the former CEO who were here. It was only D400,000 I found in our account which was very limited, and it was the end of the month and paying salaries was challenging. So, after a meeting with my council, we decided to go out with my councillors to make collections from the various markets and ‘lumos’ to test and gauge the amount the collectors were collecting a day.”

Guided by perseverance, the KAC Chairman embarked on a mission to transform the council. A pivotal strategy he employed was the establishment of a transparency and accountability framework to mitigate financial discrepancies.

“From my experience as a former ward councillor and the chairman of the finance committee, when I just came, I knew that what they were generating and what was on the ground was different. That [is] why I mobilised my councillors and started the collection. When we did this, we doubled the amount they used to collect. Secondly, in those days the collectors did not bank but kept the money in their offices and personal custody and when the need arose, they were called to complete a transaction, but I decided to stop it completely. I instructed them to bank all the monies they collected daily as it will help us to account for finances,” he said.

Chairman Tunkara further emphasized the council’s struggles with mobility, leading him and the CEO to resort to using their personal vehicles for the council’s official duties.

“We came and realised that there was no vehicle that was road-worthy again. We used our vehicles [and] eventually those vehicles got stuck, but we had to negotiate with Super Sonic to [get a] loan [to] buy vehicles which we are using now and paying by instalment,” Tunkara told The Fatu Network.

Today, the Kerewan Area Council serves as an exemplar of effective governance, highlighting the significance of women’s empowerment through the appointment of seven women to the tribunal court.

“We realised that there were no women representatives in the tribunal court which is very bad because a female may have an issue and cannot discuss that with a man, so we deemed it necessary and appointed seven women in the tribunal court,” he said

The Kerewan Area Council’s ongoing evolution stands as a testament to the power of dedicated leadership and community engagement, transforming a previously underperforming council into a dynamic centre of progress and optimism for the coming generations.

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