Tuesday, July 29, 2025
Home Blog

Opinion: It’s Time We Talk About Our Traditions

By: Seringe ST Touray

The Introduction

The second most feared title in today’s Gambian society is the title of “Njeke.” The Njeke acts as the maid of honor, culturally, serving as a wedding bride’s companion or confidant. She supports the bride emotionally and practically, assisting with wedding preparations and rituals, and representing her in key interactions. The most feared title is “Yai,” meaning ‘mother,’ or ‘mother of the night.’ The bearer of this title guides the bride through the cultural traditions, provides advice on marital responsibilities, and ensures emotional and ceremonial support throughout the wedding process.

On the surface, these roles and responsibilities seem justifiable. Look closer, and you’ll find the unspoken practices of how culture is monetized to bankroll a perfectly prevalent and discriminatory caste system unfolding before our eyes. The social hierarchy comprises the Freeborn (Géer) ruling class, Artisans (Ñeeño), who are traditionally skilled workers (such as Griots, Blacksmiths, and Leatherworkers), servile groups (Jaams), who serve the Freeborn often as laborers or in domestic roles, and, in some cases, religious leaders who hold a respected and separate status.

To add to an already problematic system, the infusion of money has dragged culture to new depths, where many are compelled socially and emotionally to empty their savings to give to a distant relative they’ve never heard of, only to sleep in the dark because they can’t afford electricity. Class-based pride, flamboyance, and an essentially ‘showing off’ attitude have taken our society by storm, with almost every participant silently complaining about the absurd system behind closed doors, yet putting on pretend smiles as they answer the call of their true gods – namely, the cultures and traditions they despise but won’t denounce publicly. To many, the misfortune of being named a Njeke or a Yai seems like a call to a higher cultural power, but one which brings devastating financial consequences.

The Vicious Cycle

The culture of monetary contributions in some of our local traditional weddings creates a cycle of obligation rather than choice, where giving money is an unwritten yet socially enforceable contract. When extended family sends money for a wedding, they expect the same or more when their own children marry. Over time, and historically, inflation and economic downturns make monetary contributions harder to reciprocate, turning this tradition into a burden. This mirrors how banks traditionally lend money with the expectation of interest, knowing the repayment value will potentially exceed the loan. Both systems benefit from changing monetary value favouring the lender while disadvantaging the borrower. This is not to say that all participants are unwilling. In many cases, families will, while expressively dreading every moment among their own trusted inner circle within the extended family, harness their last savings to pour into the tension-filled culture over their own family obligations, from children’s school fees, utility bills, medical bills, and general comfort.

The pressure to contribute financially to wedding ceremonies, especially for those holding the titles of Njeke or Yai, can be devastating. The expectation of financial generosity often forces them to dip into savings meant for other life necessities, creating a cycle of stress and emotional strain as they try to meet these cultural obligations.

The Collector

The bookkeeper, or better known as “The Collector,” manages contributions from guests. They record financial gifts given by attendees, typically announced publicly, sometimes with a loud speaker during the ceremony, along with the names of those who gave money. The official opinion is that this practice is rooted in the culture of transparency, accountability, and acknowledgement. Unofficially – it segregates those that have, and those that have less in a spectacularly classist display. These announcements create intense competition, resulting in pressure. Gifts and contributions to the extended family are largely seen as mandatory regardless of one’s financial situation, forcing people to participate in a culture where their own significance is determined by their financial worth. To some, this is seen as counterproductive to celebrating love, but rather to appease culture. In fact, some families reject their daughter’s choice of partner if her partner’s financial situation doesn’t accommodate such lavish cultural displays – unapologetically choosing waste over affection.

The role of the Njeke or Yai in this environment is especially precarious, as they are expected to maintain appearances and uphold tradition, often at the cost of their own financial well-being. The pressure to contribute financial gifts places them in a difficult position, especially when their own financial resources are limited.

The Extravagance

Disclaimer: this part may be considered sensitive, as it’s grounded in a religious context. In exploring the culture of lavish spending on wedding ceremonies in an economy that cries itself to sleep, I reflected on what motivates people in The Gambia – culture, or religion. The clever ones will say that since religion is a way of life, our culture is a byproduct of our religion. The problem is – this could not be further from the truth. According to a 2023 Report on International Religious Freedom by the United States Department of State, about 96% of our population are Muslims, mainly Sunni, with about 3% Christians, mainly Roman Catholics. Both religious scriptures condemn the attitude of lavish spending and senseless extravagance as a whole.

The Quran, for example, unequivocally teaches that extravagance for the sake of status or self-indulgence is harmful. Surah Al-Isra (17:26-27) (Sahih International) teaches, “And give the relative his right, and also the poor and the traveler, and do not spend wastefully. Indeed, the wasteful are brothers of the devils, and ever has Satan been to his Lord ungrateful.” The verse, linking wasteful spending to negative traits, is similar to Christian teachings against the pursuit of earthly wealth and status. However, without much knowledge or background on Christianity, regrettably, I leave that to a more informed audience to contextualize better. Here’s the point overall – a society that prides itself on religious doctrines has now largely allowed itself, much like with politics, to be governed by materialism.

The financial pressures linked to traditional roles like Njeke and Yai contribute to this materialistic mindset, as these titles are often associated with extravagant expectations that require substantial monetary contributions. The prioritization of material wealth in these cultural and religious contexts has put immense financial strain on those expected to fulfill these roles.

The Conclusion

This prioritization of materialistic culture over faith-based morality or morality as a whole is reminiscent of how many people engage in acts of social contribution, but only for the praise and recognition. It’s reasonable to believe that the titles ‘Njeke’ and ‘Yai,’ originally intended as harmless practices for support, transparency, accountability, and acknowledgment, have over time become increasingly defined by status and materialism, much like many of our most significant institutions.

In fact, over the course of writing this opinion piece, I spoke to many people who directly or indirectly participated in the culture of flamboyance, specifically pertaining to marriage, and all agreed that the material focus on our cultures is an insidious threat. Yet, when you tell them it’s morally wrong to prioritize materialism, what do they say? ‘Everyone else does it…’ or ‘kum nehut bokut’ – a Wollof phrase meaning ‘those who oppose the system do so because they’re not part of it,’ a condemnatory statement that conveniently overlooks the moral aspect. And my personal favourite: ‘You can’t do everything right.’ Unfortunately, I have to give this one to them – much as it pains me to admit it!

The ironic karma in all of this, though, is that no matter how much effort you put in appeasing certain culture, you can never truly satisfy it. Instead, such culture will judge you for even trying, focus on your lows instead of your highs, and whisper about your misfortunes, if any. A more reliable path to happiness is pragmatism, and for the religious, both pragmatism and faith. The most unproductive path to happiness is worrying about what everyone else will think, or say.

Safeguarding the National Interest: Transparency at a Crossroads for FAR Ltd. and PetroNor—Governance and Accountability in The Gambia’s Oil and Gas Sector

By: Ousman F. M’Bai
Financial Crime, Regulation & International Asset Recovery Lawyer/UK
Founder: ProffMaXX (Gambia) Ltd (Ground Water Drilling, Exploration & Production)

After the Raid: FAR Ltd.’s Sudden Exit from The Gambia

FAR Limited
Chairman’s Review: Annual Report: 31 December 2023.

The Gambia Blocks A2 and A5

‘The Company has successfully negotiated with The Gambia Government for an extension to the permit term of Blocks A2 and A5 for an additional 12 months, a substantial reduction in the permit statutory costs, and no obligation for expenditure on the licence for a 12 month period commencing on 1 April 2023.

The Company undertook a remarketing of Blocks A2 and A5, with the substantially lower fixed permit statutory cost structure. The marketing efforts were unsuccessful, and after year end, the Company has surrendered Blocks A2 and A5 and closed its office in The Gambia’.

This passage confirms that FAR Ltd. made a sudden, unannounced exit from The Gambia, relinquishing its rights to licence blocks A2 and A5. Their abrupt departure, like a vessel leaving port under cover of night, left The Gambia facing more than just financial loss—it was a blow that reverberated across the nation.

When FAR Ltd., a relatively obscure company with no significant hydrocarbon experience, first acquired 100% of The Gambia’s A2 and A5 licence blocks, few raised concerns. The nation, like many others, was captivated by the prospect of an oil and gas discovery similar to the SNE Sangomar field. FAR Ltd.’s tenuous association with that field was enough to roll out the red carpet. However, the goodwill of The Gambia’s government was not reciprocated. As time would reveal, FAR Ltd. merely used The Gambia as a bargaining tool for its own financial advantage, ultimately sacrificing the country’s economic interest by declaring that the A2 and A5 blocks were not extensions of the SNE Sangomar oil and gas field. With this simple yet devastating assertion, The Gambia was denied its rightful stake in a shared reservoir within the A2 block of the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin, which straddles the maritime boundaries of both countries, as indicated by 3D seismic data.

Like any shrewd operator, FAR Ltd. shielded itself from potential legal repercussions by securing a release agreement from The Gambia’s government. This agreement allowed FAR Ltd. to scuttle away without facing penalties, fees, or any liability for the licence blocks it had surrendered. It is difficult to comprehend how such an agreement could have been made, considering the national interest at stake. The arrangement reflects a troubling exploitation of The Gambia, potentially facilitated by enablers who ensured FAR Ltd.’s preferential treatment. This situation underscores FAR Ltd.’s troubling impact on The Gambia. The exploitative traits embodied by figures like Tippu Tip continue to resonate in modern Africa, just as they did one hundred and fifty years ago.

Background: FAR Ltd. and The Gambia

FAR Ltd. arrived in The Gambia in 2016, at a time when the country was experiencing political instability. It was granted licences for the A2 and A5 blocks, believed to be hydrocarbon-bearing, with the A2 mapped on 3D seismic data as a contiguous extension of the SNE Sangomar field. At the time, FAR Ltd. held a 13% stake in the Sangomar field, alongside joint venture partners Woodside Energy and Petrosen.

Despite these associations, FAR Ltd. lacked both the capital and operational capacity required to advance exploration efforts independently. Consequently, it brought in Petronas under a joint arrangement to fund the exploration work.

Despite lacking experience as an operator, FAR Ltd. proceeded to drill its first well, Samo, in the A5 block in 2018, claiming to have found only oil shows. In 2021, it claimed to have drilled a second well, Bambo, in the A2 block, again asserting that oil was not found in the primary well, though it did identify oil that was deemed commercially non-viable in the secondary sidetrack. These ambiguous results and FAR Ltd.’s inexperience raised serious concerns about the credibility of its findings.

In the lead-up to the Bambo drilling, FAR Ltd. was embroiled in negotiations with Woodside Energy over a default notice issued due to FAR Ltd.’s non-payment of its capital call on its SNE Sangomar stake. The notice put FAR Ltd. at risk of losing its entire stake without compensation. Against this backdrop of uncertainty, FAR Ltd. sold its stake in the SNE Sangomar field to Woodside Energy for $126 million in 2020, with full payment received in July 2021. This sum was in addition to a guaranteed future payment of $55 million, payable by 2027. However, despite being aware of the 3D seismic data indicating that the SNE Sangomar reservoirs extended into The Gambia’s A2 block, it appears that neither Woodside Energy, Petronas, nor Petrosen conducted any due diligence to validate FAR Ltd.’s drilling results in The Gambia. Perhaps the timing was strategic: by concluding the deal before FAR Ltd.’s drilling activities in The Gambia, Woodside Energy may have aimed to absolve itself of any due diligence responsibility.

A year after the deal, Petronas quietly divested its stake in The Gambia, selling it back to FAR Ltd. before exiting the country. FAR Ltd. reacquired a full interest in the blocks and secured a 12-month permit extension from The Gambia’s government, with terms that were remarkably beneficial, including reduced statutory costs and no expenditure obligations for the period starting in April 2023.

In what resembles an attempt to accelerate financial gains, FAR Ltd. appears unwilling to wait until the maturity date of the $55m payment in 2027. Instead, the company has engaged Gneiss Energy Limited, a UK-based corporate finance advisory firm specialising in the energy sector, to help market and sell the contingent $55m payment owed by Woodside Energy. This raises the question: what’s the rush?

Specifics of the Local Legal Environment in The Gambia and How It Has Played a Role in Oil and Gas Sector

The local legal environment in The Gambia is small and concentrated within a 25 – kilometre radius. The legal profession operates as a fused system, meaning there is no distinction between the roles of barristers (advocates) and solicitors (transactional lawyers). While many law firms are referred to as ‘chambers,’ most are sole practices focused primarily on general local law matters. In instances where a practice has more than two members, with the exception of a few, the additional members are often family, either parental or otherwise. These firms generally lack the necessary legal research facilities and IT infrastructure to meet the demands of international clients, particularly in complex oil and gas transactions.

There are only a few ‘firms’ that seem to have made significant breakthroughs in this sector, and these are generally practices with some connection to foreign firms.

Overall, the local legal environment lacks the specialised technical expertise required to handle complex transactions, particularly in oil and gas. As a result, there is a heavy reliance on foreign advisory firms, mainly based in the UK, for technical assistance.

However, even when foreign expertise is brought in, its effectiveness is often undermined by entrenched practices within the local legal system. These practices include conflicts of interest and a failure to differentiate between confidentiality, legal privilege, and regulatory disclosure requirements. At the heart of this issue is the imbalance created by well remunerated law firms, pitted against a timid, unimaginative, and underpaid civil service, too willing to sacrifice national interests without due consideration.

These issues have caused significant harm to the success of foreign direct investment in The Gambia, and in many cases, have stunted the country’s development objectives.

The Key Players: Amie Bensouda & Co LLP

One of the leading legal practices in The Gambia is Amie Bensouda & Co LLP, founded in 1995 by Ms. Amie Bensouda as a sole practice. Around 2007, her son, Aziz Bensouda, joined the firm, later becoming a partner. To this day, it remains a small family-run practice supported by a network of professionals across government, banking, accounting, insurance and media sector giving it unparalleled local reach.

While Ms. Bensouda’s legal skills have been central to her practice’s success, her extensive network within The Gambia’s public institutions has also played a significant role. Entering the legal field in the early 1980s, she held key positions within the Ministry of Justice, including heading the Civil and Company Law Division, which brought her into close contact with influential figures across government. She later served as Solicitor-General and briefly held the position of Attorney General in 1994, during the transition period following the military coup led by Yahya Jammeh.

Evidence presented at The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) revealed that Ms. Bensouda drafted the decree that legitimised Jammeh’s seizure of power. She justified her actions as a damage control effort to prevent further destabilisation by what she described as a dangerously erratic Jammeh.

Her appointment as Lead Counsel to the Janneh Commission—a body established to investigate President Jammeh’s illicitly acquired wealth —was noted by many ethical observers with interest. During her tenure, questions arose regarding the process for disposing of Jammeh’s seized assets. A professional disagreement emerged with the Secretary to the Commission, a respected financial expert, who reportedly raised concerns over the asset disposal approach in a memo. The then Attorney General, Mr Ba Tambedou, subsequently removed the Secretary from his position. According to public reports, assets valued at up to $1 billion were disposed of by the Commission at significantly reduced amounts, a process that drew criticism from various quarters for perceived issues with transparency and fairness, impacting the national treasury. While the role of Lead Counsel did not confer authority over asset disposal, which remained the Commission’s responsibility, these developments underscore the importance of clear, accountable processes in such high-stakes matters.

Ms. Bensouda’s brother, Habid Drammeh, also held several influential positions, including Minister of the Interior in 2017, Secretary General of The Gambia Civil Service between February and September 2018, Director General of The Gambia Tourism Authority in the early 2000s, and Director General of the Gambia Transport Service Commission.

When FAR Ltd. arrived in The Gambia, Ms. Bensouda was already retained as local counsel for several parastatals and the country’s largest local authority. In a close-knit society like The Gambia, where social structures are informal, her deep connections and prominent status provided her with significant access to the corridors of power, aligning her with the classic definition of a domestic PEP. It is therefore unsurprising that FAR Ltd. retained her son, Aziz Bensouda, as local counsel. Aziz’s practice benefits from extensive familial and established professional networks, which may make it challenging to assess his independent legal expertise.

Profile of the Pseudo Uncle and Nephew – The Two Cousins

Fafa Sanyang, currently The Gambia’s Ambassador to the UAE, served as Minister of Energy and Petroleum from 10 April 2017 until 4 May 2022, when he was replaced by Abdou Jobe. The current officeholder is Nani Juwara. Sanyang (not worthy of the title Mr.) is reportedly a cousin of Jerreh Barrow (unrelated to President Adama Barrow), the Director General of The Gambia Petroleum Commission. Both Sanyang and Barrow benefitted from government-sponsored opportunities to advance their studies in specialised fields in preparation for their public service roles. However, their tenures have been marked by colossal incompetence, resulting in disastrous consequences for The Gambia’s energy and petroleum sectors.

Sanyang holds a bachelor’s degree in geology from the University of Sierra Leone (1989), a master’s degree in marine management from Dalhousie University, Canada (1997), and another master’s degree in engineering geology from the University of Leeds. He also claims to be a fellow of the Geological Society of London, though the relevance of this credential remains questionable. According to his Wikipedia page, Sanyang oversaw a $165 million deal between the National Water and Electricity Company (NAWEC) and Sinohydro Corporation in April 2017. However, details of this deal are conspicuously absent from public records.

Sanyang ensured that his cousin, Jerreh Barrow, received prestigious scholarships, and his career progression within the departments Sanyang headed was virtually guaranteed as he steadily climbed the ranks. Jerreh Barrow claims to hold a master’s degree in applied geophysics from Chiang Mai University (2008) and a bachelor’s degree in geology from the University of Ghana, Legon (2004). He has held various positions within The Gambia’s Geology Department, including Deputy Director, before being appointed Commissioner of Petroleum in 2015, a position he continues to hold. While his role in 2015 carried less authority, the situation changed dramatically under his cousin’s leadership at the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum. Sanyang’s tenure as Minister set in motion a series of actions culminating in the enactment of the Petroleum Commission Act of 2021. This legislation created a near-fiefdom, centralising significant power in the hands of the Commissioner and granting him unrestrained authority over all matters related to petroleum, oil, and gas exploration, development, and production.

Under this new framework, the Commissioner has emerged as a central figure and power broker, reducing the ministry and other related departments to mere rubber- stamping functions. Although Jerreh Barrow was not directly appointed to succeed his uncle as Minister, the institutional structure was manipulated to ensure that he retained significant influence. In essence, the Commissioner’s office holds the central authority, allowing Barrow and his uncle to shape the narrative surrounding the country’s oil and gas prospects. This consolidation of power has set The Gambia on a path to failure, as placing such authority in incompetent hands inevitably jeopardises the national interest.

From Partial Stake to Full Control: FAR Ltd.’s Acquisition of Blocks A2 and A5

At the time of FAR Ltd.’s arrival in The Gambia, the country’s oil and gas prospects were largely shaped by the actions and omissions of key individuals in positions of authority. Among these influential actors were the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice at the time Ba Tambedou, as well as the Petroleum Negotiation Committee, which became involved later. From the outset, nepotism was a notable structural flaw. The emergence of a troubling family connection—a domestic PEP mother and son and a pseudo uncle- nephew (or cousins)—further complicated matters. Central to these concerns was FAR Ltd.’s acquisition of The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks, licences previously held by Erin Energy.

FAR Ltd.’s arrival coincided with Erin Energy’s liquidity crisis, which led to Erin selling 80% of its licence to FAR Ltd. for $13 million. Of this, $5 million was paid in cash, with the remainder structured as costs to be incurred by FAR Ltd. A key issue arose regarding the remaining 20% interest held by Erin Energy. Some internal discussions among stakeholders reportedly touched upon concerns that a perceived defect in the Model Licence Agreement might limit the government’s ability to acquire the remaining interest. Subsequent negotiations, involving various government offices, ultimately led to FAR Ltd. acquiring this 20% share for $4 million—a sum viewed by some as significantly below the interest’s potential value. Observers have since questioned whether the legal advice surrounding this transaction received sufficient scrutiny and whether alternative interpretations were considered by relevant governmental offices, including the Attorney-General and Ministry of Justice.

In 2017, the Africa Legal Support Facility (ALSF) engaged Bryan Cave Leighton Paisner (BCLP), Johnny West of Open Oil as a consultant, and local counsel—including Aziz Bensouda—to review the legal and fiscal frameworks governing petroleum projects. The objective was to renegotiate petroleum licences with international oil companies, but this arrangement raised serious concerns about a potential conflict of interest, given Bensouda’s dual role as counsel for FAR (Gambia Ltd), whose parent company FAR Ltd. had a history of seeking to amend contracts in its favour.

From the moment FAR Ltd. was granted the licences for A2 and A5 blocks, its poor financial standing and lack of expertise in exploration quickly became apparent. This raises serious concerns about the rigour with which The Gambia’s Petroleum Commission, as the regulator, vetted FAR Ltd. against internationally established investment criteria for oil and gas licence acquisition. While FAR Ltd.’s marketing pitch may have invoked optimism about its potential to deliver for The Gambia, this did not justify the reckless disregard for caution that followed.

The Petroleum Commission, under its powers set out in the 2021 Act, plays a pivotal role before any licence is granted. It is required to liaise with the Petroleum Negotiating Committee and the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum, presenting all relevant facts about any application. The Negotiating Committee, chaired by none other than the Commissioner of Petroleum, Jerreh Barrow, is composed of representatives from key institutions, including the Ministry of Finance, Gambia Revenue Authority, GIEPA, PURA and The Gambia Maritime Authority. Any concerns regarding licences or the general operation of oil and gas exploration must be reported to the Ministry of Petroleum, with legal advice sought first from the Commission’s in-house counsel and, if necessary, from the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice.

Additionally, the Commission is tasked with overseeing all exploration rights, including scheduling regular supervision and review meetings to assess licensees’ fulfilment of obligations. Such reviews must be thoroughly documented, with detailed agendas and accurate records of discussions and decisions.

Drilling Operations and Data Transparency: FAR Ltd.’s Denial of Verification Access

An effective and well-managed Petroleum Commission would maintain a vigilant interest in FAR Ltd.’s drilling activities, particularly following the unsuccessful Samo well. However, FAR Ltd. operated with little meaningful independent oversight or supervision. During the drilling of the Bambo well, although a small number of officials from the Ministry of Petroleum were allowed on the drill ship, they were denied access to crucial verification points, including data generated during drilling. The licensing regime granted FAR Ltd. ownership and custody rights over all drilling logs and data, which significantly undermined The Gambia’s ability to verify the accuracy of the drilling information in real-time. FAR Ltd.’s brazen refusal to allow verification of its drilling data has jeopardised the national interest.

The drilling reports submitted by FAR Ltd. were alarmingly inadequate and lacked detail, being accessible only to Jerreh Barrow and the Minister of Energy and Petroleum, Abdou Jobe. These reports contained no well logs, pressure data, seismic information or crucially well coordinates (i.e. the precise location of the wells drilled). Moreover, FAR Ltd. promptly plugged the wells after drilling, making any further independent examination impossible. To make matters worse, FAR Ltd. unilaterally designated the Bambo well and its side-track as a ‘tight hole,’ refusing to make any public disclosures about it. This raises serious concerns about FAR Ltd.’s operational competence and integrity. Following the surrender of its licence, the rights to the data reverted to The Gambia; however, none of the limited data left behind has met integrity parameter tests, further casting doubt on its reliability. FAR Ltd.’s claim that the SNE Sangomar field does not extend into The Gambia’s A2 block must be investigated and should be legally challenged by any future Gambian government if Woodside Energy and Petrosen fail to establish the truth sooner.

Examining Conflicts of Interest: An In-Depth Analysis

Upholding ethical and legal standards in the oil and gas sector is critical, particularly given the enormous financial stakes involved. Conflicts of interest, in all their forms, incentivise corruption and place national interests at significant risk. They can potentially arise from unrestrained hiring of the children of domestic PEPs, when legal practitioners represent both private corporations and public bodies, or when family members hold key government positions, potentially overseeing one another. Such situations raise serious concerns about compromised loyalty, improper influence, and personal gain.

A relevant example of the risks associated with conflicts of interest in the oil and gas industry is the Halliburton scandal in Nigeria. Halliburton and its subsidiary KBR were found to have bribed Nigerian officials to secure multi-billion-dollar contracts for constructing liquefied natural gas facilities. The improper relationships between corporations and government officials in this case resulted in significant financial harm and compromised Nigeria’s national interests. Halliburton was eventually fined $1.5 billion, underscoring the severe legal consequences of international scrutiny when conflicts of interest and corruption are uncovered.

FAR Ltd., Local Counsel and The Petroleum Commission: What’s at Stake?

FAR Ltd.’s business strategy in the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin aimed to maximise returns with minimal investment. To achieve this, the company deployed key personnel from its Senior management team to both Senegal and The Gambia. While Cath Norman ingratiated herself within the corridors of power in Senegal, Rolf Stork operated in The Gambia as a facilitator, coordinating interactions between the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum and the Petroleum Commission, all the while being strategically guided by local counsel on local law matters. Both individuals demonstrated remarkable agility and stealth. Cath Norman succeeded in forging a close relationship with the then President of Senegal, Macky Sall, while Rolf Stork played a facilitative role in The Gambia, liaising with the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum and the Petroleum Commission.

Although Stork did not have direct access to former President Yahya Jammeh or current President Adama Barrow, he developed working relationships with notable figures such as Jerreh Barrow, Fafa Sanyang, and the Bensoudas. These interactions proved advantageous for FAR Ltd. In Senegal, Cath Norman secured a $126 million cash payment for FAR Ltd. from Woodside Energy, while in The Gambia, Rolf Stork negotiated a licence extension before FAR Ltd.’s eventual exit from the country without incurring penalties or liabilities.

The nature of these relationships, particularly involving Jerreh Barrow, Fafa Sanyang, and Aziz Bensouda, raises concerns about whether the national interest was adequately protected during these negotiations. However, there is no suggestion that any of these individuals engaged in unlawful conduct.

Local counsel’s role included registering FAR Ltd.’s subsidiary, FAR (Gambia) Ltd., and negotiating 100% licensing rights in the A2 and A5 blocks. Counsel also facilitated the farm-out of the licence in a joint venture arrangement with Petronas. While these actions appear procedurally correct, questions arise regarding the transparency of financial transactions, particularly as none of the payments were routed through Gambian financial institutions. The absence of such transactions from the public record raises issues of transparency, though there is no evidence of illegal activity.

The Petroleum Commission and the Ministry of Energy held regular meetings with FAR Gambia Ltd., during which the company had legal representation. However, government representation was notably absent, prompting concerns about whether FAR Ltd.’s performance was properly assessed, particularly in light of its failed drilling operations.

After FAR Ltd.’s second failed well, Bambo, the company dismantled most of its operations in The Gambia, leaving Rolf Stork as its primary representative. This sudden operational shift, coupled with the introduction of a new team unfamiliar with previous activities, warrants closer examination whether it was done to conceal information.

Implications for Governance and Accountability – How FAR Ltd Misled The Gambia – Removal of Well Commitments & Penalties

Despite FAR Ltd.’s underperformance in the A2 and A5 blocks, the company requested a two-year licence extension from 1 October 2022, seeking relief from its contractual obligation to drill one well per year. A penalty clause requiring FAR Ltd. to pay $22 million in case of default was included. FAR Ltd. argued for the extension and a waiver of the penalty, claiming that it had drilled two wells—the Bambo well and its side-track—and promised to submit a technical geoscience review.

Though FAR Ltd. did not deliver the geoscience review, hopeless Jerreh Barrow recommended granting the extension and waiving the $22 million penalty. This recommendation was supported by the Petroleum Negotiation Committee and approved by the Minister of Petroleum. While there is no evidence to suggest improper conduct, the lack of independent verification of the side-track well and the failure to obtain critical data raises concerns about the thoroughness of the decision-making process.

Following the extension, FAR Ltd. took a 12-month pause before initiating negotiations to surrender its licence, citing difficulties in securing a joint venture partner. The company requested a waiver of the $4 million statutory cost and proposed no further technical work during the period. Once again, Jerreh Barrow presented FAR Ltd.’s case, asserting that the company had spent over $100 million in The Gambia. However, FAR Ltd. had previously indicated in investor presentations that its joint venture partner, Petronas, funded much of its operational costs. This discrepancy should have warranted further scrutiny, although there is no suggestion that Jerreh Barrow acted improperly.

The drowsy Petroleum Negotiation Committee failed to demand detailed financial records before endorsing the recommendation, and Petroleum Minister Jobe, asleep at the wheel, granted FAR Ltd. a release from its obligations. The lack of public disclosure surrounding these negotiations raises concerns about transparency. However, there is no conclusive evidence of unlawful conduct by any of the parties involved.

The Gambia, a small nation in severe economic distress, makes it difficult to justify how any citizen could agree to waive such substantial costs for FAR Ltd. given that the company received $126 million in payments, with the potential for millions more in the future. By sacrificing the national interest, the state has been deprived of significant financial benefits, especially considering its exclusion from the shared Senegal/Gambia sub-basin reservoirs a direct result of FAR Ltd.’s incompetent drilling programme.

To fully grasp the scale of the financial loss, one must consider the situation in reverse: had The Gambia terminated FAR Ltd.’s licence, the company would have sued for billions, citing the potential value of the undiscovered oil in these blocks. FAR Ltd. would never have waived such a claim without compensation. The actions and decisions of those involved in these negotiations represent a profound betrayal of the trust of the Gambian people.

The PetroNor A4 Licence Block Saga – A Repeat of Past Mistakes?

The handling of the A4 block appears to echo some of the same concerns raised in the FAR Ltd. case, as much of the earlier mentioned assistance provided by the ALSF is being nullified due to a repeat of the same incompetence and reckless disregard for safeguarding the national interest in the A4 block. Following the poorly negotiated settlement in the arbitration case between The Gambia and African Petroleum (now PetroNor), overseen by Fafa Sanyang, Lamin Camara, and Ba Tambedou, the implications for The Gambia could not be worse.

In this settlement, PetroNor was granted 100% of the rights to the highly valuable A4 block, with a significantly reduced signature bonus of $4 million and a 30-year lease over the block in the event of a discovery. To put this in perspective, BP paid a $10 million signature bonus for the A1 block alone. Moreover, PetroNor was exempted from paying the signature bonus for the first 12 months, and this waiver has been extended multiple times as PetroNor has consistently failed to make the payment and has done next to nothing with the block.

The result of this settlement, combined with the Petroleum Commission’s lack of enforcement rigor, has left the nation shackled, much like Tippu Tip did to our forebears. Consequently, The Gambia is being deprived of the opportunity to advance its oil and gas exploration potential, as credible and genuinely interested companies are being kept out of the market. The A4 block, located adjacent to BP’s former A1 block, which has yielded excellent seismic data, remains a highly competitive prospect. The degree of incompetence and negligence displayed by Gambians in safeguarding the national interest is truly heart-breaking.

Conclusion: Safeguarding the National Interest

The recurring theme of opacity in the handling of oil and gas transactions presents challenges to governance and accountability in The Gambia. FAR Ltd.’s operations, and the subsequent management of its exit, have raised valid concerns about whether national interests were adequately protected. While no allegations of illegal activity have been substantiated, the processes involved in these transactions highlight the need for improved oversight and transparency.
As noted in a recent Financial Times article, How Culpable Are External Lawyers in Corporate Wrongdoing?, Professor Elise Maizel argued that law firms can play a pivotal role in corporate governance. Although corporations in many jurisdictions are being held to higher standards of accountability, law firms often maintain plausible detachment regarding their clients’ conduct. A similar argument can be made regarding the need for greater responsibility in The Gambia’s energy sector.
Moving forward, it is critical that independent oversight bodies, strict codes of conduct, and full public disclosure be implemented to safeguard The Gambia’s natural resources. Without transparency, the nation risks further losses. It is vital that all parties involved in these negotiations act in the best interests of The Gambia, ensuring that its valuable resources are managed responsibly for the benefit of its people. Cry, beloved Gambia—how much longer must you suffer at the hands of your own people?

Editor’s Note

On 30 October 2024, the Fatu Network sent a detailed list of questions related to issues raised in this article to the following individuals: Fafa Sanyang, Jerreh Barrow, Lamin Camara, Abdoulie Jobe, Kanni Touray, Nani Juwara, Rolf Stork, Ba Tambedou, Dawda Jallow, Ms Amie Bensouda, and Aziz Bensouda. None provided comprehensive answers to the specific questions. Jerreh Barrow submitted a written critique and offered a sit-down interview, while Aziz Bensouda provided a written response jointly with his mother, Ms. Bensouda. Their response is in part summarised as follows:

The statements provided by Ms Bensouda and her firm clarify that she has never represented or advised the Government of The Gambia in matters related to FAR Ltd. or the A2 and A5 licenses. Ms Bensouda’s firm’s involvement has been solely as counsel for FAR Ltd. Her firm’s work is limited to Gambian local matters and does not extend to financial or technical advice. Moreover, they are not familiar with any ‘Master License Agreement’ nor its purported ‘defectiveness.’ For inquiries on waivers, extensions, or commercial decisions, reference should be made to the Petroleum Commission or FAR Ltd. The Government of The Gambian government had engaged international legal and financial experts, ensuring that all actions align with global industry standards, with records accessible from the Ministry of Petroleum and Petroleum Commission.

The Shadow Over West Africa Oil & Gas: A Deep Dive into FAR Ltd, Woodside Energy, Petronas, and Petrosen’s Accountability in The Gambia

By: Ousman F. M’Bai

Financial Crime, Regulation & International Asset Recovery Lawyer/UK;
Founder: ProffMaXX (Gambia) Ltd (Ground Water Drilling, Exploration & Production)

FAR Ltd: Jeopardising The Gambia’s Oil & Gas Prospects

FAR Ltd.’s handling of The Gambia’s oil and gas prospects in the Senegal/Gambia shared sub-basin has raised serious concerns about its operational competence and judgement that may have negatively impacted the nation’s resource future. Yet, the response from The Gambia’s government and other entities involved has been astonishingly muted. It begs the question: why has there been no investigation into how this debacle was allowed to unfold?

Despite FAR Ltd.’s troubling conduct, it continues to hold its 100% licence stake in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks, with seemingly no repercussions. The Gambia’s government, along with the governments of Senegal, Woodside Energy, and Petronas, have all remained conspicuously silent. The inertia surrounding the matter signals more than mere oversight; it points seemingly to a potential systemic lack of scrutiny and accountability.

The Gambia’s Missed Opportunity and Senegal’s Tainted Windfall

The Gambia’s government, having effectively surrendered the country’s economic sovereignty to Senegal, maintains the position that there are no oil and gas resources in The Gambia. Remarkably, the Petroleum Minister recently issued a communiqué downplaying the nation’s oil and gas potential, reinforcing the false narrative that no significant resources exist within the country. This conclusion—potentially influenced by FAR Ltd.’s poor performance and Senegal’s control over the country’s unsophisticated elites overlooks a crucial fact: the issue is not whether oil is directly found in The Gambia, but rather The Gambia’s undeniable right to a fair share of the resources from the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin, which straddles the maritime boundaries of both countries.

Meanwhile, Senegal and its state-owned oil corporation Petrosen, together with Woodside Energy, celebrate what they claim is a monumental discovery. They proudly assert that this will contribute to Senegal’s sustainable development and provide lucrative returns for investors, notably Woodside Energy. However, they appear to omit critical discussion of how they stand to gain significantly from FAR Ltd.’s controversial claim that the SNE Sangomar oil and gas field does not extend into The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks. The ethical implication of this omission raises significant concerns and questions about transparency in the management of shared resources. At the core of this issue is the exclusion of The Gambia from its rightful share of the sub-basin’s resources. There can be no valid explanation for this mistreatment and exploitation of The Gambia, especially given that Senegal has resource-sharing agreements with both Mauritania to the north of the MSGBC basin and Guinea-Bissau to the south.

3D Seismic Data and FAR Ltd.’s Dubious Findings

Woodside Energy, Petrosen, and Petronas, through its Gambian subsidiary PC(Gambia) Ltd, all possessed clear 3D seismic data indicating that The Gambia’s A2 block is a contiguous extension of the prolific SNE Sangomar field. Yet rather than critically evaluating FAR Ltd.’s findings, these entities accepted without question the conclusions from FAR Ltd.’s failed drilling programme— raising concerns about the adequacy of due diligence.

From the outset, FAR Ltd lacked both the capital and technical expertise necessary for successful exploration. When it entered The Gambia in 2016, the country’s institutions were in disarray. FAR Ltd secured 100% stakes in the A2 and A5 blocks through a deal that has not been fully disclosed, raising concerns about transparency and potential exploitation of weak governance. A strategy often associated with problematic investment practices is to identify a gateway to the heart of government decision- making, then appoint the son, daughter or relative of that individual to represent the so- called investor’s interest.

Facing an inability to meet its obligations, FAR Ltd brought in Petronas as a joint venture partner through its subsidiary PC(Gambia) Ltd. However, Petronas’s presence in The Gambia has been equally shrouded in mystery. It has made no public disclosures, offered no transparency, and failed to release any transactional accounts or information regarding its operations in the country. FAR Ltd.’s assertions are the only source of information on this partnership.

FAR Ltd.’s Inadequate Drilling Programmes

FAR Ltd.’s amateurish approach to drilling was evident in the failure of its first well, Samo, in the A5 block, based on less accurate 2D seismic data or none. Unsurprisingly, FAR’s Chief Geologist admitted they had “drilled low.” Nonetheless, the company reported encountering two structures but failed to disclose any details regarding their relationship to the SNE Sangomar reservoirs. For its second well, Bambo, FAR Ltd concealed significant issues, including a major accident during drilling. Both the primary and secondary wells missed their targets, leading FAR Ltd to wrongly conclude that the Bambo and Soloo prospects were commercially non-viable. This conclusion ignored

clear evidence from 3D seismic data showing that the SNE Sangomar field extends into The Gambia’s A2 block. And FAR Ltd.’s own findings that both prospects have easy access to the prolific source kitchen that feeds oil into the SNE Sangomar field.

FAR Ltd.’s Financial Collapse and The Senegal Deal

Adding to the intrigue, in June 2020, FAR Ltd defaulted on a capital call for its joint venture stake in the SNE Sangomar field. In response, it was forced to sell its 13% stake to Woodside Energy for $126 million in July 2021. This transaction, structured to guarantee FAR Ltd future payments up to $55 million, raises serious questions. It appears that Woodside Energy and Petrosen conducted no meaningful due diligence before finalising this deal, preferring instead to validate FAR Ltd.’s dubious findings and dismiss The Gambia’s rightful claim to a stake in the SNE Sangomar field located inside the Senegal/Gambia sub basin.

Despite repeated requests for clarification from Woodside Energy, Petrosen, and Petronas on their role in this saga, no substantive responses have been provided. Woodside Energy’s reply, in particular, ignored the crux of the matter, deflecting to its pre-emption of FAR’s sale in the Rufisque, Sangomar, and Sangomar Deep (RSSD) joint venture. It made no mention of the default notice served on FAR Ltd, nor did it acknowledge the implications of FAR Ltd.’s actions in The Gambia. The strategic silence on these matters is telling.

FAR Ltd.’s poor financial standing left it ill-prepared to meet its obligations regarding development, production, and royalty payments under its licence, had it confirmed that the SNE Sangomar field extended into The Gambia’s A2 block. Such a finding would have compelled Woodside Energy and Petrosen to acknowledge The Gambia’s shared stake. FAR Ltd.’s ineptitude has effectively made The Gambia the sacrificial lamb.

The Case of Petronas and Lack of Transparency

In August 2022, barely a year after Woodside’s acquisition of FAR Ltd.’s stake, Petronas surrendered its interest in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks back to FAR Ltd for an undisclosed amount. This move raises disturbing questions about the nature of the transaction, the nature of the relationship between Petronas and FAR Ltd and the potential denial of The Gambia its rightful share of the sub-basin’s resources. Petronas has yet to respond to inquiries on whether its actions comply with local and international regulations.

In an era where corporate transparency and accountability are paramount, the actions of Woodside Energy, Petronas, Petrosen, and FAR Ltd stand as an affront to ethical standards. The ongoing denial of The Gambia’s rights to its resources condemns millions of Gambians to perpetual poverty while benefiting a select few. This level of corporate governance raises serious ethical concerns that must be met with international outrage.

Environmental Risks Posed by the FPSO Vessel Near The Gambia’s Territorial Waters

Amidst all of this, The Gambia’s entire maritime coast and ecosystem is exposed to a significant risk of serious pollution from oil spills and leaks due to the presence of the FPSO Leopold Sedar Senghor in close proximity to its territorial waters. An FPSO (Floating, Production, Storage, and Offloading) vessel is a modified oil tanker, redesigned for use at sea as a facility for oil and gas production, processing, storage, and offloading. These vessels are directly connected to production wells deep below the seabed by numerous interlinked pipes, often spanning hundreds of kilometres. The multipurpose function of the vessel, combined with the extensive network of pipes, increases the risk of accidents through leaks and spillage. However, there is no evidence of any coordinated collaboration between The Gambia’s government, the government of Senegal, and Woodside Energy to implement proactive emergency safeguarding measures in the event of an accident.

Paralleling Precedent: The Mozambique Tuna Bonds Case

In the recent landmark corruption case in the High Court Commercial Division in London, the Mozambique “Tuna Bonds” case, Justice Robin Knowles described the scale of the scandal as “nothing short of a tragedy.” He criticised the defendants for focusing solely on their own financial gain, rather than on assisting Mozambique in making the most of its resources.

The parallel with The Gambia is clear. Just as Mozambique was exploited, The Gambia’s vulnerabilities as a small, weak state are being exploited by external entities and internal enablers. The international community must not allow this injustice to persist.

Conclusion: FAR Ltd, Woodside Energy, and The Gambia’s Future

The Gambia’s rightful share of the oil and gas resources in the Senegal/Gambia sub- basin has been sacrificed due to FAR Ltd.’s incompetence and the complacency, if not the lack of action from companies like Woodside Energy, Petrosen, and Petronas. FAR Ltd.’s reacquisition of 100% of The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks has put the nation in a perilous position, effectively holding the country hostage with a gun to its head.

Gambians must not remain silent in the face of this corporate exploitation. The ethical and legal failings of those involved must be addressed, and those who have sought to profit from The Gambia’s resources at its expense must be held accountable.

Woodside Energy, now holding 82% of the RSSD, has the power to right this wrong. However, their willingness to engage meaningfully with the reality of The Gambia’s situation will serve as a true measure of their commitment to justice, transparency, and the right to development. The world is watching.

Editor’s Note: On 28.08.24 The Fatu Network wrote to Woodside Energy, Petrosen and Petronas seeking clarifications and their response to the issues raised in this expose. To date, Petronas and Petrosen have not responded. Woodside Energy provided the following response attributable to a Woodside Energy spokesperson:

‘In December 2020 Woodside exercised pre-emption rights to acquire FAR Senegal’s participating interest in the Rufisque, Sangomar and Sangomar Deep (RSSD) joint venture. The transaction completed in 2021 and in no way related to any of FAR’s assets in The Gambia. Further details can be found in the announcement released to the Australian Securities Exchange at the time of the transaction.’

The Fatu Network wrote to FAR Ltd on 5.08.24 and they have not responded to date.

Whither The Gambia? – The Saga of a Small Nation and its Missing Oil and Gas Resources

By: Ousman F. M’Bai

Financial Crime, Regulation & International Asset Recovery Lawyer/UK
Founder: ProffMaxx (Gambia) Ltd (Ground Water Drilling Exploration & Production)

The MSGBC

The MSGBC basin has been one of the world’s most prolific regions for oil and gas discoveries, until the recent unprecedented oil discovery in Guyana surpassed it. The basin is estimated to hold about two billion barrels of oil and 25 trillion cubic feet of gas. Located onshore and offshore on the Atlantic coast of West Africa, specifically between Mauritania and Guinea Conakry, MSGBC is an acronym for the countries that comprise the onshore part of this geological province with interconnected maritime boundaries: Mauritania, Senegal, The Gambia, Guinea Bissau, and Guinea Conakry.

The basin covers a total land mass of about 340,000 km² and an estimated offshore area of 100,000 km² with water depths between 2000 meters and 4000 meters. This offshore area spans over the AGC (Agence de Gestion et de Coopération entre le Sénégal et la Guinée-Bissau), a joint maritime zone between Senegal and Guinea Bissau.

The basin is not a single continuous span but consists of three major connected subbasins:

  1. Mauritania Offshore Basin: This basin stretches from the north of Mauritania down to the Senegal River in the southern border between Senegal and Mauritania.
  2. Northern or Senegal/Gambia Subbasin: Located between the Senegal River and the River Gambia. The specific area of the subbasin relevant to this article is between the River Gambia and River Saloum.
  3. Southern Senegal/Guinea Bissau Subbasin: Extending south from the river Gambia through the Casamance region into Guinea Bissau.

Geology of the MSGBC Basin

The basin developed in complex stages over millions of years, beginning with the opening of the North Atlantic and the splitting of North America from Eurasia and Africa during the late Permian to Early Triassic period. This process continued into the late Jurassic when the breakup of Africa from South America began, culminating in the opening of the Atlantic, which was completed in the Albian period. Marine deposits began forming in the early Jurassic in Morocco, advancing southward as the sea encroached on the land, reaching the southernmost edge of the basin in the late Jurassic. The rock formation after the split is identified as ranging from the middle Jurassic to the Holocene, consisting of a carbonate-rock unit with varying thicknesses between 2,300 meters and 3,200 meters in the three subbasins.

During the Albian, carbonate rock deposits continued to form progressively in the middle offshore part of the basin, known as the Northern or Senegal/Gambia basin, creating an elevated gradient. This feature is unique to this subbasin and is absent in the northern part of the Mauritania subbasin and the southern part of the Casamance subbasin, which are mostly characterized by deep-water sediments with shallow areas.

Cenomanian rocks, represented by thick marine shales sandwiched between marine sandstones, were deposited after the opening of the Atlantic. Widespread Turonian or Cretaceous rocks, commonly black shales often positive as hydrocarbon source rocks, range in thickness from 50 to 150 meters.

There is a mild westward sloping Mesozoic and Cenozoic platform, with a paleo shelf-edge trend between 35 to 100 km wide in the northwest, which balloons out to the west. It parallels the 2000-meter bathymetric contour before extending south across the Dome Flore offshore Guinea Bissau and Guinea Conakry. To the west of the paleo shelf-edge, in water depths greater than 2000 meters, sedimentary thickness exceeds 12,000 meters, and the formation is characterized by a curved fault plane that dips near the surface towards the edge of the Jurassic to lower Cretaceous platform.

Hydrocarbon Source Rocks in the Basin

The total petroleum system of the basin is made up of three parts. The first part, lying on the Palaeozoic platform deep below sea level, is the lower Palaeozoic. Above this is the Mesozoic-Cenozoic platform, which supports the second part of the sub-salt system, consisting of Triassic and Jurassic source rocks. These rocks are potentially hydrocarbon-bearing, but they are so deep below the seabed that they are difficult to reach, and there has not been any exploration for oil or gas in this system. The third part is the Cretaceous-Tertiary system. These source rocks are confirmed to be hydrocarbon-bearing, and it is where most of the oil discoveries have been made. The Cretaceous-Tertiary system is subdivided into three zones: the lower Cretaceous, the upper Cretaceous, and the Tertiary. The lower Cretaceous is dominated by Aptian and Albian source rocks, the upper Cretaceous features Cenomanian and Turonian source rocks, and the Tertiary is characterized by Senonian-Maastrichtian sandstones.

Discoveries in the Mauritania/Senegal Subbasin

In 2015, Kosmos Energy using 3D seismic data made the largest global discovery of gas in the tortue-1 field which straddles the Mauritania and Senegal maritime boundary. Located at 120km offshore in water depth of 2,850m, the prospect has a projected recoverable gas resource of 15 trillion cubic feet. Further appraisal drilling in the area discovered the Guembeul-1 and Ahmeyim-2 wells in 2016 and the whole complex is now renamed The Greater Tortue Ahmeyim-1(GTA-1). In 2018, Senegal and Mauritania signed an inter-governmental co-operation agreement on an equal split of 50/50 of resource and revenue to develop to production this cross-border gas prospect. The project was given a unique status in 2021 as the GTA ‘National project of strategic importance’. The development is led by BP as operator, Petrosen (Societes des Petroles du Senegal (the Senegal State oil corporation)) SMH (Mauritienne des Hydrocarbon) and Kosmos Energy.

The unprecedented scale of this discovery intensified exploration further offshore in the deeper edges of the MSGBC basin with BP leading its joint venture partner Kosmos Energy. Their efforts paid off massively with the discovery of the Yakaar- Teranga gas field at water depth of 8,364 in northern Senegal. With an estimated 25 trillion cubic feet of recoverable natural gas explorable to 2053, it was flagged as the world’s largest discovery in 2017. These discoveries are a lifeline to Senegal and Mauritania and if the revenue to be generated from them are managed efficiently, it will propel their economic growth for years to come.

Discoveries in the Southern Senegal/Guinea Bissau Subbasin

Guinea Bissau has recently experienced potentially transformative drilling explorations in its 11 offshore blocks within the subbasin. Newly acquired 3D seismic data has identified significant amounts of oil in the shallow reservoirs atop the salt-induced Flore Dome and Gea Dome. These structures are in a vast expanse of water in the Atlantic between latitudes 10.7◦N and 12.5◦N, known as the joint maritime zone between Senegal and Guinea Bissau.

The demarcation of these territorial waters followed a protracted disagreement between the two countries, with Senegal, aware of the natural resource potential of the area, insisting on a perpendicular delimitation of their maritime boundary. The dispute was amicably resolved with the establishment of the Agence de Gestion et de Coopération entre le Sénégal et la Guinée-Bissau (AGC). The AGC’s primary objective is to facilitate collaboration between the two countries in sharing resources to develop the oil and gas prospects in the area.

Recent developments in Guinea Bissau have revealed an underhand deal between the former President of Senegal, Mr. Sall, and his Bissau counterpart, Mr. Embalo, which has caused outrage among Bissau-Guineans concerning the prospective revenue split between the two countries at production. More details on this will follow.

Discoveries in Senegal – The Gambia subbasin – FAN-1, SNE & Sangomar Field

The discovery of the SNE-1 Sangomar field has ignited debate about its exact geographic boundary and whether it extends into The Gambia’s maritime area. These debates intensified in June 2024 when Senegal produced its first oil barrel from a well in the field, making it the newest oil-producing nation in Africa. This journey began in 1960, when the Senghor Government prioritised promoting investment in oil and gas exploration. Although Senegal’s first oil well in DiamNadio in 1960 was not commercially viable, it spurred successive governments to introduce policies attracting foreign investment. Significant reforms began under President Abdou Diouf and continued more vigorously under his successor, Abdoulie Wade. Wade succeeded in creating a stable and predictable environment for multinational investors, a policy continued by his successor, Macky Sall.

FAR Ltd, an Australian company focused on African oil and gas exploration, acquired licenses for three contiguous Senegalese blocks (Rufisque, Sangomar, and Sangomar Deep) in 2006. Incorporated in Western Australia in 1984 as First Australia Resources NL, it became FAR Ltd in 2010. These blocks cover 7,500 km² in the productive MSGBC basin, located in the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin.

The blocks contain four prospects. On the paleo shelf-edge trend running between the mouths of the Saloum and Gambia rivers, about 50 km offshore, are SNE-North-1 and SNE-1 (Sangomar Offshore). The SNE-1, renamed Sangomar Field Development Phase 1 (SNE-1 Sangomar) by President Macky Sall, is contiguous with the northern edge of The Gambia’s A2 block. The deeper water prospects are Sangomar Deep FAN-1 and FAN South-1.

In 2013, FAR Ltd made a strategic decision to buy the licenses, previously held by Hunt Ltd, including modern 3D seismic data covering targeted 2,050 km² of the blocks. FAR Ltd enhanced the data, identifying hydrocarbon layers in the FAN-1 and SNE-1 fields and mapping four initial drillable prospects, followed by another seven. However, as a small venture capital company, FAR Ltd lacked the capital and expertise to drill offshore wells, prompting it to seek joint venture partners. FAR Ltd farmed out 85% of its license interest to Cairn Energy (operator, 40%), ConocoPhillips (35%), and Petrosen (10%).

At the time, FAR Ltd.’s Managing Director Cath Norman said:

“We are very pleased to have secured leading independent Cairn Energy as a farm in partner and Operator in our Senegal Project. With this agreement FAR has secured a highly experienced Operator to drill and fund it through the first exploration well to be drilled off the Senegalese coast for some years.

Cairn Energy funded most of the exploration costs and paid FAR Ltd.’s past costs, running into millions of dollars. The first well, FAN-1, was successful, revealing a gross oil-bearing interval of 500 meters with potential recoverable oil resources of 2.5 billion barrels. Cath Norman, FAR Ltd.’s Managing Director, highlighted the drilling risks and uncertainties about source rock capacity:

‘One of the key risks out here is that the presence of source was unknown. We know in this part of West Africa the source rocks turn on and off. And whether they exist out here to have the capacity to be filling the billion-barrel traps that we had mapped was a complete unknown to us. So, seeing a 500-meter oil interval is a great start’.

The SNE-1 Sangomar field, with a footprint of 400 km², was forecast to have a recoverable oil resource of 641 million barrels, the biggest discovery in Senegal’s history. FAR Ltd was awarded the Breakthrough Company of 2016 by the Oil and Gas Council Africa. The field also contained significant gas reserves. Cath Norman, describing the drilling team’s encounter with the field in one of her representations said:

‘Field was in fact larger. It was not until we drilled the 4th well that we stepped out of the gas cap and managed to intercept some of the secondary reservoirs in the oil leg. We are now four times the size of the field when we originally mapped it.’

Ms. Norman described the field’s geology: a carbonate platform with extensive oil reservoirs in stack formation. The deeper S500 series reservoir is in the lower Cretaceous, while the upper S400 series reservoir is in the upper Cretaceous, topped by a gas cap. Connectivity tests confirmed good inter-well connectivity in both reservoirs. Indeed, Ms. Norman touched on this when she said in a presentation:

‘Connectivity is the last piece of the puzzle we need to resolve. Our field is really a field of two primary reservoir families. There is a deep reservoir unit which we call our 500 series. It’s made up of thick and blocky sand. They are lovely and young and clean with great porosity.’

She continued:

‘The upside is that the cream on the cake is proving a lot more of the connectivity of the thin sand that sits above the 500 series. We call that our 400 series and the focus of our next two wells will be which our JV are committed drilling in Nov to flow test some of those upper sands and also running interference tests which involves setting gauges, setting up the wells to be listening wells and then drilling a pulsing well and then looking at how those pulses proliferate across the thin sand. We will get a measure of connectivity of how continuous they are across the field’.

In fact, those connectivity tests were done, and Cairn Energy confirmed in one of its Appraisal Reports in 2018 that there was good correlation of the gross reservoir packages. It reported that connectivity in the S400 upper reservoirs was demonstrated by interference tests in a clearly preferred orientation and that the DST in the S500 lower reservoir confirmed expected good inter-well connectivity.

Ms. Norman has confirmed this because in the concluding part of her presentation she said:

‘Each well we drilled in the appraisal programme confirmed that we have 100meter gross oil column across all of the wells. We have the same high quality 32-degree oil quality across all the field, and we have good correlation between all of our principal reservoir units’.

FAR Ltd.’s success in Senegal was largely due to its joint venture partners, particularly Cairn Energy, ConocoPhillips, Petrosen, and later Woodside Energy. The type of drill rig used also played a significant role. Norman noted the difference in performance between the 5th generation semi-sub vessel and the 7th generation drill ship, which reduced non-productive rig time significantly. This is what she said:

‘When we drilled our first two exploration wells, we had a fifth-generation semi subcontracted for the drilling at $650,000 a day. That is just the rig rate not the total spread. When we drilled four appraisal wells some 18 months later, we contracted a rigg for $330,000 a day. It was a seventh-generation drill ship and performed immensely better than the semi-sub we had on our first drilling mission. We are just in the process of tendering for a rig now for our drilling programme in Nov. Looks likely we will be able to secure the equivalent of a seventh-generation drill ship for under $200,000 a day. Cost of drilling has come down by two-thirds. What is actually more important to us is the efficiency of the drilling. When we drill our first appraisal well, we had 70% non-productivity rig time. Which is abysmal. We had out 10% non-rig time for the four other appraisals well we drilled. And on one of the well, we had 3% non-productivity rig time. So, our JV is moving ahead very quickly now to secure rigs for continuing with appraisal and getting on with development drilling’.

FAR Ltd.’s entire operational focus was in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and the company given its long presence in Senegal from 2006 had developed deep connections and working relations at the highest level within the government, the office of the President of Senegal who at the time was Mr Macky Sall.

Today, there are more than twenty-three successfully drilled wells in the SNE-1 Sangomar field, and the first oil barrel was produced in June 2024. The revenue split is 82% for Woodside Energy and 18% for Petrosen. FAR Ltd.’s previous 15% stake in the field will be discussed later.

Oils and Gas Exploration in The Gambia

The Gambia’s foray into oil and gas exploration can best be described as sporadic. Between 1965, when it gained independence from Britain, and 1994, the country saw limited exploration activities. During the First Republic under Sir Dawda Jawara (1970- 1994) and the early years of the Second Republic under Yaya Jammeh, exploration efforts were scattered and intermittent. Some companies were involved in early exploration in the 1950s, but these were limited in scope and consisted mainly of initial studies. The country’s first oil well was drilled by Chevron in 1979, but it was not successful. This lethargy for oil exploration may have been shaped partly by Britain’s limited economic view of the country. During the colonial period, Britain saw The Gambia as an insignificant peanut-producing territory within its larger colonial empire. Britain showed little interest or enthusiasm for the economic development of the country beyond maintaining the lucrative supply line of raw peanuts to the UK.

Britain was circumspect about The Gambia’s viability as a state given its small size, being a narrow strip of land within Senegal with a tiny coastline on the Atlantic Ocean to the west. When the movement for independence began to gather unstoppable momentum, there were diplomatic discussions within the United Nations about whether merging with Senegal might be a better prospect for the country. However, this plan never advanced beyond discussions, and The Gambia was left to map its own path when Britain departed in 1965. The country had already been affected by British colonialism; before colonization, The Gambia was a much larger territory, with its northern border deep inside Sine Saloum near Kaolack, Senegal. British traders preferred to stay close to the banks of the River Gambia (no more than 30km wide at its broadest). As a result, Britain abandoned much of the territory to the French, who expanded further into The Gambia in 1850, reducing it to its current size.

For much of the 60s and 70s, while Senegal was busy exploring its oil and gas prospects both onshore and offshore, the government of Sir Dawda Jawara in The Gambia remained largely indifferent to the vast natural resources in and around the country. This lack of curiosity and ambition was evident when, in 1975, The Gambia agreed to its northern and southern maritime boundaries with Senegal along parallel equidistance lines running 200 meters east to west from the territorial sea baseline to the outer edge of the continental shelf. By that time, Senegal had a far better understanding of its offshore natural resources and readily agreed to the deal. The Gambia effectively shot itself in the foot, closing the door to an unimaginable National Wealth Fund from oil and gas that could have transformed the country’s socioeconomic development for generations if managed properly. A much wiser agreement would have been a perpendicular line on either side of the maritime boundary with common zones of mutual control with Senegal. All the SNE-1 Sangomar acreage would have been in this zone, rendering much of the discussion in this paper irrelevant. This approach is exactly what Senegal agreed upon with its southern neighbour, Guinea Bissau, maximizing its current oil and gas prospects in the AGC.

The Jammeh Era

Much of the credit for the limited progress The Gambia has made in oil and gas exploration goes to the government of Yahya Jammeh, who, for the first time in the nation’s history, established a Ministry of Petroleum in 2002. His government included policies for oil and gas exploration and development in its National Development Plan. The National Energy and Petroleum Act 2004 was passed into law, although it was largely based on legislation from Ghana.

Oil and gas exploration licences were made available for six separate blocks offshore The Gambia. Erin Energy was one of the first companies to acquire a licence for one of the blocks. However, there was a problematic period when several of the licenses were traded among insiders, with little benefit to the country. A case in point is the licenses in blocks A1 and A4 granted to African Petroleum Ltd, a company then majority-owned by Mr. Frank Timis. Mr. Timis, a Romanian-Australian billionaire, is a controversial figure in the oil and gas scene in West Africa. His activities in the subregion were negatively highlighted in a 2019 independent investigation by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) and BBC Africa Eye. Although oil was reportedly discovered offshore in 2003, Mr. Jammeh publicly criticised what he considered to be an insultingly low production sharing percentage offered by the exploration companies at the time. He declared that he would rather leave the oil in the ground than agree to an unfair sharing agreement. Jammeh’s intransigent conduct in this regard betrayed his intelligence. He failed to realise the importance of opening dialogue with Senegal for joint exploration and production in Sangomar, especially at a time when Senegal had made significant progress. Unwittingly, he too failed The Gambia.

Since then, there had been limited activity in oil and gas exploration until after 2016, when Jammeh was forced to leave office following his loss in the general election to Adama Barrow. Jammeh initially refused to hand over power but eventually went into exile.

Enter FAR Ltd – The Gambia

FAR Ltd entered The Gambia during a tumultuous period in the nation’s history, marked by elevated uncertainty and disarray as a new government struggled to assert control after two decades of brutal dictatorship. Government institutions were either not fully functional or non-existent, and there was no effective regulatory environment for oil and gas exploration. FAR Ltd quickly established a subsidiary, FAR (Gambia) Ltd, and acquired the 100% interest held by Erin Energy in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks. These blocks are located south of the SNE-1 Sangomar field offshore Senegal, covering 2,682 km² within the MSGBC basin, specifically the Senegal/Gambia subbasin, about 50 kilometres offshore in water depths ranging from 50 to 1,200 meters. FAR Ltd forecasted a recoverable oil resource of one billion barrels in the blocks on an unrisked best estimate of 100%.

The license deal, giving FAR Ltd 100% working interest in blocks A2 and A5, effectively meant The Gambia owned none of its oil and gas resources upon discovery. All rights to explore, drill, produce, and sell resources from the blocks belonged to FAR Ltd and other licence holders. The Gambia had imprudently hinged its hopes on royalties’ payment at production. This arrangement, despite any savings The Gambia might have made from associated expenses, was to say the least, disadvantageous. Even Senegal had the foresight to retain an 18% interest in its blocks.

The exact terms of FAR Ltd.’s original licence have never been publicly disclosed. What is known is that FAR Ltd often referred to a minimum term of drilling one exploration well a year. Details about performance-related clauses, supervision, frequency of reviews, and dispute resolution mechanisms remain unknown. These elements are crucial in properly drafted commercial agreements but are often watered down or omitted in the African context.

FAR (Gambia) Ltd operated with a small team, including an Australian Asset Manager, reportedly based in The Gambia for some time. FAR Ltd would have had a good idea of working practices in The Gambia. The team was housed in the same building as the Ministry of Petroleum. Cath Norman from FAR Ltd highlighted that this proximity facilitated better and easier cooperation with the government.

Just before FAR (Gambia) Ltd.’s contractual drilling commitments in The Gambia were due, FAR Ltd claimed financial difficulties, as it had done in Senegal. Fortunately, Petronas, a major Southeast Asian oil and gas company, agreed to farm-in, initially taking a 40% interest in the A2 and A5 block licenses, later revised to a 50% split. FAR Ltd was the operator under the licenses, despite lacking prior experience in the MSGBC basin. Petronas had the option to assume the role of operator, though the terms and conditions were never made public.

To facilitate the deal, Petronas established a subsidiary in The Gambia, PC (Gambia) Ltd. Exploration and drilling activities were purportedly channelled through these two Gambian-registered subsidiaries in whose names the licence blocks were held. Board memberships and financial details of these companies have not been publicly disclosed. Notably, the lawyer retained by FAR Ltd for its subsidiary, FAR (Gambia) Ltd, shares chambers with their mother, a domestic PEP who has represented several parastatals and the country’s largest local authority. A former Attorney General, she also has family ties to high-ranking government positions, including a brother who served as Minister of the Interior and head of the Gambia Civil Service.

Samo-1 FAR Ltd.’s first well in The Gambia

The SAMO-1 well is located slightly off-centre within the A5 block on the PSET shelf edge trend. The reservoir sand for SAMO was deposited over 100 million years ago by ancient rivers that likely once occupied the area where the River Gambia currently flows. The SAMO-1 reservoirs were formed adjacent to where these rivers reached the coast. FAR Ltd forecasted a pre-drill estimate of 825 million barrels of recoverable oil on a 2P basis for this prospect.

In preparation for drilling, FAR Ltd claimed to have contracted a Stena DrillMax sixth-generation drillship and Exceed Ltd, a drilling management company based in Aberdeen, Scotland, to operate the drillship and drill the well. However, in a 2018 appraisal, Cairn Energy reported that no 3D seismic data was available for this prospect, suggesting that FAR Ltd relied on less accurate 2D data or none at all for its assessments. In an interview with Gavin Collery, Ms. Norman of FAR Ltd stated that 3D seismic data was available, but her remarks seemed to conflate the SAMO-1 well with the Bambo well, which is known to have undergone 3D mapping.

Lacking the necessary expertise and financial resources, FAR Ltd required Petronas to fund the project. Ms. Norman acknowledged this in a 2017 interview with Mr. Collery, stating, “It’s always best practice and prudent to bring a partner in when you have got a large equity position both to ratify your technical evaluation but also to share the cost.”

Later, in a presentation, Ms. Norman added, “FAR will continue to operate both licenses through the exploration phase, including the drilling of Samo-1, although Petronas will have the right to become the operator in the development phase.”

Despite these assertions, the actual drilling of the SAMO-1 well remains unclear. FAR Ltd was initially expected to handle the drilling, but this is complicated by a statement from FAR Ltd.’s Asset Manager, Mr. Rolf Stork, who remarked, “Petronas carried FAR drilled one well, SAMO-1. We drilled it as an operator. Big undertaking for a small company like FAR.”

Ms. Norman further clarified Petronas’ supervisory role in the joint venture, stating, “Petronas brought in as partners JV. 40% each. Petronas carried us through the drilling of the exploration well.” However, the specifics of Petronas’ involvement beyond funding remain ambiguous, with no public disclosure from Petronas or PC (Gambia) Ltd regarding their activities in The Gambia.

The SAMO-1 well, reportedly drilled to a depth of 3,200 meters into the seabed, did not yield oil. FAR Ltd claimed to have continued collecting extensive logging data to evaluate other prospects. Initially believed to be an extension of the SNE-1 Sangomar field, post-drill evaluations revealed that SAMO-1 was not connected. Mr. Peter Nicholls, FAR Ltd.’s chief geologist and exploration manager, explained, “We came in structurally a bit lower… two structures instead of one big field. There was oil in the system, but it was not able to be trapped.”

FAR Ltd suggested that the oil might have migrated to the Bambo well in the A2 block. Mr. Nicholls noted, “The interesting thing about this Bambo prospect is that if you follow the migration path, where the oil from SAMO-1 is likely to end up is overlying that feature, potentially 300 million barrels or more.”

FAR Ltd.’s objective after the failed SAMO-1 prospect was to trace the oil’s migration path to an accumulation zone. Success depended on the accuracy of structural maps, predictions of sand characteristics in accumulation zones, identified fault lines, formations, shale types, and effective drilling. With modern drilling techniques and geophysical mapping, the role of luck is reduced, yet the question remains: why and how did FAR Ltd fail The Gambia?

The second well – Bambo-1 (side track-1) & Soloo

In 2020, FAR Ltd moved on to its next drilling prospects, the Soloo and Bambo wells. These are located to the north of the A2 block, nearly side by side on an elevated gradient of the PSET shelf trend, part of the SNE-1 Sangomar field extending into the A2 block. The available 3D seismic data predrill confirmed the geological formation as a continuous extension of the SNE-1 Sangomar field into The Gambia. FAR Ltd.’s Exploration Manager and chief geologist Mr. Nicholls noted:

“You could see that Soloo could well be an extension of the SNE. As a matter of fact, it’s very much mapped as an extension of SNE into The Gambia, and that is Woodside and other JV Partners in SNE will see that SNE does extend into The Gambia. So that’s not a contentious issue. It’s the way it’s seen and mapped as extending into our block.”

In a predrill presentation, Ms. Norman commented on the Bambo well:

“You can see clearly that the Sangomar oil fields extend south into The Gambia. In fact, the location of the Bambo-1 well is 500 meters from the border to the south, drilling into the extension of the Sangomar field that we call the Soloo prospect.”

The predrill forecast estimated recoverable oil from the Bambo-1 well at a billion barrels. FAR Ltd planned to drill through three prospects: Soloo upper, Bambo upper, and Soloo deep, categorized as the S390, S400, and S500 series, respectively. The Soloo upper in the S390 series had the highest chance of success at 36%. The predrill seismic data indicated that all three prospects were within the same depth and level as the primary reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field.

FAR Ltd again acted as the operator, reassembled the same drill team from the failed SAMO-1 prospect, and contracted the same Stena IceMax Drill ship (not the seventh generation vessel used by Cairn Energy in the SNE-1 Sangomar field). FAR Ltd reported that the drill rig was operational offshore Mexico, and this was advantageous as it meant FAR Ltd would not be using a cold stack rig. However, there was no disclosed verifiable evidence that this rig was service worthy and fit for purpose. FAR Ltd.’s headquarters was reportedly in Banjul, The Gambia, but the operational base was in fact in Dakar, Senegal, where supply boats delivered all necessary pipes and goods for the drill vessel.

In November 2021, FAR Ltd finalised well locations and commenced drilling soon after. In December 2021, FAR Ltd reported that the wells, particularly Soloo Deep, did not contain commercially viable quantities of oil or gas.

A subsequent press release stated:

“Bambo-1 was initially drilled to a depth of 3216m MDBRT (Meters drilled below the rotary table), and wireline logging was completed. The Bambo-1 well was then plugged, and the Bambo-1 ST1 (side-track) well drilled to a depth of 3317m MDBRT, after which wireline logging was undertaken.

The drilling and logging data from the main well and the side-track well indicated that several target intervals had oil shows, confirming a prolific oil source in the area. Initial interpretation of cuttings and wireline logging suggested these zones had oil in poor-quality reservoirs and in traps that might have been breached, leaving residual oil. Rocks and fluid samples were recovered from several intervals in the Bambo well, and laboratory analysis in 2022 will provide additional data about the oil potential identified in the Bambo well.

The Soloo prospect objectives in the Bambo-1 well, which represented the potential southern extension of the Sangomar field in A2, indicated some oil shows but no significant oil volumes. However, oil shows in the Bambo prospect reservoir, encountered in both the Bambo-1 and Bambo-1 ST1 wells, highlighted up-dip potential to the south in the A2 Block, mapped as the new Panthera prospect. Other reservoirs in the Bambo drilling campaign show oil potential, opening additional exploration opportunities in both the A2 and A5 Blocks.

The well and side-track have been plugged and abandoned as planned for this type of exploration drilling.”

The press release emphasised that the Soloo and Bambo-1 prospects were not
extensions of the SNE-1 Sangomar field. It did not clearly disclose that drilling had not
gone as planned. The drill rig had an accident at 3216 meters below the seabed, forcing
FAR Ltd to halt operation before reaching the target depth of 3450 meters MDBRT. They
then planned a side-track well, Bambo-1 ST1, which also fell short of the target zone.
FAR Ltd and its JV partner Petronas designated the well a ‘tight hole’ and released
minimal information during drilling.

The cause of the accident was unclear, and FAR Ltd did not provide details. Ms. Norman, FAR Ltd.’s Managing Director, commented:

“FAR is pleased with the experienced drilling team and contractors who quickly adjusted the Bambo-1 drilling program to suit the geological setting and best meet the drilling program’s objectives. FAR is well-placed to achieve these objectives through the side-tracked well and drilling through the undrilled Soloo Deep prospect. We are encouraged by the presence of oil in potential reservoirs and look forward to completing the well in the coming weeks.”

FAR Ltd.’s drilling programme appeared unfocused, attempting to drill through three separate reservoirs in a stacked formation—a technique not tried in the successful SNE-1 Sangomar field. This ambitious approach led to challenges, including a sudden loss of fluid mid-drilling, necessitating diversion through an unplanned side-track well.

Curiously, FAR Ltd made no reference to Petronas having any role in this drilling, unlike the SAMO-1 well. Instead, the company pointed to an unidentified drilling team and contractors. Several plausible reasons for this drilling failure include the inexperience of the crew, inaccuracies in the geophysical survey data, errors in seismic data interpretation, or an ill-equipped drill rig. However, given the geophysical team’s successful track record in the SNE-1 Sangomar field, it is unlikely they were the issue. The limited information available about the drilling crew suggests that FAR Ltd.’s inexperience as an operator was the main problem. The company failed to effectively coordinate the drill crew, drill rig, and geophysical team to overcome the complex drilling challenges.

FAR Ltd.’s finding of no commercially viable oil and gas in the Bambo-1 and Soloo wells contradicts the predrill 3D seismic data showing these wells as connected to the successful SNE-1 Sangomar field reservoirs. Ms. Norman stated predrill:

“The outcome of that process is that we have a net billion barrels of oil potential in our two blocks offshore Gambia. Following the risk audit of FAR’s evaluation of the potentials, we have confirmed a P50 un-risked 1.1 billion barrels of potential in The Gambia. We have always expected our acreage to be highly prospective because it is contiguous with our acreage in Senegal. We have drilled 11 wells offshore Senegal, 8 on the same trend that extends into The Gambia, and 8 into the same reservoirs that will be our primary reservoirs in The Gambia.”
(Emphasis underlined by author)

The 3D seismic data indicated that all the successful wells in Senegal’s SNE-1 Sangomar field were in the same primary reservoirs (S400 and S500 series) as the wells in The Gambia. The Gambian prospects were charged with oil, as proven by Cairn Energy and admitted by FAR Ltd, confirming that all wells in the S400 and S500 reservoir series are connected.

This raises the question: what separates the Soloo and Bambo-1 prospects from the SNE-1 Sangomar field? Is there a risk that FAR Ltd.’s finding—that its SNE-1 Sangomar field does not extend into The Gambia’s A2 block—is based on its failed drilling programme?

The Bambo and Soloo prospects have multiple reservoir targets, with two main reservoirs in the S400 series being hydrocarbon-bearing in the SNE-1 Sangomar wells. FAR Ltd has not identified at least to the public in the Gambia which reservoirs in the Bambo and Soloo prospects do not contain commercially viable oil or which targets may have been missed due to drilling failure.

A troubling coincidence is that the prolific SNE-1 Sangomar S400 and S500 series reservoirs suddenly do not contain commercially viable oil at the boundary line where the field extends into The Gambia. FAR Ltd claimed that the reservoir for the Bambo-1 well was poor and unable to trap oil due to seal breaches, the same reason given for the failed SAMO-1 well.

The geophysical features of the PSET shelf edge in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and the A2 and A5 blocks are nearly identical, formed over the same period and close in time and space. The reservoirs in the A2 and A5 blocks are good, but the seals, made of black/grey shales, are reportedly underdeveloped according to Far Ltd. If true, this suggests that the oil in The Gambian prospects has migrated into an unidentified accumulation zone.

FAR Ltd does not dispute this, but it raises the question: does FAR Ltd have a duty to consider and determine the phenomenon of oil migration from The Gambia?

The Source Kitchen & the phenomenon of oil migration in the MSGBC – Senegal/Gambia subbasin

The hydrocarbon source ‘kitchen’ that feeds all the reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field lies deep below the seafloor of the basin, migrating up the slopes of the PSET trend in a westerly direction into the reservoirs.

The Soloo and Bambo prospects have easy access to this source kitchen, similar to other reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. FAR Ltd.’s Ms Norman underscored this point in one of its presentations:

“I would like to walk you through what the exploration opportunity looks like for FAR. Starting with the Sangomar oil field, which is a known oil field sitting on the shelf edge of a carbonate platform being fed by oil generated in the source kitchen deep out to the west. You can see on the bottom left of the seismic line that I’m showing you is right through the Sangomar oil field, and I’m going to step through to the south to show you the prospects further to the south in the Gambia. The first, of course, are Soloo and Bambo that we’ll be drilling with the Bambo 1 well just to the north of our blocks in A2. You can see that they have easy access to the source kitchen and that source kitchen is very prolific to generate enough oil to house 5 billion barrels of oil just in place just to the north in Sangomar, which means we have a really rich source rock that’s capable of generating a lot of oil in this region. As we step further to the south, we have the Jobo prospect at about 280 million barrels, the Jato prospect at about 130 million barrels, and then Malo, a very large prospect out to the east at about 265 million barrels. All on a P50 best estimate basis. So, lots of follow-ups in our A2 and A5 blocks. We are not just about drilling Bambo this year.” [Emphasis underlined by author]

The migration path of oil into an accumulation zone or reservoir is directed by hydrostatic pressure exerted by gravity on the source kitchen. Often, the migration path follows natural fault lines within hydrocarbon formations. When these fault lines remain active and overlap with a trap, the trap becomes the main accumulation zone. The oil remains trapped in the accumulation zone if the reservoir is made of good porous sandstone or limestone and has mature seals to prevent further migration or degradation by water.

Apart from gravitational pressure, other key factors determining the migration path of oil into an accumulation zone or reservoir include buoyancy, the geothermal gradient of the hydrocarbon formation, the size of the fault lines, and the porosity and permeability of the reservoir sandstone. Primary migration and accumulation of oil may have started millions of years ago but can continue as long as the source kitchen releases oil and the fault lines are active, allowing secondary migration into other reservoirs.

The viscosity of the oil in the SNE-1 Sangomar field, at 32◦, makes it a light fluid, similar to the residual oil in The Gambian prospects. Therefore, it would migrate at a much faster velocity over long distances under normal geothermal conditions. Since The Gambia’s A2 block is physically contiguous with the SNE-1 Sangomar field, as shown by 3D seismic data, the migration of a large volume of oil from there into the SNE-1 Sangomar field would be quick and effortless.

The SNE-1 Sangomar field is at the centre of a geographic phenomenon in the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin, part of the MSGBC basin. It contains giant reservoirs or accumulation zones into which oil is fed from the source kitchen. It also serves as the most likely trap zone for oil migrating along the PSET shelf from different directions, particularly from The Gambia.

The acreage of the SNE-1 Sangomar field is unusually extensive. It sits on a depression on the PSET and has a lower gradient compared to the Soloo, Bambo, and SAMO-1 prospects in The Gambia. It supports two known separate gigantic oil reservoirs in stacked formation, the lower and upper reservoirs, with a substantial gas cap. These reservoirs are in lateral formation, separated by thick layers of ancient rock. The secondary migration paths into these reservoirs are confirmed to be through separate stratigraphic fault lines from the source kitchen in a west-to-east direction.

Basin modelling from FAR Ltd.’s exploration in the A2 and A5 blocks identified a secondary migration path running the length of the PSET from south to north, from SAMO-1 towards Bambo-1. The SNE-1 Sangomar field lies north on this migration path. If the oil in the SAMO-1 well could not be trapped due to a lack of mature seals (though it has a good reservoir) and its migration path is charted towards the Bambo and Soloo prospects as FAR Ltd has acknowledged, then those two are not the accumulation zones, as they are reported not to have oil in commercially viable quantities.

The oil must have migrated further into an alternative trap, and the most probable location of that trap, in terms of time, distance, and space, is the extensive SNE-1 Sangomar reservoirs.

The substantial gas cap on the SNE-1 Sangomar field is further evidence of the secondary migration of an enormous volume of oil into these reservoirs, particularly the S400 series. The gas cap resulted from thermal regeneration, where increased temperatures in the hydrocarbon formation caused chemical reactions that converted oil into gas. What remains in the reservoir is the current volume of oil that has not been heated into gas.

Oil reservoirs maintain equilibrium through hydrostatic pressure. When this pressure is disrupted at any point, the fluid will naturally flow toward areas of lower pressure. The giant S400 and S500 series reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field have had 23 wells drilled in them, and there could be even more. Numerous pressure tests conducted by FAR Ltd, and its JV partners confirmed the connectivity of the wells in those reservoirs. Therefore, the historic pressure within the reservoirs was disturbed well before it was determined whether the SNE-1 Sangomar field extended into The Gambia.

For obvious reasons, FAR Ltd. seems to focus its efforts on identifying a separate accumulation zone (however unlikely) for the prospects in The Gambia. Despite these efforts, the company has made little progress in pinpointing a distinct migration path and accumulation zone for the billion barrels of oil it once predicted in its Gambian blocks. It has been seven years since the drilling of the SAMO-1 well and three years since the drilling of Soloo and Bambo-1, along with the Bambo-1 sidetrack-1. Yet, FAR Ltd. has not provided any substantial updates on the extensive research it claims to be conducting on the logging data from these unsuccessful wells. Instead, the company is now shifting its focus to the Panthera, Jato, and Malo prospects within the A2 block, which are located in the same area and gradient as the Bambo well, in close proximity to the SNE-1 Sangomar field.

The question must be asked: Is it necessary for there to be a separate oil accumulation zone in The Gambia if geophysical analysis confirms that oil migrates or migrated from the Gambian prospects into the SNE-1 Sangomar field or across the maritime boundary into Senegal? If this is the case, what potential difficulties would FAR Ltd have encountered in navigating the contractual and political challenges that might have arisen, given that, before selling its stake in 2020, it partly owned the SNE-1 Sangomar field?

Specifically, this points to several issues:

  1. FAR Ltd.’s contractual relations with its joint venture partners in the SNE-1 Sangomar field.
  2. Its contractual relations with the Gambian government regarding the A2 and A5 blocks. This points to FAR Ltd.’s obligation under specific clauses dealing with development and production of the oil and the payment of royalties to The Gambia.
  3. The potential contentious issue of shared stakes between The Gambia and Senegal.

How might these factors have impacted the oil production revenue-sharing agreement and the production schedule of the joint venture partners in the SNE-1 Sangomar field if The Gambia were to assert its right to a share of the oil and gas? Woodside Energy and Senegal would clearly want to avoid any delays in their production schedule from the SNE-1 Sangomar field. It seems FAR Ltd was caught between a rock and a hard place!

The Law – Conflict – Natural Resources along/near to Maritime boundaries

Both The Gambia and Senegal are signatories to the United Nations International Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The convention does not specify how states should share or exploit natural resources between their maritime boundaries, nor does it address the migration of natural resources, such as oil, from one country into an accumulation zone across maritime boundaries. It encourages nation-states to adopt principles of equitable dealing, good faith negotiations, and respect for sovereignty in bilateral and multilateral agreements. These concepts often carry legal nuances that are challenging for courts and judges to apply consistently.

Natural resources below the seabed between countries are of strategic importance and require active cooperation between states to harness their value. However, the absence of international law detailing how ownership rights over these resources should be determined has led to “safari justice” in some parts of the world, where might prevails and weaker countries struggle to protect their interests. Another aspect of this issue is related to the jurisdiction of maritime boundaries. It is commonly assumed that strict adherence to surface maritime boundaries automatically determines ownership rights of resources deep below the seabed, which can lead to significant injustice. Oil and gas, for instance, are migratory substances that can cross maritime boundaries due to gravitational pressure differences. The Senegal/Gambia sub-basin of the MSGBC is exclusively shared by the two countries, and equitable principles suggest that its sub-seabed resources particularly in the area between The Gambia and Saloum rivers should be jointly shared. This should not be contingent on proving oil migration from Gambian wells to the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The aggressive stance of the Macky Sall government and the oil companies in the SNE Sangomar exemplifies the excesses of unchecked capitalism. At a deeper level, it also questions Sall’s moral value as a Senegambian.

The same principles of equitable dealing and good faith negotiations apply in private international investment agreements. Investors must perform their license obligations in good faith, which has both substantive and procedural perspectives. Substantively, it involves the host state’s obligations to the investor and vice versa. Procedurally, it refers to arbitration proceedings for dispute resolution. Good faith encompasses fairness, honesty, loyalty, and transparency, essential for maintaining justice in international investment law. It requires parties to comply with their obligations competently and with mutual trust and cooperation.

When there is a perceived conflict of interest or lack of transparency or competence in the performance of a license obligation by an investor, the state’s interests are vulnerable. Aside from FAR Ltd.’s failure to find a separate oil and gas accumulation zone in its Gambian blocks, was it within its competence to determine for the Gambian government whether the missing oil from the failed wells may have migrated into the SNE-1 Sangomar field? FAR Ltd had already charted the likely migration path of oil from SAMO-1 well to Bambo-1 well. Why stop there? If the hypothesis is valid that oil migrated from the Gambian prospects into the SNE-1 Sangomar reservoirs, how does that reflect on FAR Ltd.’s performance if the Gambian government lacks clarity on this issue? It is the responsibility of the Attorney-General (with assistance from external counsel if necessary) to advise the government on whether the investor has performed its obligations competently and in good faith.

This task is easier with the active participation of the government through a relevant regulatory authority, as demonstrated by Petrosen in Senegal during the development of their prospects. In contrast, the government of The Gambia was unable to take similar action. It had both hands tied behind its back, having given away 100% of its interest in both blocks. Unfortunately, the government could not rely on its Attorney General, Ministry of Petroleum, GNPC, or Petroleum Commission to intervene, for reasons apparent to most Gambians. Independent legal and geotechnical advice was urgently needed. Furthermore, the involvement of FAR (Gambia) Ltd.’s lawyer creates a potential significant conflict of interest, even in the absence of any clear indication of wrongdoing.

The Political Agenda – Senegambia

The legal framework for oil and gas exploration in The Gambia is complex, and the political landscape further complicates matters. FAR Ltd.’s performance in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks has not improved the situation. FAR Ltd has effectively put a nail in The Gambia’s oil and gas exploration prospects by finding that the SNE-1 Sangomar field does not extend into The Gambia without fully addressing the potential migration of oil from The Gambia into the SNE-1 Sangomar field. This outcome benefits Senegal, where former President Macky Sall negotiated an extremely poor production sharing agreement, allowing Woodside Energy to retain 82% of the revenue while Petrosen, Senegal’s state oil corporation, received only 18%. Mr. Sall would likely have preferred to avoid any reduction in Senegal’s share, and FAR Ltd.’s findings reinforced this by negating The Gambia’s claim to exploration and production rights, unlike in Mauritania to the north and Guinea-Bissau to the south.

Senegal, under Macky Sall, adopted a silent but sophisticated policy of economically merging The Gambia with Senegal (a feat that could not be achieved politically during the Senegambia Confederation) by supporting a new regime in The Gambia that aligned with Senegal’s strategic interests. In 2016, this opportunity arose when former Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh reneged on his promise to hand over power after losing the general election. Adama Barrow, the declared winner, fled to Senegal, and Macky Sall spearheaded diplomatic efforts in West Africa and the EU to force Jammeh out. He succeeded, and Jammeh fled into exile to Equatorial Guinea. Barrow was sworn in as President of The Gambia in Dakar, Senegal, and was escorted into the country by Senegalese security personnel. Since 2016, Barrow’s close protection officers and guards at the State House have been Senegalese soldiers and security agents. Barrow regards Sall as an elder brother, advisor, guardian, and protector against coups. The relationship between the two is more accurately described as subservient—anything Macky wanted for Senegal from The Gambia, Macky got. Their relationship, shaped by their differing levels of sophistication and experience in state affairs, appears to reflect an exercise of undue influence. One is a geologist with extensive senior government experience, while the other, despite being a successful estate agent and skilled money manager, is a high school dropout with no prior government experience. Many of Barrow’s government’s decisions since 2016 have effectively surrendered The Gambia’s economic sovereignty and security to Senegal—a gift that eluded Senegal since the two nations were divided by colonial history.

It is unsurprising that Barrow and his government have not made a single pronouncement regarding the country’s oil and gas prospects within its maritime boundary with Senegal. Even if he wanted to, achieving success would be difficult. Sall was notoriously corrupt and engaged in underhand deals. In 2021, Guinea Bissau’s president, Umaro Sissoko Embalo, signed a secret oil and gas sharing agreement with Sall, without informing his cabinet or parliament. The deal, unfavourable to Guinea Bissau, allocated only about 30% of revenue to the country. Armando Lona, editor-in-chief of O Democrata, criticized the agreement as illegal since it lacked parliamentary approval and accused the president of secrecy regarding national resources. The Guinea Bissau parliament revoked the agreement, and Sall sacked his energy minister, Amadou Hott, who did not dispute the agreement when challenged in a media interview.

Given Sall’s history, it is plausible that he has managed to silence Barrow and his government regarding oil and gas matters near their maritime borders. The opposition, parliament, and civil society in The Gambia have been silent on the subject, reflecting a lack of curiosity and ambition to safeguard national interests, reminiscent of the Jawara government during the First Republic.

There is a sense in The Gambia that discussing joint exploration, production, and revenue sharing of natural resources with Senegal is taboo, especially now that Senegal has started oil production. The commonly cited phrase, “The Gambia and Senegal are two heads of the same body,” discourages open discussion on the topic. Consequently, the government of The Gambia has failed, unlike Mauritania and Guinea Bissau, to foster intergovernmental dialogue about shared natural resources across maritime boundaries with Senegal.

As a result, Senegal is the sole beneficiary of a vast oil and gas field in the shared Senegal/Gambia sub-basin. Under normal circumstances, applying principles of equity, these resources should be shared, regardless of the discovered accumulation zone being on the Senegalese side. The Gambia’s failure to protect its share of the resources can be attributed to its weak institutions at every level. Since 2021, Mr. Jerreh Barrow has served as the sole Commissioner of The Gambia Petroleum Commission. The Commission is the authority responsible for overseeing resource exploitation, including monitoring and ensuring compliance with national policies and regulations for petroleum activities. A concerning clause in the model Production Sharing Agreement (PEPLA) stipulates a Signature Bonus to be determined by the Licensee at the time of bidding, in addition to a further $2 million payment required upon the Commissioner’s approval of the first Development and Production Plan. This payment structure also applies to any subsequent amendments or new development plans. Additionally, production bonuses of $10 million are to be paid at various stages of development. The clause links the payment of substantial bonuses to the Commissioner’s approval, which could raise concerns about potential conflicts of interest or corruption. A more robust anti-corruption measure might involve requiring approval from a board or committee rather than an individual, thereby enhancing transparency and accountability.

The Gambia National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), responsible for encouraging petroleum operations, has abandoned initiatives to cooperate with oil and gas exploration companies as JV partners, unlike Petrosen in Senegal. The GNPC has been mired in corruption, limiting its activities to storage and distribution of petroleum products. A recent government task force, led by the Minister of Finance, found that despite having expensive computers and software, GNPC staff preferred manual entries, making record-keeping and transaction tracing difficult. Reports indicate that over $20 million has been misappropriated at the GNPC, which is just the tip of the iceberg.

BP (British Petroleum) exits The Gambia’s – A1 Block

It is therefore not surprising that BP exited The Gambia in August 2021 by surrendering its license in the A1 block. This block, along with the A4, had a chequered history. In 2006, African Petroleum acquired a 100% working interest in these blocks from Buried Hill Ltd. The licences were extended thrice, as it appeared the company was unable to fulfil its drilling obligations. When negotiations to extend the license failed, the government of The Gambia terminated the licenses for the blocks in 2017.

African Petroleum denied the termination, asserting that the government had not enacted the proper termination procedure and that its licenses remained in force until this was done. This led to an expensive and protracted arbitration proceeding lodged by African Petroleum at the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) against The Gambia.

The Government of The Gambia secured the services of Cherie Blair KC, wife of former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair. They secured the services of Cherie Blair KC, wife of former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair. At the time, Mrs. Blair, though well-respected for her advocacy in human rights and administrative law, did not have experience in international oil and gas arbitration proceedings. The case was led admirably by a legendary Gambian US-based attorney who provided distinguished service but without a decisive victory through no fault of his but the weakness of the Gambia’s case.

While proceedings were ongoing, the government of The Gambia, in an unprecedented act of disregard for the arbitration process, opened bidding on the A1 block and sold it to BP in April 2019 before the matter was concluded. The case was eventually settled with The Gambia surrendering the A4 block back to African Petroleum in September 2020. There has never been a public disclosure of the full details of the settlement and the legal costs incurred by The Gambia in the case.

It was partly through this case that certain individuals in The Gambia who prioritise personal gain over national development opened a secret passage (disguised under the name of the Tony Blair Institute) between Tony Blair, former UK Prime Minister, and the office of the President of The Gambia. On April 18, 2018, Mr. Blair hosted President Barrow at a discussion panel held at the famous Chatham House, Royal Institute of International Affairs. Mr. Blair is known within closed circles in The Gambia to have quietly jetted in and out of the country during the period leading to BP’s exit from The Gambia. What most Gambians do not know is that behind many seemingly charitable foundations operating in The Gambia are consulting businesses for profit. Cherie Blair KC heads Omnia Strategy, an advisory firm that has picked up a phenomenal workload in the short time it has been operating, largely from developing countries.

BP’s exit from the A1 block rendered the minor result in the arbitration case a Pyrrhic victory. At the time, the Gambia Ministry of Petroleum issued a press release indicating that BP had informed the government its decision to exit was due to a change in its corporate strategy towards low carbon energy. While this might be true, BP itself did not comment on the issue. The circumstances surrounding BP’s exit from The Gambia raise serious questions about the true underlying reasons for its decision.

BP had already acquired 2D and 3D seismic data for the block and completed an environmental impact assessment at substantial cost. It had modelled two prospects in its block located very near the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The Eland prospect had a resource estimate of 936 million barrels of oil (MBO) in-place and 344 MBO recoverable with a total risk of 24%. The Oribi prospect had a resource estimate of 1,180 MBO in-place and 350 MBO recoverable with a total risk of 10%. All that remained was to drill a well, yet BP chose to pay the Gambian government a settlement of $30 million to walk away.

It would be interesting to know the composition of the negotiation team, including the legal personnel on both sides, for this settlement. It remains unclear what factors determined the $30 million settlement and how it was utilised by the Gambian government, as no public disclosure has been made.

BP is a giant in oil and gas exploration around the world, possessing the requisite expertise in exploration and production. It also has a strong due diligence unit that is highly sensitive to corrupt practices in the industry. This sensitivity reflects the UK government’s recently amended legislation on Bribery and Corruption, which covers the activities of UK-listed companies wherever they occur in the world.

BP’s decision to abandon The Gambia came in the aftermath of FAR Ltd.’s failed drilling of the SAMO-1 well, which is adjacent to and on the same trend as BP’s former A1 block. When FAR Ltd drilled SAMO-1, it reported finding no oil accumulation zone but did find traces of oil that may have migrated. FAR Ltd further indicated that the oil migration path from the SAMO well charts towards the Bambo and Soloo wells, which were mapped to be in the same two primary reservoirs as the eight others, and now twenty-three, wells that FAR Ltd and its joint venture partner Woodside Energy have drilled in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The Bambo and Soloo prospects are even closer to BP’s previously held A1 block than the SAMO-1 prospect.

If BP had any concerns, it did not share them publicly. However, there is no doubt that its decision must have been based on extraordinarily strong reasons that were not in its interest as an investor.

FAR Ltd Laughing all the way to the bank

– Far sold stake in SNE-1 Sangomar
– Full detail of deals.
– Petronas sold back shares to FAR and left JV.
– FAR license exemption in The Gambia

It appears FAR Ltd. has emerged as the winner in the murky affairs surrounding The Gambia’s missing oil and gas. In June 2020, FAR Ltd. was in a dire financial state, having defaulted on its development cash call for the SNE-1 Sangomar field, putting its entire 13% stake in the joint venture at risk. The default clause read:

“Under the JOA default provisions, if a defaulting party has not fulfilled its financial obligations within six months from the date of notification of the default, it will forfeit its participating interest without compensation. Unpaid amounts accrue interest at the LIBOR rate + 2%.”

FAR Ltd. embarked on cost-cutting measures, including making several staff redundant and requiring all senior executives and non-executive directors to accept a 20% salary or fee reduction effective 1 July 2020.

In this abysmal financial context, FAR Ltd. embarked on its now-failed Bambo-1 well and side-track well, which it claimed were not extensions of the SNE-1 Sangomar field. Throughout the pre-drilling preparation, FAR Ltd. was in talks with Woodside Energy, which had issued the default notice and to whom FAR would have had to forfeit its stake if it did not pay up. At that time, Woodside Energy held about 69% of the stake in the SNE-1 Sangomar field.

In July 2021, three months before drilling the Bambo-1 well, FAR Ltd. was forced to sell its entire interest in the Senegal RSSD Project to Woodside Energy to avoid forfeiture without compensation. The transaction was approved at a general meeting of its shareholders on 28 April 2021. FAR Ltd. received a cash payment of US$126 million from Woodside Energy on 7 July 2021. Additionally, FAR Ltd. stands to receive future payments leveraged on the total volume of oil produced from the SNE-1 Sangomar field until 2027.

According to a notice FAR Ltd. issued to its shareholders on 12 June 2024:

“The contingent payment of up to US$55 million is payable in the future based on
various factors relating to the sale of oil from the RSSD Project.

The contingent payment comprises 45% of entitlement barrels (being the share of oil
relating to FAR’s 13.67% RSSD Project exploitation area interest) sold over the previous
calendar year multiplied by the excess (if any) of the crude oil price per barrel (capped
at US$70) and US$58.

The contingent payment terminates on the earliest of 31 December 2027, three years
from the first oil being sold (excluding any periods of zero production), and a total
contingent payment of US$55 million being reached.”

This deal raises very serious and disturbing questions:

  1. FAR Ltd.’s entire stake in the SNE-1 Sangomar was 15%. This has been revised down to 13% but there is no disclosure of what happens to remaining 2%.
  2. Was this deal disclosed pre-drilling of the Bambo-1 well to the Gambian public and the government of The Gambia?
  3. Given FAR’s stakes in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks through its subsidiary FAR (Gambia) Ltd., and its role as the operator during drilling in the Gambian prospects, what measures, if any, were put in place to protect The Gambia against potential conflicts of interest from FAR Ltd especially in the context of question 4 below on migration of oil? PC Gambia (Petronas) could not properly perform this role as FAR Ltd.’s joint venture partner in The Gambia?
  4. Even if the primary reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar have not extended into The Gambia, does this transaction meet the transparency expected in international investment agreements in oil and gas if oil migrates or has migrated from The Gambia into the SNE-1 Sangomar field?
  5. What due diligence did Woodside Energy and Petrosen carry out to validate FAR Ltd.’s finding that the SNE-1 Sangomar did not extend into The Gambia’s A2 block and to rule out any possibility of oil migrating from the underdeveloped reservoirs in the Gambian prospects into the SNE-1 Sangomar field?

In August 2022, FAR Ltd. reacquired 100% ownership of blocks A2 and A5 when PC (Gambia) Ltd., the subsidiary of Petronas that previously held the other 50% stake in the blocks, conveniently returned them to FAR Ltd. It is difficult to see the business case for Petronas’s involvement in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks and the justification it provided to its shareholders for taking such an enormous loss willingly.

In the meantime, FAR Ltd. has renegotiated a two-year extension to its exploration licence with the government of The Gambia, exempting it from the yearly commitment to drill a well and all other consequential taxes, fees, and expenses payable to the government.

FAR Ltd. reported that this would enable the company to consider options for delivering value while minimising its expenditure over the two-year extension period. The company aims to capitalise on the exploration data acquired from the two unsuccessful wells already drilled, without significantly drawing down existing capital.

This negotiation with the government of The Gambia would have been heavily influenced by legal advice from members of the same family or connected individuals acting on behalf of both the government and FAR Ltd. It is difficult to justify exempting FAR Ltd. from its contracted drilling obligations and all taxes and expenses payment to the government of The Gambia for the next two years, especially after having received US$127 million plus potential future millions.

There is no official gazette or publication indicating that parliamentary assent has been granted to exempt FAR Ltd. from its tax liabilities to the government of The Gambia. It would be a surprise if there had been. The government of The Gambian remains cash strapped and unable to meet basic needs for hospitals, schools, police, and infrastructure. With this arrangement, FAR Ltd. is arguably recouping every penny it claimed to have spent in The Gambia through its subsidiary under its so-called corporate social responsibility.

In the meantime, FAR Ltd. has outlined its plan for prospects Panthera, Jatto, and Malo in its A2 block, each of which it claims (as it did with the other unsuccessful prospects) contain multiple potential oil-bearing reservoir targets. However, any exploration on these prospects is conditional on FAR Ltd. finding a suitable joint venture partner to fund the cost. Thus, the extension granted to FAR Ltd. is likely to be longer if it cannot find a joint venture partner with deep pockets and one should add relevant expertise. This situation places The Gambia in a precarious position.

Given that the Gambian wells were found not to contain significant oil and gas reserves, it could be argued that FAR Ltd. strategically avoided the costs and risks associated with further exploration and development. However, this outcome also meant it evaded the possibility of discovering and developing untapped resources, which would have required them to pay royalties to the government of The Gambia. The real issue lies in the decision of the government of The Gambia to sign away 100% working interest in its exploration blocks without thoroughly exhausting all possibilities. This decision leaves The Gambia with nothing to show for its potential resources—a short-sighted move that is difficult to justify.

FAR Ltd. would likely point to the extensive cautionary exemption statement in its presentations, which it would claim absolves it of any liability for inaccuracies in its geophysical data.

Senegal/Gambia Relations

On 24 March 2024, Senegal elected a new president, Mr. Bassirou Diomaye Faye, after Macky Sall was forced by popular pressure to step down at the end of his final term. The new government, with Prime Minister Ousman Sonko at the helm, has vowed to follow and apply principles of honesty in governance. In his inaugural visit to The Gambia, the first since his election, President Faye extended an open arm of cooperation, solidarity, and respect to the government of The Gambia. This reflects his new foreign policy, which places a bold emphasis on unity and solidarity within Africa. He emphasised that the bond between the two countries will be strengthened and that nothing will change from what has already been established. It is hoped that this new government will reflect the level of honesty in governance it has spoken about in its actions, bringing transparency to all matters relating to dialogue, exploration, and production of the shared natural resources between the two countries. However, a recent high-level intergovernmental meeting between the two countries, attended by President Faye, Prime Minister Sonko, and The Gambian Vice President Jallow, focused on key areas of strategic importance but notably omitted the most sensitive topic: oil and gas. This omission raises concerns about future developments.

The curse of oil and gas in African Countries

Oil and gas have been a curse for almost all producing Sub-Saharan African countries. These nations are endowed with vast natural resources that could have propelled them into the league of developed countries. However, they have failed due to sheer mismanagement and chronic corruption. This is what sets them apart from successfully managed countries like Norway, Qatar, and the UAE, which have similar vast resources. Senegal could turn a new and refreshing chapter in resource management in Africa by emulating the successes of Norway—eliminating corruption, strengthening efficient institutions, and setting up a responsibly managed Sovereign Wealth Fund. It will need to act quickly to register any success because the era of oil and gas is rapidly ending as the world transitions to renewable energy. For The Gambia, the curse has struck even before oil and gas are discovered!

Conclusion

The results from FAR Ltd.’s exploration drilling in the SAMO-1, Bambo-1, and Soloo Deep prospects have confirmed the presence of oil. In the cases of SAMO-1 and BAMBO-1, although the reservoirs were of excellent quality, they were unable to trap the oil due to underdeveloped seals. The oil in these prospects likely migrated to an accumulation zone, which remains unidentified. The most likely location of this accumulation zone is in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. However, FAR Ltd.’s inability to identify the accumulation zone or confirm the migration path of the oil leading to speculation about oil migrating to the SNE-1 Sangomar field is due to several factors: its lack of technical expertise and funds, approach to exploration, drilling, and the accuracy of its geophysical survey data.

This failure is not FAR Ltd.’s alone. The government of The Gambia’s policy on oil and gas exploration has also failed at the level of execution. There is a serious lack of transparency in the relationship between Gambians, the government of The Gambia and FAR Ltd. This relationship appears to operate beyond confidentiality and into the realm of secrecy. Given the country’s weak institutions and the lack of proper regulatory oversight on oil and gas exploration, a vacuum is created where important decisions on matters of national interest are made by connected individuals behind closed doors. The national interest is put at risk when the performance of relevant stakeholders cannot be measured or when failures are not sanctioned.

With Senegal progressing at speed with oil production, there is an urgency for the government of The Gambia to expedite its oil and gas exploration with vigour. The exploration should be competently executed to achieve the purpose of finding an accumulation zone in The Gambia or at the very least establish the migration path of the oil from The Gambia to an established accumulation zone across the maritime boundary with Senegal, anywhere within the subbasin. The resources deep under the seabed in the Senegal/Gambia subbasin, in particular the SNE-1 Sangomar field should not be claimed by Senegal alone. It is overly simplistic to rely solely on surface maritime boundaries as the criterion for determining whether a country should share the natural resources below the seabed with its immediate neighbour. Similarly, it should not be necessary to provide evidence of oil and gas migration from The Gambia to the SNE-1 Sangomar field to justify such sharing. The government of The Gambia should initiate proactive inter-governmental dialogue with Senegal for greater clarity and understanding of the hydrocarbon and geophysical formation across their maritime boundaries. They must agree a protocol for joint resource and revenue sharing on exploration and production of oil and gas in the Senegal/Gambia subbasin of the MSGBC.

Successive governments since independence have failed The Gambia on all the indices of development. It is the smallest country in mainland Africa and potentially by far the easiest to develop if it had the right leadership and progressive orientated people. But despite its manageable size and potential natural resources, The Gambia has suffered the misfortune of having extremely poor leadership and an unenterprising population. The wealthy and so-called intellectuals and professionals have become the biggest enablers of the forces both internally and externally that undermine the economic and political sovereignty of the nation. All of these, give weight to previously held reservations that The Gambia cannot be a viable state. The saga of the exploration of oil and gas on The Gambia’s maritime coast and many other recent developments in the nation’s history should open frank discussion by the people about the future of the country. The Gambia is on the cusp of becoming a failed state (if not already) and there is not a flicker of light shining through this long dark tunnel that it has any chance left to its own accord to save itself. Developing a country requires a collective national effort. If this cannot be achieved, an appealing alternative for The Gambia, given Senegal’s new and dynamic leadership committed to justice, might be to consider full integration with Senegal. This would, in a way, correct the injustice of the Berlin Conference, where the two brotherly nations were divided without their consent. But Senegal, wary of its ‘tainted’ oil and gas lottery win, might shut the door on The Gambia. In that case, The Gambia risks drifting into the wilderness and becoming a basket case – an unsettling prospect. The only way to avoid this fate is for The Gambia to build strong institutions and demand its fair share of the resources in the Senegal-Gambia sub-basin. The Gambia must be resolute in this pursuit. For The Gambia, for Justice, for Development!

Reference Material

  1. Assessment of the Undiscovered Oil and Gas of the Senegal Province, Mauritania,
    Senegal, The Gambia, and Guinea-Bissau, Northwest Africa
    By Michael E. Brownfield and Ronald R. Charpentier
  2. The SNE Discovery Offshore Senegal – Moving a Frontier Basin to Emergent
    Eric Hathon, Exploration Director, Cairn Energy PLC 12th June 2018
  3. Lithostratigraphy and Characterisation of Paleocene Limestones for Optimal
    Exploitation (Senegal, West Africa): Comparative Study of the Bandia and Popenguine
    Quarries by Thiam, Dione, Dieye & Diakher
  4. THE REPUBLIC OF THE GAMBIA PETROLEUM (EXPLORATION, DEVELOPMENT &
    PRODUCTION) BLOCK A5
  5. FAR Ltd Press Release FAR Ltd Website 12/06/2024
  6. FAR Ltd Press Release 26 August 2022 – FAR takes 100% ownership in The Gambia
    Blocks A2 and A5
  7. Addleshaw Goddard November 2021 – Legal Review: Oil and Gas Exploration and
    Production in the Gambia.
  8. FAR Ltd Presentation – Drilling Results from Nov 2021 – Press Release Titled the Gambia
    – Highly Prospective – Seeking farm-out
  9. FAR Ltd Presentation – Far Ltd Presentation 09/09/ 2021
  10. FAR Ltd – Presentation – Far Ltd AGM 2018 Presentation – Samo1 & Samo1 Pre-drill
    forecast – FAR Ltd – 31.10.2018
  11. FAR Ltd – Cath Norman in November 2017 uploaded on – 22.03.2018 YouTube Interview
    by Gavin Collery
  12. FAR Ltd Presentation – Far Ltd – Drilling in Senegal – Sangomar RIU Good Oil
    Conference 14 September 2016 Cath Norman.
  13. FAR Ltd Presentation Relations with Petronas – 26 Feb 2018
    OE 25 June 2020 FAR signs Gambia JOAs with Petronas. Seeks drilling partners.
  14. FAR Ltd – FAR’s Cautionary Exemption Statement
  15. DW new on the MSGGC basin – Case of Guinea Bissau. See DW in Focus – 12/31/2021
  16. Handbook on the delimitations of Maritime Boundaries – United Nations Publications
    Sales No E.01. V.2
  17. Hydrocarbon Migration Theory
  18. African Petroleum Gambia Limited and APCL Gambia B.V. v. Republic of The Gambia
    (ICSID Case No. ARB/17/39)
  19. African Petroleum Stands on Slippery Ground
    By Shem Oirere May 2, 2019
  20. Gambia: Government stalls Oil tender process to seek an end to risky arbitration –
    Gunjur Online 11 April 2018.
  21. BP enters Gambia with exploration deal in disputed A1 block, By Pap Saine- Reuters 1
    May 2019
  22. Delimitation Treaties Infobase – Accessed on 14/02/2002 – Maritime Boundaries: The
    Gambia/Senegal 4th June 1975
  23. Oil and gas giant Petronas joins FAR to drill offshore The Gambia by Danica Cullinane
    February 26, 2018
  24. Petronas’ petroleum stake acquisition gets Gambia nod by Fatou Touray Kerr Fatou –
    Last updated Oct 4, 2021
  25. Offshore Engineer: Far Signs Gambia JOAs with Petronas. Seeks Drilling Partners
    Jun 25, 2020
  26. Offshore Mag: Multiple oil shows from Bambo well offshore The Gambia
    Dec. 23, 2021
  27. The drillship Stena IceMAX has finished drilling and formation evaluation operations for
    FAR’s deepwater Bambo-1ST1 side-track well offshore The Gambia.
    CSN: Bambo-1 well drilling commences offshore The Gambia
    December 8, 2021
  28. Petroleum Africa: Bamboo-1 Well Offshore The Gambia Nears Total Depth
    Monday, December 6, 2021
  29. Status and Prospect of Drilling Fluid Loss and Lost Circulation Control Technology in
    Fractured Formation
  30. Jingbin Yang,1 Jinsheng Sun,1,2, * Yingrui Bai,1 Kaihe Lv,1 Guodong Zhang,1 and
    Yuhong Li3
  31. GeoExpro: The MSGBC Basin: Where is the next hydrocarbon discovery?
    By Ben Sayers and Richard Cooke; TGSPublished at: December 12, 2018
  32. Offshore Engineer: Cairn completes FAN South-1, moves to next SNE probe
    OE Staff Jul 11, 2017
  33. Oil & Gas Report: Cairn’s SNE North-1 Unimpressive, But better than the last probe By
    Fred Akanni, Editor August 7, 2017.
  34. EarthDoc – Online Geoscience Database: The SNE Discovery Offshore Senegal –
    Moving a Frontier Basin to Emergent
    By E. Hathon1, Publisher: European Association of Geoscientists & Engineers
    Source: 80th EAGE Conference and Exhibition 2018, Jun 2018, Volume 2018, p.1 – 5
  35. EIK: FAR The Gambia signs new joint operation agreement with PC The Gambia:
    Published 27th June 2020.
  36. The Way Ahead: How Offshore Capping Stacks Work
    Trendsetter Engineering’s Mauricio Madrid and Antony Matson explain how offshore
    capping stacks can be used to stop spills when the blowout preventer fails.
    January 14, 2014, By Antony Matson, Mauricio Madrid
  37. Hot and Cold Rig Stacking in Oil & Gas (Part 1) April 12, 2017, at 7:47 PM / by Wood
    Mackenzie Supply Chain. This post is the first of a two-part series on rig stacking. Part 2
    Part 2 will cover stacking in onshore drilling.
  38. Oil and Gas: Drilling Technologies – www.oil-gasportal.com
  39. The Design of Geological Exploration with Side Track Drilling by Stanislav V. Varushkin,
    Zhanna A. Khakimova – PERM Journal of Petroleum and Mining Engineering.
    Volume/Tom 18 N0. 1 2018.
  40. Reuters: Gambia to market oil blocks disputed by African Petroleum
    By Julia Payne, November 10, 2017
  41. AOW: Technical Aspects of The Gambia A1. Overview of Tenure Over the A1 Block. –
    aowenergy.com
  42. GeoExpro: The Gambia: the next major oil play? By Tony Pedley, Polarcus Published at:
    December 6, 2016

Editor’s Note: On August 5, 2024, The Fatu Network reached out to FAR Ltd, inviting them to respond to the claims presented in this exposé. As of the time of publication, FAR Ltd has not provided a response.

This article was updated on 25.10.24 to correct the following points:
  • The African Legal Support Facility (ALSF) did not provide support to the Government of The Gambia in its arbitration proceedings with African Petroleum.
  • Mr Jerreh Barrow is not related to President Adama Barrow.
The Lawyer for FAR Ltd (Gambia) Ltd has denied on behalf of his mother that she was the local counsel for the Government of The Gambia on Energy, Oil and Gas.

REBUTTAL (Verbatim): By: Jerreh Barrow, Jambanjelly

It was with keen interest I read through Mr. M’bai’s featured article (The Saga of a Small Nation and its Missing Oil and Gas Resources) on the Fatu Network. Given the importance of some of the issues raised to the Gambian public, it is necessary to set the record straight. However, because this article will end up being too long if I try to address all the problematic parts, I will therefore focus on the most serious errors and misrepresentations. In my view, the crux of his suggestions, which needed to be addressed, centered around the question:

SHOULD THE GAMBIA AND SENEGAL SHARE RESOURCES IN THE SANGOMAR-FIELD?

The author said, YES. I would however implore each and every reader to answer this question objectively, but only after reading the following:

According to the author: “Because The Gambia and Senegal share the same sub-basin, then they should share the oil and gas found in the SNE-1 Sangomar field” and that “Senegal is the sole beneficiary of a vast oil and gas field in the shared Senegal/Gambia sub-basin.”

He also said: “Under normal circumstances, applying principles of equity, these resources should be shared, regardless of the discovered accumulation zone being on the Senegalese side.”

And that: “It should not be necessary to provide evidence of oil and gas migration from The Gambia to the SNE-1 Sangomar field to justify such sharing.”

From the first quote above, the main (geological?) justification Mr. M’bai gave for the claim is that both Gambia and Senegal are located in the same ‘sub-basin’ and therefore should share the ‘oil and gas resources found in Sangomar.’ I noted that he has also given Mauritania-Senegal as a ‘precedent’ for joint field development. What he did not understand though is that, in addition to sharing the MSGBC and/or any sub-basin, there are other criteria (principally geological) that must be met by those resources to be the subject of joint field development or sharing.

Geological Criteria for Cross-border Resource Sharing

The international practice of cross-border joint resource development has well-established geological criteria. The primary condition essential for even contemplation of ‘resource sharing’ is ‘common reservoir,’ which is different from ‘common sub-basin.’ Once a common reservoir is established, the presence of hydrocarbons on both sides of the internationally recognized boundary, the type and other characteristics of hydrocarbon if it exists, among others are investigated. A geological sub-basin basically is a subdivision of a basin and comprises a structurally separate unit of a basin. It may include reservoirs, seals, source rocks. A ‘Reservoir’ on the other hand, is a single sedimentary rock unit such as sandstones, limestones capable of holding and discharging fluids in this instance, hydrocarbons. There could be many reservoirs in a sub-basin.

An analogy to the ‘sub-basin’ – ‘resource sharing’ notion being suggested by the author would be equating a basin to a country, a sub-basin to a region, and a reservoir to a farm/land. To suggest that if we share a sub-basin, then we should share the resources in that ‘sub-basin’ would be equivalent to suggesting that two settlements in a region, say West Coast Region, should share the lands in their respective settlements simply because they are in the same West Coast Region. We know ownership of land is attained by well-established criteria, not simply by residing in a locality. Another analogy would be that the North Atlantic being a geographic subdivision of the Atlantic Ocean. If the author’s reasoning is anything to go by, then it would be conceivable that because the Gambia and the USA share the North Atlantic Ocean, then the Gambia should share the fish in US waters. I don’t think that is how natural resource sharing works. I’m not saying such established rules are fair, all I’m saying is that is the accepted and operated norm.

The author further stated: “It should not be necessary to provide evidence of oil and gas migration from The Gambia to the SNE-1 Sangomar field to justify such sharing,” implying there need not be any geological basis for such sharing, but he has also noted that:

“The exploration should be competently executed to achieve the purpose of finding an accumulation zone in The Gambia or at the very least establish the migration path of the oil from The Gambia to an established accumulation zone across the maritime boundary with Senegal, anywhere within the subbasin.”

The author made numerous references to “Senegal/Gambia sub-basin,” apparently coined to implant in the reader’s mind a picture to support his theory. For the record, the most common nomenclature used in geoscience circles for the subdivisions of the MSGBC is not “Senegal/Gambia” but rather “Northern sub-basins” starting from the Gambia River all the way to Senegal River and Casamance sub-basin, from the Gambia River to the south.

As to why the Gambian wells have not yet found oil, I have to state here that oil and gas are natural resources and like all natural resources, they are finite and unevenly distributed. Meaning they are found in certain locations and not in other locations, and at any such location, their boundaries start somewhere and end somewhere. A simple analogy will be different minerals such as gold are found in different parts of the world or even different parts of the same country. To bring this closer to home in the Gambia, the mineral sands are mainly found along the coast. Laterites are mainly exposed in the eastern parts of the country, kaolinite mainly in Kundam area, plastic clays are found in riverine areas etc. This is just how geology has decided!

Precedents for Cross-border Resource Sharing

The reader also referenced the Senegal-Mauritania joint field development as a precedent to support the claim. There are differences between that and the Gambia-Senegal situation as explained in Figure 1 on the two maps and explanations that follow.

Figure 1: Two maps, to the left a Mauritania-Senegal maritime border map, marked by the white dotted line, and to the Right, Senegal-Gambia border marked by the black line.

Senegal-Mauritania Map:

  1. From the left map, you will notice that the Greater Tortue Oil field (marked by a small oblique dotted black line with a yellow irregular polygon), is located right on the established internationally agreed and accepted Mauritania-Senegal northern border. Neither on the Senegalese side nor on the Mauritanian side of the maritime boundary.
  2. Note on the Mauritanian side of the border, Tortue-1 well was drilled in 2015 and it made a discovery, then in 2016, Guembeul-1 was drilled on the Senegalese side, which was also a discovery. In 2016 Ahmeyim-1 was drilled on Mauritanian side, it was a discovery, and GTA-1 was subsequently drilled on the Senegalese side in 2019 and it made a discovery. Information collected such as reservoir properties confirmed that these resources are located/hosted in the same reservoir (note, I do not say sub-basin). Also note to the north of the GTA is another field called Greater BirAllah, which is indeed located in the same subbasin as the GTA, but not on connected reservoirs. This is located within Mauritania’s maritime boundary, and since no connected reservoirs have been established has not been a subject of any joint field development.

Gambia-Senegal Map Now let us look at the Senegal-Gambia Map on the right. To the north were the SNE wells (numerous drilled between 2016-2018), all of them encountered significant oil. Then to the south of the border on the Gambian side, in 2018 Samo-1 was drilled and it was an unsuccessful well (not a failure though, in exploration jargon unsuccessful wells do not equate to a failure). Then in 2021, the Bambo-1 well was drilled very close to the border to test the extent of the Sangomar field and it was unsuccessful (not a failure). The desire to find oil on the conjugate reservoirs on the Gambian side of the border partly explains the reason FAR’s efforts were directed towards establishing the extension of the Sangomar field.

Let me hasten to add that I am not suggesting that none of the reservoirs in Senegal extends into The Gambia or that those that may extend are not oil bearing in the Gambia. No, far from that. On the contrary, the reason why Gambia continues to search/explore for oil is because there are strong indications that some of the reservoirs in the Gambian jurisdiction are oil-bearing, whether they are extensions of reservoirs in Senegal or not. The reason being that the Mauritania-Senegal-Guinea-Bissau (“MSGB”) Basin lies approximately at depths ranging from 50 to 1,500 metres (Figure 1).

From 1,504km² of modern 3D seismic data acquired in Blocks A2, prospects and leads similar to the “shelf edge” plays FAR has successfully mapped [three] prospects and leads (Figure 2).

A2 Update Reservoirs on the Carbonate Shelf edge are highly compartmentalized. This is one of the reasons over 10 appraisal wells were drilled in the Sangomar field.

Legal Basis for Resource Ownership

According to the author:

  1. The absence of international law detailing how ownership rights over these resources should be determined has led to “safari justice” in some parts of the world, where might prevails and weaker countries struggle to protect their interests. Another aspect of this issue is related to the jurisdiction of maritime boundaries.
  2. “It is commonly assumed that strict adherence to surface maritime boundaries automatically determines ownership rights of resources deep below the seabed, which can lead to significant injustice.”
  3. “Under normal circumstances, applying principles of equity, these resources should be shared, regardless of the discovered accumulation zone being on the Senegalese side.”

He seems to suggest in point 1 above that there is no international law on ownership rights over resources in this maritime zone. However, there is the Law of the Sea, which provides the comprehensive legal framework for the governance of the world’s oceans and, as indicated by the author, both The Gambia and Senegal are signatories to this convention.

Article 56 of the Law of the Sea, speaking about “Rights, jurisdiction and duties in the exclusive economic zone” (where these resources are located) states that, “States have sovereign rights for the purpose of exploring and exploiting, conserving and managing the natural resources, whether living or non-living, of the waters superjacent to the seabed and of the seabed and its subsoil, and with regard to other activities for the economic exploitation and exploration of the zone, such as the production of energy from the water, currents and winds.”

To end this particular subject and from the above, it is clear that his conclusions are defective in many different dimensions. Neither a geological basis, nor a precedent or legal ground for such a claim has been provided.

WHAT FAR’S ACQUISITION OF 100% INTEREST IN A2 AND A5 MEANS!

On this theme, the author’s wrong understanding of the concepts of ‘working interest’ and ‘revenue share’, referring to FAR’s interest in the Gambia, noted that:

“The license deal, giving FAR Ltd 100% working interest in blocks A2 and A5, effectively meant The Gambia owned none of its oil and gas resources upon discovery. All rights to explore, drill, produce, and sell resources from the blocks belonged to FAR Ltd and other licence holders. The Gambia had imprudently hinged its hopes on royalties’ payment at production. This arrangement, despite any savings The Gambia might have made from associated expenses, was to say the least, disadvantageous. Even Senegal had the foresight to retain an 18% interest in its blocks.”

It is important to explain the difference between the concepts of ‘working interest’ and ‘revenue shares’. First and foremost, holding 100% working interest in an oil and gas licence does not equal owning 100% of the revenues, as insinuated by the author. On the contrary, working interest in oil and gas agreements represents the share of investment that a company contributes towards the fulfillment of the work obligations. The percentage that the company/government takes, referred to as government/company’s take, is determined by the application of the fiscal regime (royalty is not the only revenue stream for government). The fiscal regime is a package of tools (see below) at government’s disposal deployable for capturing ‘economic rent’. It is worth mentioning that the Gambian licensing regime is not a PSA, as purported by the author, but rather a ‘Royalty-Tax regime’. These are two different mechanisms for capturing economic rent.

Equating working interest to revenue share is an oversimplification of a rather intricate calculation of revenues that takes into account the cumulative resource expenses, operating cost, royalty (including the rate), transfer pricing rules, thin capitalization, double taxation, signature and other bonuses etc. See below in Figure 2, a comparison of the different government takes for different projects in the region. This is a result comparing the Government’s take in various oil and gas licences in the region, including the Gambia, Senegal and Guinea. You can see that Government’s take in most of these projects is over 60%, contrary to the author’s misrepresentation. The Petrosen 18% participating interest is part of government’s take but not the total government take.

Figure 2: A chart showing the Government’s take in a number of Oil and Gas projects in the region including the Gambia and Senegal.

In frontier exploration such as the Gambia, and many other places in the world, governments will almost always only hold a minority working interest, which is often a ‘carried interest’, because they don’t want to contribute/put tax-payer’s hard-earned monies into a highly risky business as oil exploration. This is what prevails in Ghana, Nigeria, Namibia and Norway (during the early days of its exploration journey). Article 10 part 14 of Ghana’s Petroleum Exploration Act states that, “A petroleum agreement shall contain a term that the Corporation shall (a) hold an initial participating carried interest of at least fifteen per cent for exploration and development…” Such arrangements may change as the basin matures, and with dwindling risk, States become bolder in asserting control. Again, remember it does not represent government’s take! Refer to Article 18.1 of the A2 and A5 licences, which gave the government right to take up to 15% participating interest in these licences at development and production. Basically, what that means is that FAR will bear all of the exploration cost, which at the time of their exit is over $100 million, but if they find commercially viable oil, government can immediately get up to 15% interest. Meaning it will be responsible for funding 15% of the cost of development and production. But government’s entitlement to the revenues, as I said, will in addition include taxes such as Corporate Income Tax, royalty (often representing the largest chunk of government’s take), additional profit payments and bonus.

FAR Farming-out to Petronas

Executive Summary This benchmarking study compares the terms prevailing in Gambia’s three signed contracts, for blocks A1 (BP), A2 and A5 (FAR and Petronas), with terms prevailing in other oil projects selected for their similarities.

But it is important to understand the limitations of a fiscal benchmarking exercise. Projections at this high level cannot embrace nuance of interpretation, which requires extensive analysis across a dozen jurisdictions. Also, fiscal regimes are compared under one notional set of economics. They need to be tested against different market conditions. Specifically, in the Gambian case:

  • Prospectivity: GoTG must obtain the best view of prospectivity, and test different prospectivity scenarios: what results look like for both government and investor look very different depending on whether the field is 100 million, or 1 billion barrels of oil.
  • Project economics: A similar approach must be adopted for costs, including those associated with water depth: the apparent difference in signed GoTG agreements for example is largely due to lower royalties in the deeper water A1 and A4 blocks, an industry norm to make such projects more attractive to investors.
  • Senegal: The Senegalese analogue should be studied in more depth, to determine the position of companies operating there with regard to extending into Gambia.

Figure 1: “Government take” (AETR) results for GoTG’s two signed agreements, based on the PEPLA, relative to projects from Senegal (3 projects), Mauritania, Liberia, Guinea, Ghana and Guyana. Detail in body of report.

Figure 1 shows “government take” results for the Gambian contracts versus a selection of other projects, mainly along the West African continental shelf. What these results mean, and how these projects were selected, is discussed below.

Sharing of risk and reward is a common and normal practice in a highly risky and capital intensive venture like the Petroleum business. I wrote on this topic in 2017 and to avoid repetition, readers are referred to The Point newspaper article of 14th April, 2017, titled: GAMBIA’S PETROLEUM SITUATION: Erin-FAR DEAL: https://thepoint.gm/africa/gambia/article/gambias-petroleum-situation-erin-far-deal

TRANSPARENCY

The author had on numerous instances decried the lack of transparency around the governance of the sector. In particular he concluded that:

  1. “There is a serious lack of transparency in the relationship between Gambians, the government of The Gambia and FAR Ltd. This relationship appears to operate beyond confidentiality and into the realm of secrecy.”

And

  1. “It is difficult to justify exempting FAR Ltd. from its contracted drilling obligations and all taxes and expenses payment to the government of The Gambia for the next two years, especially after having received US$127 million plus potential future millions. There is no official gazette or publication indicating that parliamentary assent has been granted to exempt FAR Ltd. from its tax liabilities to the government of The Gambia.”
  2. Comments: The relationship between the Gambians, the government and FAR is primarily prescribed in the A2 and A5 licences, premised on Petroleum Act 2004 and many other legislations such as NEMA, IVAT etc. For example, the NEMA sets out the environmental obligations during the execution of these licences. The IVAT prescribed the fiscal obligations.

    With respect to the specific obligations of FAR, these are all summarized in the A2 and A5 licences, which are all public documents. Readers are referred to the following:

    1. Gazette No. 41, of 31st July, 2023, where A2 & A5 licences, Petronor licences, Deeds of Amendments of the A2, A4 and A5 licences were publicized.
    2. Gazette No. 65 of 20th October 2023, and No. 35 of 24th June 2024 on the annual public report on Petroleum operations by the Petroleum Commission since its establishment.
    3. Numerous local and international newspaper publications, press statements etc. regarding the licensing round, outcomes and BP’s exit.

See below under the heading BP LICENCES the other publications, and National Assembly updates on the sector.

FAR Drilling

According to the Author:

  1. “In a 2018 appraisal, Cairn Energy reported that no 3D seismic data was available for this prospect, suggesting that FAR Ltd relied on less accurate 2D data or none at all for its assessments”
  2. “Since The Gambia’s A2 block is physically contiguous with the SNE-1 Sangomar field, as shown by 3D seismic data, the migration of a large volume of oil from there into the SNE-1 Sangomar field would be quick and effortless.”
  3. “In 2020, FAR Ltd moved on to its next drilling prospects, the Soloo and Bambo wells. These are located to the north of the A2 block, nearly side by side on an elevated gradient of the PSET shelf trend, part of the SNE-1 Sangomar field extending into the A2 block. The available 3D seismic data predrill confirmed the geological formation as a continuous extension of the SNE-1 Sangomar field into The Gambia”

Comments: First, I seriously doubt Cairn was accurately quoted in the first item, because Cairn understands that in the year 2018, no company would drill a deep offshore well on 2D data. This is because the cost of acquiring 3D is so insignificant compared to the cost of drilling, no sensible person would drill on 2D in the year 2018. The second point is that in the first quote, he says no 3D and in the second he said there is, which squarely contradicts each other. The truth is that both wells were drilled using 3D. Cairn was probably referring to the Jammah-1 well which was drilled in 1979 (40 years ago) on 2D. He also says the well is located in the A5 block, which is not the case, as can be seen in the maps he showed.

He further stated that:

  1. “FAR Ltd further indicated that the oil migration path from the SAMO well charts towards the Bambo and Soloo wells, which were mapped to be in the same two primary reservoirs as the eight others, and now twenty-three, wells that FAR Ltd and its joint venture partner Woodside Energy have drilled in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The Bambo and Soloo prospects are even closer to BP’s previously held A1 block than the SAMO-1 prospect.”
  2. “The results from FAR Ltd.’s exploration drilling in the SAMO-1, Bambo-1, and Soloo Deep prospects have confirmed the presence of oil.”
  3. “In 2020, FAR Ltd moved on to its next drilling prospects, the Soloo and Bambo wells.”

In 1, 2 and 3, the author in one sentence refers to ‘Soloo well’ in another ‘Soloo Prospects’, ‘Samo well’ and ‘Samo-1 prospect’, ‘Samo-1, Bambo-1, and Soloo Deep prospects’. What he does not understand is that there is a difference between a ‘well’ and a ‘prospect’. Samo-1 and Bambo-1 are wells and the names are simple labels. The ‘Samo prospect’ has a geological connotation, referring to the aggregate of target reservoirs. Furthermore, there is no ‘Soloo well’ contrary to the quotes in 2 & 4. The real issue that needs to be understood here is that deep water oil exploration is such a technologically challenging, financially risky and knowledge intensive activity that only a serious and committed investor will spend many years and over $100M to undertake in a frontier environment.

BP Licence
The author asked:

  1. “It would be interesting to know the composition of the negotiation team, including the legal personnel on both sides, for this settlement. It remains unclear what factors determined the $30 million settlement and how it was utilized by the Gambian government, as no public disclosure has been made.”

Comments:
I refer readers to the Ministry’s press release of the 18th of April 2018, updating the general public on the results of the evaluation and listing the companies involved in the licensing round. When BP was granted the licence, publications were made in local newspapers. For example, on the 2nd of May 2019, The Standard newspaper published an article titled “Gambia, BP Sign Oil Exploration Deal.” There was also a press statement regarding BP’s exit made by the government’s spokesperson, which was featured in local newspapers, including The Point in its article of the 12th of August 2021 titled “Gov’t Gets Back D1.5B from BP.”

Furthermore, the BP licence, containing the terms and conditions of the grant, was published in the Gazette as a public notice on Gazette Number 20 of 27th March 2020 (GN. No 59/2020). Subsequently, see the October 28th, 2021, Standard newspaper publication titled “Gambia Opens Mini Licensing for Block A1,” as well as Gazette Number 55 Vol. 138 of 8th December 2021 (GN. No 185/2021).

Also, refer to the press release issued around August 2021, which listed those who supported the Government in the BP negotiation, including the African Legal Support Facility, Addleshaw Goddard, DLA Pipers, and Open Oil. Having worked with individuals from these entities for years, I can attest to their competence, and a simple web search will provide information on these organizations. Furthermore, the African Legal Support Facility has published information about its support for The Gambia’s Petroleum Sector. The BP negotiations ended very well for The Gambia and on terms consistent with the agreement. I also refer readers to BP’s public statements of February 12 and August 4, 2020, on its policy shift that resulted in its exit from The Gambia.

In addition, during numerous National Assembly sessions, the NAMS and, by extension, the public were informed about developments surrounding exploration activities. For instance, during the fourth session (12th November–22nd December 2020), in response to Question No. 209/2020 by Hon. Alh Mbow of Upper Saloum, the Hon. Minister updated on the FAR-PETRONAS licence, the Petronor agreement, and the BP licence situation.

Similarly, during the second ordinary session of the 2021 legislature, in response to Question 4 by Hon. Alhagie Mbow – Upper Saloum Constituency, the Honourable Minister provided specifics on the funds received from 2017 to 2021 and where these funds were deposited. Likewise, in 2022, during the fourth legislative session, in response to Question No. 0176/2022 from the member for Bakau, the Hon. Minister elaborated on FAR’s acquisition and its extension. In 2023, answers to Questions 141/2023, 143/2023, and 144/2023 gave an overview of FAR’s tenure. These submissions also included details of the funds received.

Equally, during the recent third ordinary session of the 2024 legislative session, information about the situations concerning FAR, Petronor, and BP was provided. I believe these are public records!


African Petroleum Matter
Similar misrepresentations are found in the article regarding the African Petroleum arbitration and the subsequent settlement agreement. The fact, backed by records, is that African Petroleum initiated arbitration against The Gambia in 2017. At some point, given the very good job done by the lawyers representing The Gambia, the company, through partners, persistently requested an out-of-court settlement. This request was accepted in 2020 after strategic considerations, and the negotiations ended on terms very favorable to The Gambia.

A press briefing was held in September 2020, where the details of the agreement terms were given, including the payments made to the government. It is also worth stating that the African Legal Support Facility did not fund The Gambia’s costs for this arbitration, as claimed by the author. Instead, these costs were reimbursed by African Petroleum as part of the settlement. Referring to the legislative updates, this matter, as mentioned above, is in the public domain.


FAR’s Gambian Operations
In questioning and attempting to discredit FAR’s records and efforts in The Gambia, the author suspected that one of the reasons for FAR’s failure could be attributed to the use of a 6th-generation drillship, Stena Drillmax. This is despite quoting Cath Norman as saying that the discoveries in Senegal were made with a 5th-generation vessel.

A careful reading of Cath’s statement shows that she was highlighting the comparison of speed and cost regarding the use of the 7th generation, not necessarily questioning operational capability. A simple internet search on Stena DrillMax and IceMax, used in The Gambia in 2018 and 2021 respectively, will demonstrate the operational capability of these vessels.

The author also noted:
“Given FAR’s stakes in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks through its subsidiary FAR (Gambia) Ltd., and its role as the operator during drilling in the Gambian prospects, what measures, if any, were put in place to protect The Gambia against potential conflicts of interest from FAR Ltd., especially in the context of migration of oil? PC Gambia (Petronas) could not properly perform this role as FAR Ltd.’s joint venture partner in The Gambia.”

The insinuation that FAR (plus Petronas) somehow invested over a hundred million dollars in exploration in The Gambia during the tenure of their licenses as part of a scheme, with the objective of “not finding” oil but conniving with Senegal, lacks evidence.

Conclusion
There are good records on how the Petroleum Sector has been governed, and these are available to anyone interested in the matter.

 

RESPONSE TO MR. BARROW’S REBUTTAL (Verbatim)

By: Ousman F. M’Bai

Should The Gambia and Senegal Share Resources in the Sangomar Field?

The article does not suggest that shared sub-basin resources automatically lead to joint ownership by states. Instead, as Mr M’Bai argued, the matter involves two key points:

  1. The presence of shared reservoirs in the s400 and s500 series, as shown in the article under the subheading The Second Well – Bambo-1 (Side Track-1) & Soloo, and in Map 18, which illustrates the reservoir series extending into The Gambia.
  2. Even if shared reservoirs were not present, as FAR Ltd. erroneously reported, the migration of oil from Gambian prospects is a critical factor. See the section on oil migration in the article.

In summary, if shared reservoirs exist, oil migration is less relevant. However, both points remain vital in understanding resource claims.

Common Nomenclature for Subdivisions of the MSGBC

On the first page of the article, the common nomenclature is explicitly acknowledged. However, using the term “Northern Sub-basin” without further qualification is overly abstract and fails to clearly identify the location. The article provides a more accurate and comprehensive geographical context for the sub-basin, supported by Maps 1 and 2.

Precedents for Cross-Border Resource Sharing

The difference between the Mauritania-Senegal maritime boundary map and the Senegal-Gambia map is that the former is more natural and accurate. In contrast, the latter seems deliberately drawn to restrict the SNE Sangomar fields within Senegal’s territorial waters. In the article Oil Does Not Care About Boundaries by a geology expert, GeoExpro Magazine, this boundary is criticised as unreliable. Mr M’Bai echoed this criticism in his analysis, particularly in the discussion above Map 19.

Legal Basis for Resource Ownership

The article does not dispute the existence of international laws governing resource ownership. What is the law question. Rather, it focuses on HOW these laws should be applied, particularly concerning:

  1. The exploitation of natural resources across maritime boundaries.
  2. The migration of resources like oil and gas between these boundaries.

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) underscores principles such as equitable dealing, good faith negotiations, and respect for sovereignty, as discussed under the subheading The Law – Conflict Over Natural Resources Along Maritime Boundaries.

FAR’s Acquisition of 100% Interest in Blocks A2 and A5

At no point does Mr M’Bai equate working interest with revenue sharing. Instead, the article correctly outlines the implications of FAR Ltd.’s acquisition of 100% interest in Blocks A2 and A5, highlighting the consequences of The Gambia’s short-sighted approach. FAR capitalised on this without making significant discoveries, leaving The Gambia with little benefit. The AETR chart referenced applies only at the point of production and provides no immediate consolation. The consequences are further explored in the section FAR Laughing All the Way to the Bank.

FAR Farming Out to Petronas

While it is true that sharing risk and reward is common in capital-intensive ventures, the lack of financial transparency in the FAR-Petronas relationship in The Gambia remains deeply concerning.

Transparency

The core argument remains that the relationship between FAR Ltd. and The Gambia was marked by secrecy. Examples include the concealment of the drilling accident and the sale of its stake in the SNE Sangomar field to Woodside Energy. In response to your specific points:

  1. Gazette Nos. 41 and 65 relate to events occurring long after FAR Ltd. had surrendered its licence and exited The Gambia. Informing Gambians after FAR’s departure is moot.
  2. Your comments on the FAR drilling are misplaced. The article distinguishes between the SAMO well in Block A5 and the Bambo well in Block A2, and the reliance on 2D seismic data is discussed under SAMO Well. You appear to confuse SAMO with Jammah-1, a mistake similar to Cath Norman’s conflation of SAMO with Bambo in her interview with Gavin Colery.

Moreover, FAR did not spend $100 million of its own funds in The Gambia. No transactional evidence has been provided to substantiate this claim.

BP Licence

Mr M’Bai’s central argument concerning the BP negotiations is unchanged:

  1. The composition of the Gambian and BP negotiation teams has not been disclosed.
  2. While you refer to international legal practitioners, the local Gambian firm retained remains unnamed.
  3. A press release from August 2021 is referenced, but you do not specify the source or provide sufficient detail.
  4. The public has never been informed of the factors determining the $30 million settlement, leaving doubts about the outcome.

African Petroleum Matter

You claim that the settlement details were disclosed in a September 2020 press release, but:

  1. The specific press release is unidentified.
  2. The local Gambian firm involved remains undisclosed.
  3. If arbitration costs were reimbursed, evidence of such reimbursement has not been publicly provided.
  4. The settlement was among the weakest achieved, a topic to be explored in greater detail in my next article.

FAR’s Gambian Operations

Your comments here fail to grasp the severity of FAR Ltd.’s actions and their impact on The Gambia. You repeat the unsubstantiated claim that FAR spent over $100 million on exploration without providing any documentary proof. FAR’s financial and operational incompetence casts doubt on the accuracy of its finding that the s400 and s500 reservoirs do not extend into The Gambia. The Petroleum Commission did not independently verify this, and neither Woodside Energy, Petronas, nor Petrosen conducted due diligence, despite standing to gain from exclusive ownership of the sub-basin’s resources. For further details, see the GeoExpro Magazine article Oil Does Not Care About Boundaries.

I trust this addresses the points raised in your note. Given this, I do not accept that the premises of our article are unclear to the extent that an interview with you is necessary to address the written questions we previously sent. I would, however, appreciate it if you could use your best endeavours to provide a written response to those questions.

Beyond the Headlines: What the Faal Land Case Reveals About Our Governance

By Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative (SFLRAC)

As advocates for Kombo’s dispossessed land-owning communities, SFLRAC has been closely following the unfolding controversy around Essa Mbye Faal’s involvement in Karenti (the Tanji Bird Reserve) land allocation. This situation hits close to home for us, touching on the core issues we deal with every day: how power influences land decisions, who gets access to ancestral lands, and whether our state institutions truly serve communities or just elite interests.

So, we can’t look at Faal’s presidential fitness without also considering these wider issues of land justice and fair governance.

The Land Rights Lens

We set up SFLRAC because we realised Kombo’s land challenges are rarely just about land. They’re about power, justice, and the basic question of who truly counts in our democracy. When we examine the Faal controversy through this lens, we see patterns that go far beyond one individual’s business dealings. We see a governance system that keeps favouring those with connections while marginalising the very communities whose ancestral claims predate all modern legal frameworks and even the Gambian nation-state.

The apparent ease with which Faal navigated TDA land allocation processes, whatever the outcome, reveals a troubling reality for the communities we serve. While these dispossessed families struggle for decades to protect or regain their ancestral land rights, often battling bureaucratic indifference and legal hurdles, people with professional credentials and political connections can easily secure meetings with presidents and ministers to talk about their investments. This difference in access is a huge problem in how our land governance system works.

Beyond Individual Conduct: Systemic Patterns

Faal’s detailed response to the allegations is important context, and we’re not dismissing his claims that he followed proper procedures or that he ultimately didn’t benefit from the process. But our concern goes beyond just individual corruption. We want to look at what this controversy really shows us about the systemic failures in land governance that are affecting thousands of Gambian families.

The jurisdictional conflict between GTBoard and the Department of Parks and Wildlife authorities, which seems to be at the heart of this case, reflects a broader problem we see all the time in our advocacy work. Different government agencies operate with overlapping mandates and conflicting priorities, creating confusion that typically disadvantages communities and violates their rights.

What really stands out to us about this whole controversy is what’s missing from the narrative: any sign that the state agencies consulted the local landowning community. This shows a consistent gap in land governance, where technical and legal talks happen without ever acknowledging the communities whose lives and livelihoods decisions impacted directly.

Presidential Leadership and Land Justice

As we think about Faal’s suitability for president, we need to ask if his actions in this controversy show the kind of leadership that would really push for land justice for communities. His extensive international legal experience and work with the TRRC certainly show he’s technically capable and committed to accountability. This Bird Reserve controversy however makes us question his grasp of how elite privilege works in land governance, and whether he is committed to dismantling the system that dispossess communities of their landed inheritance.

A president with even a modicum of dedication to land justice would recognise that true transparency in land governance means more than just following current procedures; it requires asking if those procedures even serve community interests, or if they just benefit the elite. It entails understanding that ancestral land rights deserve recognition even when these conflict with development plans. Most importantly, it requires making sure that landowning communities have meaningful voice in decisions affecting their lands.

When Faal lists this piece of land in his campaign asset declaration, even if doing so was technically legal and meant to show transparency, it hints at a worrying disconnect from what it is like for communities who have lost ancestral lands to state-sanctioned disinheritance. For communities fighting against systemic assault on their inheritance, seeing a presidential candidate publicly claim ownership of such lands could easily feel like another instance of elite capture of community resources.

Environmental Justice and Community Rights

Environmental protection and community land rights are not inherently in conflict, despite how some portray them in policy discussions. Communities have been effective environmental stewards for centuries–a fact that often gets lost in policy discussions.

We feel it inappropriate to frame the Karenti issue as either bird habitat protection or tourism development–a clear case of a false binary that ignores community conservation and development models. Community-led approaches could honour both environmental protection goals and community land rights while ensuring sustainable tourism benefits reach local populations.

What Communities Need

Rather than simply assessing Faal’s national leadership fitness/suitability, this controversy should compel all presidential candidates to articulate clear visions for land governance reform that centres the rights of communities and environmental justice. The Gambia needs leaders who understand that land disputes are fundamentally about belonging, power, and recognition–not just technical property rights.

Any serious presidential candidate should commit to establishing a unified Land Commission with clear authority to coordinate between agencies and resolve jurisdictional conflicts. This body should include community representatives and operate with full transparency. They must mandate meaningful consultation with affected communities before any land allocation or boundary changes, including requirements for community consent, not just consultation, for decisions affecting ancestral lands and inheritance.

Our Assessment

While this controversy shows no evidence of corruption that would or should disqualify Faal from consideration for the presidency, it raises legitimate concerns about his understanding of land justice issues and by extension his commitment to the kind of systemic reforms that this country desperately needs. His technical competence and international experience are valuable assets, no doubt, but he must couple these with genuine awareness of how governance systems perpetuate dispossession, destroy generational wealth of others whilst facilitating building up the same for another. There is something fundamentally wrong about that.

Gambians have suffered from poor leadership for far too long. They deserve a break. They deserve leaders who would not only maintain personal integrity but actively work to ensure that governance systems serve the interest of the many rather than advancing the interests of elites. Whether Faal or any other candidate meets this criteria requires continued scrutiny and engagement from all Gambians, but especially communities whose voices are too often absent from political discourse.

Our democratic future and dare I say, the continued viability as a nation-state, depends not on finding perfect candidates (a humanly impossible task), but on choosing leaders capable of recognising and addressing the systemic inequities that this controversy has highlighted. The communities we serve and by extension the entire Gambian society, deserve nothing less than leaders who understand that true governance reform must centre those who have been most marginalised by existing systems.

 

Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative (SFLRAC) is a think tank established in 2025. Committed to empowering Kombo’s dispossessed land-owning communities, SFLRAC combines participatory action with rigorous, evidence-based research to secure ancestral land rights, advocate for equitable governance policies, protect cultural heritage, and advance sustainable development.

The Gambia Must Criminalize Tribal Insults Before It’s Too Late

Written by: Fatou Camara Junior

Increasingly, a troubling undercurrent has been growing in The Gambia, the normalization of tribal insults and ethnically charged rhetoric in public discourse. From online platforms to political gatherings, tribal identity is increasingly being weaponized to insult, divide, and provoke. If left unaddressed, this trend could threaten the peaceful coexistence our nation has long cherished.

Freedom of expression is a fundamental right, protected by the 1997 Constitution. But it is not a license to demean, incite hatred, or promote violence against others based on their tribal or ethnic background. No society can flourish where unity is constantly undermined by unchecked speech that stokes division.

The dangers of tribal hatred are not theoretical. We only need to look to Rwanda, where decades of ethnic stereotyping and hate propaganda laid the groundwork for the 1994 genocide. Over 800,000 lives were reportedly lost in 100 days, a tragedy fueled in part by words.

In the aftermath, Rwanda took bold legal steps to criminalize “divisionism” and ethnic hate speech. Today, it is one of the most stable and socially cohesive nations in Africa, not in spite of these laws, but because of them.

The Gambia must learn from this history, and not repeat it.

What is particularly alarming is that this toxic tribal narrative is no longer limited to political platforms or social media. It is now creeping into our music industry, a space long seen as a voice for the people and a bridge across communities. Musicians, once celebrated for uniting the nation through rhythm and message, are increasingly being pulled into tribal affiliations, subtle innuendos, and coded attacks.

When even our artists, who should be promoting peace and unity, start echoing tribal undertones, we must recognize that this problem is deepening.

We are calling on the National Assembly to take immediate legislative action to:

  • criminalize the public use of tribal slurs, ethnic insults, and stereotypes that are intended to humiliate or demean individuals or groups

  • enforce penalties against tribal speech or actions that incite violence or discrimination on the basis of tribal affiliation, whether in public, media, or digital spaces

  • establish a legal framework distinguishing free speech from hate speech, ensuring both are respected and appropriately addressed

  • require political parties, public figures, and media platforms to monitor and discourage tribal hate speech, especially during election seasons

  • promote public education campaigns on ethnic tolerance, civic identity, and national unity

Let it be clear: this is not about silencing disagreement or suppressing culture. It is about protecting the very fabric of our nation, our shared identity as Gambians.

The time to act is now. The longer we tolerate tribal insults as mere politics, jokes, or private issues, the more we risk normalizing ethnic hate. Words have power. When wielded carelessly or maliciously, they can destroy lives, communities, and even nations.

We must now ask ourselves: will the National Assembly remain silent and do nothing because some of its members are among the politicians who lean on tribal politics to secure votes?

I don’t want to believe that, and I hope our lawmakers will prove otherwise by acting in the interest of national unity, not political survival.

The National Assembly has the constitutional mandate to protect the dignity, peace, and security of all Gambians. It must rise to this responsibility before toxic speech breeds irreversible harm.

Let us not wait for tragedy to teach us a lesson we can learn today.

Omar Johm: The Two-Footed Star Who Terrorises Opponents

By Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

Omar Johm is the kind of player who makes you believe in the magic of football. With a ball at his feet, the attacking midfielder glides past defenders with effortless grace, striking with either foot like it’s second nature. His journey from the lively streets of London Corner in Serekunda to becoming the top scorer in Gambia’s Second Division is a story of innate talent, relentless determination, and a community that never stopped cheering him on.

Growing up in London Corner, football was everywhere for Johm. “It’s always been around me, from playing mini target goals on the streets, to school teams, to nawettan,” he says with a grin. “It’s part of who I am.” The neighbourhood saw something special in him early on. “They believed in me before I fully believed in myself,” he admits, their support pushing him to train harder and dream bigger.

Beating the Odds

The road wasn’t easy. Like many kids in The Gambia, Johm faced pushback from his family, who wanted him to focus on school rather than football. Add to that the lack of proper football pitches, boots, or even kits, and you get a sense of the grind. “We made it work with what we had,” he says, his voice steady with pride. Discipline kept him going, and eventually, his family came around, outfitting him with boots, covering the cost of gym sessions, and showing up to cheer at his games.

Stealing the Show at Gambia Ports Authority

Johm’s big break came with Gambia Ports Authority (GPA), where he went from warming the bench to running the show. In the 2023/24 season, he bagged 13 goals and was named player of the year. This season, he outdid himself, scoring 18 goals and dishing out 7 assists in 29 matches, even with a CHAN call-up and a training stint in Turkey pulling him away for five games. “I just try to do the extra work. I train more, rest well, and trust in Allah,” he tells The Fatu Network, quick to share credit with his coaches and teammates.

Fans call him the “conductor of the orchestra,” a nickname that makes him laugh. “That’s too kind,” he chuckles. His secret weapon is being two-footed. “I can play left, right, or through the middle. It keeps defenders guessing,” he explains. Coach Baboucarr Coker’s sharp eye for detail has been a game-changer, too. “He’s one of the best in the country,” Johm says. “Every day with him feels like school.”

Moments That Define a Season

Some games leave a lasting impression, and for Johm, scoring against Wallidan was one of those moments. “They’re a big club with history,” he notes. “To score against them felt like we were on the right track.” His goals helped GPA clinch the Second Division title, earning promotion to the top flight after three long years. “It was a blessing,” he says. “We set that goal from the start, and it was all about teamwork.” He gives a shout-out to teammates like Ansumana Jawara, who provided 11 assists, and Abdallalah Jatta, who had 13, both of whom set him up time and again.

Bouncing Back Stronger

Setbacks have only made Johm tougher. Being the only second-division player called up for the CHAN team was a huge honour, even if he didn’t make the final 18. “I was fit and ready, but it was still a privilege,” he says, thanking the Gambia Football Federation for the nod. Last season’s heartbreak, missing promotion by a single win, hit hard. “That one really hurt,” he admits. But it lit a fire under GPA. “This season, we didn’t take any chances,” he says. “It made us stronger and more united.”

Dreaming Big

Johm’s got his eyes on the big leagues. Inspired by Vinícius Júnior’s flair and Mohamed Salah’s grit, he wants to play abroad, break records, and lead Gambia to AFCON or even World Cup glory. “I want to help Gambia do big things,” he says, his voice full of fire. As GPA gears up for the First Division, Johm’s already challenging himself to top his own record as the club’s all-time top scorer. “I’m always competing with myself,” he says with a shrug. “Let’s see what Allah has planned.”

Leading by Example

Off the field, Johm’s all about discipline and heart. “Discipline comes before talent or hard work,” he says, and it shows in how tight he is with his teammates. “We’re friends off the pitch, and that makes us better on it.” GPA’s upbeat vibe, thanks to the club’s supportive management, keeps the squad flying high. Before big games, Johm calls his mom for her prayers. “That’s how I find peace,” he says. He sums himself up in three words: “Humble. Focused. Relentless.” His guiding mantra? “Stay disciplined, stay humble.”

Pushing Gambian Football Forward

Johm knows Gambian football has untapped potential. “We need a professional league and better connections with scouts and agents,” he says. “There’s so much talent here, but we’re not always seen.” He wants to inspire the next generation to aim higher than he has. “Gambia’s still young in football,” he says. “There are records waiting to be broken.”

Building a Legacy

Already GPA’s all-time top scorer, Johm’s dreaming of a legacy that lasts. “I want my grandkids to see my name on Wikipedia and say, ‘That’s Grandpa — I’m following his path,’” he says, flashing a smile. As he preps for the First Division, Omar Johm is proof that talent, hard work, and a supportive community can take you far as a two-footed star ready to carve his name into Gambian football history.

Two Young Women from Kombo East Defy Gender Norms in Men’s Football Refereeing

By Alieu Jallow

Two young women from Kombo East are reshaping the narrative of women in Gambian football refereeing. Amie Jabang and Amie Touray have stepped into the country’s men’s second division league, a space where few women have dared to go. At just 25 years old, Jabang has earned the respect of players, coaches and fans alike, becoming a symbol of courage and inspiration for many young girls across the country.

Their path into officiating has been far from easy. From confronting gender-based stereotypes to managing the intense pressure of high-stakes matches, both Jabang and Touray have had to prove themselves time and again. Yet their consistency, discipline and professionalism on the pitch have won admiration and helped them gain ground in a male-dominated field.

For Jabang, the experience carries deep personal meaning. Football has been a part of her life since childhood. She began officiating in U-15 intermediate tournaments, moved on to third division matches involving both male and female teams, and was eventually promoted to the second division. Reflecting on her journey, she said:

“In 2019, I got promoted from the third division to the second division. People always associate football with men, but I told myself I would prove otherwise through hard work and determination. I faced harassment and, at times, even cried, but I stayed focused. I wanted to make my mum proud because she believed in me, even when my dad didn’t support my dream of being a referee.”

Jabang has officiated matches across the country, including the recent YONNA Islamic Microfinance Tournament final at the Brikama Box Bar Mini Stadium. She encourages aspiring female referees to remain focused despite the obstacles, saying, “My message to young ladies is: be resilient and ignore the noise. Whatever a man can do, we can too.”

Amie Touray, who hopes to earn promotion to the second division this year, also traces her motivation back to her school years, where her love for sports took root. Despite enduring social stigma and discrimination, she remains focused on her long-term goal of earning a CAF badge and representing The Gambia internationally. “I want to see myself wearing a CAF badge, going abroad to officiate games, and coming back home to make my mum proud,” she shared.

Their presence in men’s football is gradually shifting long-held perceptions. Matchday scenes that were once met with scepticism now often end in praise, with players and spectators commending their fairness and authority on the field.

As The Gambia works toward greater inclusivity in sports, the stories of Touray and Jabang are helping to open doors for other young women who share the same passion for football. Their journeys are a powerful reminder that with resilience and purpose, even the most enduring barriers can be broken.

Editor’s Column #006
Lieutenant General CDS Mamat O. Cham

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

If there’s one man in The Gambia quietly but firmly reshaping how we see the military, it’s Lieutenant General Mamat Omar Cham. Since taking the helm as Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) in October 2023, Cham has not only led the Gambia Armed Forces (GAF) with calm authority, he has also taken deliberate steps to distance the institution from its haunted past. And yes, I’m talking about the legacy of Jammeh, who once turned the army into a tool of fear and political repression.

Under Jammeh, the military was used to intimidate political opponents, suppress protests, and enforce loyalty to the regime, often with brutal consequences. The public viewed the armed forces with suspicion and fear. Uniformed men didn’t inspire pride, they raised red flags.

CDS Cham inherited that burden. But instead of being weighed down by it, he’s been working steadily to lift it.

A Career Soldier with a Mission

Mamat O. Cham isn’t a name that emerged out of nowhere. He climbed the ranks with discipline and distinction, serving previously as Deputy Chief of Defence Staff before President Barrow appointed him to the top job. Today, he commands an estimated 6,000 service members across the army, navy, and air force, overseeing national security at a time when the idea of stability is more fragile than we’d like to admit.

His mandate is clear: professionalise the armed forces, rebuild public confidence, and safeguard the nation’s territorial integrity. But perhaps more than that, he’s also trying to redefine what it means to wear the Gambian uniform.

He doesn’t do this with big slogans or flashy campaigns. He does it by showing up, speaking directly to troops in Parkaliba or Basse, and insisting on values like discipline, respect, and readiness.

And when he speaks, it’s not empty rhetoric.

“We are a professional army. We are not part of politics. We are not part of any party. We are here for the nation,” he reminded officers during a recent field visit. It’s a simple message, but in today’s Gambia, it’s one that matters a lot.

Taking a Hard Line on Crime

One of Cham’s most public positions has been his firm stance against armed violence and robberies, a concern that’s been growing in urban centres. And he’s not mincing his words.

“To armed robbers, I say this, if you are armed and attacking people, you are attacking the state,” he said. “And when you attack the state, the state has every right to defend itself. Our soldiers will not hesitate to neutralise you.”

To some, it may sound harsh. But to others, especially victims of crime, it’s a necessary tone. Too many Gambians have lost their sense of safety. What Cham is offering is clarity, and a return to order.

“We will not allow criminals to think they can do what they want. This country has laws. And we, the military, will support the police to enforce those laws. We are not here to fold our arms while people live in fear,” he added.

It’s that kind of directness that has earned him quiet respect across the security sector, even among civilians who might otherwise be sceptical of the military’s role in public safety.

A Human Face Behind the Rank

What’s most surprising about Cham isn’t his sharp uniform or commanding voice, it’s how approachable and humble he is. He approaches every check‑in as a conversation, not an inspection, and he treats troops like people, not cogs. Officers describe him as calm, respectful, and genuinely interested in their wellbeing. He doesn’t lead from a pedestal, he leads from the ground up. Small gestures like remembering someone’s name or asking about their family don’t show up in press releases, but they stick. They humanise the institution, and that humility is rare in uniforms these days.

Budget Woes and Institutional Failures

It’d be easy to blame Cham if things aren’t perfect, but sometimes the real problem isn’t the man in charge, it’s the system above him. We’ve seen serious budget shortfalls across government, affecting institutions far beyond the military. Take the Ministry of Health, for example. Just recently, one of its offices in Kanifing South was reportedly locked out by the landlord over nearly D750,000 in unpaid rent, despite the ministry saying half-year rent had been paid on time. If the health sector can’t pay rent, what chance does the military have to modernise training, upkeep equipment, or maintain infrastructure?

Then there’s the Independence Stadium in Bakau. After millions of dollars spent on upgrades, CAF still refuses full approval. They warned Gambia as far back as 2019 that our main stadium didn’t meet standards, citing an unsafe pitch, lack of fixed seating, no scoreboard, and poor medical facilities. In 2022, we were banned from hosting national matches. We only recently got a temporary green light for two fixtures in April 2025, and CAF still demands more work before full clearance. So yes, money was spent, but leadership failed us, again.

These are not minor hiccups, they’re red flags that ripple across institutions, the military included. Cham might be the CDS, but he can’t push funds that don’t exist, he can’t accelerate government processes that are broken, and he certainly can’t compensate for corruption draining the system. Where there is rampant corruption at the top, the consequences are heavy, and civilians feel the toll.

The ECOMIG Question

But for all the progress, there’s still an elephant in the room, and its name is ECOMIG.

Let’s be honest. The continued presence of ECOWAS troops in The Gambia, nearly a decade after Jammeh’s departure, raises questions that the government doesn’t seem eager to answer. At what point does a peacekeeping mission start to look like a vote of no confidence in our own military?

On paper, ECOMIG is here to maintain peace and stability. But on the ground, it sometimes feels like their presence overshadows our own forces. It sends a quiet but heavy message, that we are not yet ready to stand on our own.

And that’s a problem.

Can a sovereign country really claim to be stable if it doesn’t even trust its own army to secure its borders?

CDS Cham has never publicly criticised ECOMIG. That’s not his lane. But through his actions, rebuilding neglected outposts, inspecting regional deployments, and reinforcing command structures, he is quietly laying the groundwork for independence.

He’s saying, without saying it, we are capable.

Standing Apart from the Rot

One more thing that deserves attention is Cham’s reputation for integrity. In a government where corruption headlines have become far too common, Cham stands apart.

There are no reports of him enriching himself, no whispers of dirty contracts, no photo-ops with shady dealers. He simply does his job. And in this country, that alone feels like a breath of fresh air.

His clean distance from the scandals of the Barrow administration is not just admirable, it’s essential. The armed forces must be seen as above the political fray. Cham knows this. He acts accordingly.

A New Kind of Leader

Lieutenant General Mamat O. Cham may not seek the limelight, but his leadership is exactly what this country needs right now. He doesn’t talk too much, but when he does, it’s with purpose. He doesn’t demand respect, he earns it. And in doing so, he’s quietly restoring faith in one of the most critical institutions in our democracy. For that, he deserves our attention, and our gratitude.

From a Simple Dream to Reality: How Chef Ya Mai Carves Out a Niche in the Hospitality Sector

Written by: Dawda Baldeh

In a world where many showcase their culinary creations to attract customers, one young Gambian woman is quietly making her mark. Chef Ya Mai Sey, founder of Jarra’s Restaurant and Catering Services, is carving out a niche for herself in The Gambia’s hospitality sector. What began as a modest idea has now blossomed into a thriving business, celebrating its tenth anniversary this year.

Ya Mai launched her business on July 28, 2015, at the age of 19, after earning a certificate from the Gambia Tourism and Hospitality Institute (GTHI). Following a brief stint working in hotels and restaurants, she took the leap to start her own venture in a small space in the capital, Banjul. “The start was challenging and felt impossible,” she reflected. “The area was extremely small. It was just a kitchen with no chairs or space for guests.”

Despite the cramped conditions, she remained committed to her vision. In 2017, she returned to GTHI to pursue a diploma and, by the end of that same year, expanded her space to include a dining area to accommodate her growing number of clients. “Eventually, I secured contracts with several government agencies and departments to provide them with food,” she shared with The Fatu Network.

Today, Ya Mai aspires to take her catering services to other parts of the country. “I aim to expand to other areas of the country. Our services are well-regarded, and we emphasize quality. We are among the top caterers in the nation,” she asserted confidently. Her journey is a powerful example of perseverance and resilience, inspiring others to chase their dreams regardless of the odds.

In 2019, Ya Mai and her team participated in the West Africa Chefs Competition, where she earned the title of Best Pastry Chef of the Year—a major milestone in her professional journey. Despite this recognition, she revealed that her age remains a barrier to securing larger contracts. “Sometimes people are willing to offer me substantial contracts, but when I inform them that I’m under 30, they seem to hesitate, doubting my ability to manage such contracts,” she explained. “This has posed a challenge for me, but I am determined to overcome it.”

Financial limitations have also been an obstacle. When large contracts come in, she sometimes has to outsource items she cannot afford to purchase outright. Nonetheless, her determination remains strong. She is currently preparing to compete in a chef competition later this year in Ghana, adding another milestone to her growing list of accomplishments.

With a staff of fifteen and ambitions to grow further, Chef Ya Mai’s story stands as a beacon of hope and motivation. Her success underscores the importance of belief, hard work, and community support in empowering young women to make meaningful contributions in their fields.

Yusupha Darboe: Iron Defender Rising Above Slim Odds to Chase European Dreams

By: Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

In The Gambia, where talent overflows on Nawettan pitches but professional dreams often fade due to limited opportunities, Yusupha Darboe, a Kandonku-born defender from Sukuta, dares to defy the odds. With the intelligence to pursue any career, he chose the grueling path of football, battling personal loss and fierce rivals to earn national call-ups. With his eyes set on Europe’s grandest stages, his journey embodies Gambian hope.

Born in Kandonku, Foni, Yusupha’s childhood was a blend of discipline and passion: mornings in school, afternoons at the Daara studying the Qur’an, and evenings chasing a ball with friends. “I’m from a village,” he recalls. “In my early life, I’d go to school early in the morning, and when I closed from school, I’d go to Daara to learn the Qur’an. Then in the evening, I’d play with my mates.”

Moving to Sukuta as a young boy sparked his football journey. “Almost every player in the country started at the Nawettan,” he says of his days with Nema Youths FC in Sukuta’s fierce zonal competitions.
“My experience in the zonals gave me the desire and passion to pursue football as my career.” In Sukuta, where “the park is full to capacity” and fans demand “maximum effort every game” or hurl “motherly insults,” Yusupha forged a “beast mentality.” He laughs, “You have to give max every game to win their hearts.”

Gambia’s football scene brims with talent, but professional pathways are scarce, with limited scouts, weak leagues, and little global exposure. Many players fund their own journeys, and sponsorships are rare. Yusupha’s decision to pursue football over other careers, despite his academic credentials, was a bold gamble. At Waa Banjul FC, he emerged as a top defender, inspired by Sergio Ramos. “My phone is full of his videos, which I keep watching to learn from,” he says. His 2022 record transfer to Fortune FC was hard-won. “I called the president to plead with him to join Fortune,” he recalls. “In less than a week, the agreement was made.” Friends joked about the D50,000 transfer fee: “They started texting, ‘Where’s my share?’”

At Fortune, Yusupha shone as a “smart, athletic, reliable” centre-back with “communication, heading, one-v-one defending, comfortable on the ball—a modern-day centre-back.” He cherishes a 2-1 win over rivals Brikama United. “That was one of my most memorable moments,” he says. His three national call-ups—two Under-23, one Under-20—sparked pride. “Being selected to represent your country among hundreds is an achievement in itself.”

His mother’s illness tested him. “Mentally, it was hard,” he says of 5 a.m. training trips after bedside visits. After her passing, he grew stronger. “There was never a moment I felt like giving up.”

Now at Colley Stars on loan, Yusupha sees it as a marketing opportunity to attract scouts—a rare chance in Gambia’s limited system. “At Fortune, I’m a ball-playing defender; at Colley Stars, every game is 50/50,” he says. Unfazed by doubters, he declares, “I don’t have anything to prove in Gambian football.” His dream? “To play in major European leagues,” he says, “and to don the national jersey—an honour beyond measure.” Inspired by Sadio Mané, he aims to uplift Kandonku and Sukuta, where he returns for Eids. “I feel their struggles,” he says, crediting mentor Alagie Nyabally.

To Gambia’s youth, Yusupha advises: “Ignore the naysayers, and know the reason WHY you are doing it.” His mantra—Believe, Work, and Pray—drives him. “Go hard and be ready for anything,” he’d tell his younger self. In a nation where talent outpaces opportunity, Yusupha Darboe’s journey from Kandonku’s fields to Sukuta’s roaring pitches ignites hope for Gambia’s dreamers.

Beyond Juridical Fiat: Contesting Elite Capture within The Gambia’s Land Governance Framework

By Dave Manneh – Research Lead
Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative

In my capacity as a Brufut indigene, with deep connections to the customary landowners of the land the state calls the Tanji Bird Reserve, and as Research Lead for SFLRAC, I feel it necessary to offer a critical perspective on the recent investigative report by Malagen. This report transcends mere journalistic exposé; it represents a crucial empirical document shedding light on the systemic inefficiencies of The Gambia’s land governance system and the continuity of injustices across political transitions.

I present this analysis on behalf of my community, whose hold on their ancestral heritage remains precarious amidst the unrelenting assault.

Understanding Elite Capture and Accumulation by Dispossession

The Malagen investigation corroborates a disturbing pattern SFLRAC has consistently critiqued: the questionable transfer of communal assets–a dynamic that has persisted beyond the previous authoritarian regime. The detailed allocation of substantial tracts within the Tanji Bird Reserve to private entities, including prominent political and business figures, constitutes a stark violation of established legal norms, and represents “elite capture.”

Gambians must understand this phenomenon within the broader framework of “accumulation by dispossession”–the systematic transfer of communal assets to private interests through extra-economic means. Such practices reveal how ostensibly democratic governance structures can facilitate the instrumentalisation of state power to enrich elites at the expense of communities.

 Constitutional Violations and Procedural Irregularities

The Karenti Land Question

Critically, the land identified as the Tanji (or Tanjeh) Bird Reserve is, in fact, Karenti (the land of Brufut clans). It was part of the tract of lands the community leased to the state as part of the Tourism Development Area (TDA) under specific conditions. When the “primary use” changes from its original purpose, the state bears an obligation to revert the land to its rightful owners rather than proceeding with redistribution amongst the elite.

This reallocation represents not merely a policy misjudgement but a violation of the original terms by which the community entrusted the land to the state. Moreover, it constitutes a direct affront to the ancestral land rights of the Kombonkas, reinforcing patterns of systematic dispossession that have historically characterised state-community relations.

 The Janneh Commission and Legal Precedent

The Malagen report confirms that the Janneh Commission had determined the de-reservation of this land by the former presidency to be illegal. Despite this legal pronouncement and the corresponding recommendation that the state reinstate the land’s protected status, the Gambia Tourism Board (GTBoard) proceeded with parcel distribution, justified under the rubric of a “tourism designated zone.”

This action is indefensible. As SFLRAC has written in similar cases, the GTBoard is potentially enabling the appropriation of communal lands without transparent consultation or seeking community consent.

 Environmental Impact and Sustainable Development Concerns

The environmental implications of these allocations are profound and far-reaching. Karenti is a critical refuge for hundreds of bird species, representing a significant ecological asset both nationally and internationally.

The prioritisation of private commercial development contradicts principles of sustainable development and environmental stewardship. This act raises fundamental questions about development models that generate wealth for elites whilst yielding minimal returns to communities.

Characterising these activities as “rent-seeking” rather than authentic “value creation” is apt. Notably, presidential aspirant Essa Faal (a beneficiary of these allocations) has previously described communal lands as “dead capital” in a radio interview. Such framing reflects a reductionist approach to land that privileges market activation, thereby legitimising the transfer of community and national assets to elites like him.

 Procedural Irregularities and Governance Failures

The Malagen report highlights troubling procedural irregularities that warrant investigation. Allegations that Nandkishore Rajwani used multiple identities to accumulate land whilst receiving allocations without fulfilling financial prerequisites exemplify the endemic corruption in land dealings. These practices mirror patterns whereby officials divert public-purpose lands to colleagues, friends, family, and other connected individuals rather than serving genuine development needs.

The reported interaction between Faal and Barrow regarding land applications highlights concerns about opaque processes and conflicts of interest within public asset management. Faal’s own account of his presidential meetings, though meant to show transparency, highlights the problem of privileged access and informal decision-making processes that bypass established institutional safeguards.

 Historical Context and Structural Analysis

The State Lands Act Legacy

This situation serves as a reminder that the State Lands Act 1991 needs reviewing. It vests the Minister of Lands with extensive powers often without requiring community consultation or participation in decision-making processes.

This legislation leaves communities vulnerable to precisely the abuses we are seeing in Karenti. The continuation of the Jammeh playbook under Barrow suggests that despite regime transition, structural reform remains incomplete.

 Continuity Across Political Transitions

The situation also demonstrates how elite capture mechanisms can persist across political changes. The pattern of dispossession that has historically favoured external interests over indigenous communities continues unabated. This suggests that regime change alone is insufficient to address embedded structural issues within land governance systems.

 Community Resistance and Democratic Engagement

SFLRAC commends the stance and courage Brufut youth and forest rangers demonstrated by resisting construction on these allocated plots. Their actions represent the sort of community-centred approach and sustained vigilance that land rights advocacy and protection requires. Such grassroots efforts are even more crucial when administrative guidelines prove meaningless, lack enforcement mechanisms, and lack genuine political will.

This collective resolve points towards the possibility of governance systems where such forms of community resistance become unnecessary, and where development enhances rather than undermines community rights and environmental sustainability.

 Policy Demands and Reform Framework

Considering these pressing concerns, SFLRAC demands:

  1. Immediate Cessation and Land Restitution

The GTBoard must cease further allocations and development activities within Karenti. The state must return the land to its rightful customary owners, given that its primary use has changed from its lease agreement with the landowners.

  1. Implementation of Legal Directives

The state must implement the recommendations of the Janneh Commission, ensuring the restoration of the Karenti’s protected environmental status. Legal pronouncements cannot remain mere symbolic gestures; they must translate into administrative action and policy implementation.

  1. Comprehensive Transparency and Accountability

The state must investigate all land allocations within Karenti, ensuring accountability for anyone implicated in illegal or corrupt practices. It must make accessible and public all documentation, including land valuation reports, transaction records, and decision-making processes.

  1. Community Empowerment in Governance

The voices and rights of communities must be central to all land governance decisions, ensuring meaningful participation prior to rather than subsequent to development decisions. The state must adopt legal empowerment approaches to strengthen communities’ capacity to assert their rights effectively within formal governance structures.

Towards Justice and Sustainable Development

The situation in Karenti is not an isolated incident but part of a systematic pattern throughout Kombo that favours elite interests over rights and even environmental sustainability. SFLRAC remains committed to using research and advocacy to address the knowledge gaps concerning land laws whilst empowering communities to reclaim lost rights and protect heritage.

We call upon all stakeholders–policymakers, civil society organisations, international development partners, and the broader Gambian public–to act decisively in ensuring that heritage preservation and community rights take precedence over narrow economic interests.

ADDENDUM – 19 July 2025

Following initial circulation of this analysis, Mr Essa Mbye Faal released a comprehensive statement through the APP-Sobeyaa Party addressing his land allocation.

Response to Faal’s Statement: We’ve read Faal’s statement carefully. His characterisation of the dispute as jurisdictional (between GTB and Parks and Wildlife) ignores the fundamental question of land rights. His argument that the bird sanctuary should remain limited to 401 hectares, whilst technically referencing existing legislation, does not address whether this original designation itself violated the customary tenure rights of the Brufut clans over Karenti.

His claim of having “followed due process” works within a system that excludes communities from decisions about their own lands and treats customary ownership with legal irrelevance if not an annoyance. The fact that Faal paid substantial sums and received governmental encouragement does not resolve the core question of whether the state had legitimate authority to lease or allocate these lands in the first place, given the TDA lease and customary ownership status.

Faal’s defence, though detailed, misses the point entirely: whether allocations follow formal governmental procedures is less significant than whether those procedures themselves respect the ancestral rights of communities. The competing narratives surrounding these allocations underscore the need for governance frameworks that centre community voices rather than treating them as peripheral concerns it can address after it has made administrative decisions.

Our position remains unchanged that procedural compliance within flawed systems cannot substitute for genuine recognition of customary land rights. We’re open to discussions with anyone genuinely committed to land justice.

Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative (SFLRAC) is a registered NGO-think tank hybrid based in The Gambia. Committed to empowering Kombo’s dispossessed land-owning communities, SFLRAC combines participatory action with rigorous research to secure ancestral land rights, advocate for equitable governance policies, protect cultural heritage, and advance sustainable development.

Editor’s Column #005
History Will Judge Barrow – and Us

OPINION by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

Some people might say I’m crazy for expecting President Barrow or any ordinary Gambian to take meaningful action on Palestine. After all, we’re a small country, right? Not a global power. But here’s the truth: justice doesn’t need numbers. It needs courage. And right now, condemnation is not enough.

Gambia has condemned the war in Gaza, like many others. But what have we actually done? Besides calling a spade a spade, what concrete action has our government taken to stand against the destruction of Palestinian lives and land? Saying “we condemn this” doesn’t cost anything. It’s easy. It’s the bare minimum. And we need to go beyond it.

Barrow holds a position of power — so use it

Let’s start with the facts. President Adama Barrow is currently the Chairman of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). This isn’t a title you hold for a few weeks. It typically lasts until the next Islamic Summit, which happens roughly every three years. That means Barrow is in this seat until at least 2027. He has time. He has the platform. And he has the responsibility to do more than deliver feel-good speeches. This is a real chance to amplify Gambia’s moral standing on the world stage, or at least within the OIC.

He can call for an emergency summit of OIC leaders focused solely on Gaza. Not just another statement. Real action. He can demand sanctions, propose collective bans, and push for the OIC to back legal proceedings against Israel at the International Criminal Court (ICC). These things don’t require being a superpower. They require backbone.

Even Senegal, our neighbour, has already taken steps that we haven’t. Senegal is a founding member of the Hague Group, a coalition of over 30 countries that just met in Bogotá, Colombia, to formally back sanctions against Israel. Twelve countries signed a joint agreement to support arms embargoes, port inspections, universal jurisdiction, and reviews of public contracts that aid Israeli war efforts. Where was The Gambia? Nowhere in sight.

Barrow should have been there. He still can be. Join the Hague Group. Show the world we’re not afraid to stand on the right side of history.

Condemnation without consequences means complicity

Let’s talk about Saudi Arabia. It condemned the Israeli bombing of civilians. Strong words, loud headlines. But did it condition any of its aid or trade deals on stopping the war? No. Did it withhold oil? No. Did it take any step beyond a press release? No.

So is Saudi Arabia complicit? In my opinion, yes. Because when you have power and you choose not to use it, that’s not neutrality. That’s enabling.

The same logic applies to us. Gambia may not have oil or billions in trade, but we do have moral authority. We have a vote at the UN. We have a respected legal voice because of our past support for justice at The Hague. Let’s not waste that reputation.

What should Barrow actually do?

Here are some real options — not just nice-sounding words.

  1. Join the Hague Group and back its six-point plan for coordinated sanctions on Israel.
  2. Use his OIC chairmanship to call for economic penalties, arms embargoes, and legal action.
  3. Publicly support South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ and contribute resources to strengthen it.
  4. Ban companies in The Gambia that fund or support the Israeli military, including any logistics, software, or supply chain firms.
  5. Suspend diplomatic or economic normalisation with Israel unless there is a permanent ceasefire and recognition of Palestinian rights.

What about us, the people?

Some people think all this is up to governments. It’s not. Every one of us can do something.

Start with boycotts. Many people are refusing to buy Coca-Cola because the company has bottling operations in Israeli settlements, which are illegal under international law. Others avoid products like HP, Puma, and McDonald’s, which are linked in various ways to the Israeli military or economy. You don’t have to wait for The Gambia to issue a ban. You can ban it from your own home.

If your local shop stocks these products, tell them. Ask for alternatives. Post online. Talk about it. Boycotts only work when people spread the word.

If the news you watch is biased, turn it off

Here’s something else that needs to be said. Some international media are slow to recognise injustice. They don’t call genocide genocide until the public is already outraged. They wait to see which way the wind blows. That’s not journalism. That’s cowardice.

So if you’re watching news that refuses to show the truth — switch it off. Follow outlets that report honestly. Share verified content. Ask questions. Don’t be manipulated.

Bring faith into the fold

As Muslims and Christians, we’re taught to stand for justice. So let’s not just pray for Palestine. Let’s act. But also, let’s pray intentionally. Every time you finish salah, every time you see a headline about children, women, and fathers being blown apart while waiting for aid, make du’a for a free Palestine. This food aid is being weaponized. Starving people are being used as targets. If that doesn’t move you to act and to pray, what will?

This isn’t just a political issue. It’s a test. A moral one. A litmus test that reveals who stands for good and who doesn’t. The world has always been a fight between good and evil — from the time of Prophet Adam to now. Everything else is just noise. Do you stand for the oppressed or the oppressor? That’s the only question that matters.

Look at Momodou Taal. He chose courage

One of the most powerful examples of individual action came from a fellow Gambian — Momodou Taal. A PhD student at Cornell University in the US, Taal filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration for two executive orders that suppressed pro-Palestinian speech. He faced visa threats, academic suspension, surveillance, and intimidation. He eventually had to leave the US because his visa was revoked after speaking out.

We at The Fatu Network reported extensively on his case. On March 17, 2025, we broke the news that Taal, along with Cornell professor Mũkoma Wa Ngũgĩ and student Sriram Parasurama, had filed a federal lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of two executive orders. Then on March 20, we reported Taal’s claim that federal agents had attempted to detain him at his home in Ithaca, New York. On March 22, we covered immigration authorities requesting him to surrender himself. And on April 1, we reported that he had left the US, stating, “I have lost faith I could walk the streets without being abducted.”

Despite the risks, Taal said: “The images in Gaza are horrifying and only strengthen my resolve to do whatever we can. Free Palestine.”

He didn’t just talk. He acted. He paid the price.

And what did he get in return? An open letter, published by us on March 21, from someone telling him to stop. Marre Jallow wrote:

“Your actions could inadvertently create significant obstacles for countless international students who aspire to study in the United States… Sometimes true courage lies not in public confrontation but in finding paths to change that protect opportunities for the most vulnerable among us.”

I disagree. That’s not courage. That’s fear. That’s selfishness dressed up as concern. While some are worried about visa rejections, Taal was standing up against the bombing of Palestinian children waiting for food. That’s the real courage we need more of.

If Taal, an individual student on a visa, can risk it all for what’s right, then what is Barrow, a whole president and OIC chairman, waiting for? What are we waiting for?

So what would be enough?

Let’s be clear:

  • Concrete political action. Sanctions. Legal referrals. No more soft diplomacy.
  • Economic pressure. Ban or boycott companies tied to the occupation.
  • Moral clarity. Speak truth even when it’s unpopular.
  • Grassroots strength. Every citizen, every purchase, every post counts.

We don’t need to be America or Russia or China to make a difference. We just need to act like our values actually matter. So the next time someone says The Gambia is too small to do anything, tell them this: it’s not about size. It’s about standing up, even when others sit down.

Editor’s Column #004
The Scandal That Looms Over Batchilly

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

Editor’s Note: Mr. Batchilly was contacted for comment on the allegations detailed in this article. He denied all wrongdoing, stating that he merely assisted individuals in travelling legally to Nicaragua for tourism. He also claimed that he owes no one money and was never arrested in 2023. However, this denial contradicts official confirmation from the Gambia Police Force, which states Batchilly was indeed arrested in connection with a travel-related complaint that year.


Musa Ousainou Yali Batchilly, Secretary General and leader of the Gambia Action Party (GAP), has built his public profile on strong anti-corruption rhetoric. He frequently positions himself as a watchdog of the people, calling out government misconduct and championing the interests of ordinary Gambians. But a growing number of young men now accuse him of something deeply contradictory. According to them, Batchilly used that very image to convince them to trust him, then failed them when it mattered most.

This public image includes vocal criticism of irregular migration, with Batchilly urging Gambian youth to stay and contribute to national development. Yet the allegations he now faces paint a different picture, one in which he is accused of enabling the very phenomenon he condemns.

According to public statements by the Gambia Police Force at the time, Musa Yali Batchilly was arrested on November 2nd, 2023, following a complaint that he and another individual had collected 7,600 US dollars under false pretence. He was detained at the Brusubi Police Station and released on bail the following day. Police confirmed that a refund was issued, although there was no indication that formal charges were filed.

Despite this, Mr. Batchilly continues to deny that he was ever arrested. His denial remains on record, even though the police openly say otherwise.

The Fatu Network has reviewed receipts, voice notes, WhatsApp messages, and ticket itineraries provided by alleged victims. Their stories paint a consistent picture. Young men, desperate for opportunity, say they placed their trust in Batchilly and paid him and his agents millions of dalasis for a promised route to Nicaragua, a country that was visa-on-arrival for Gambians in 2023.

One such alleged victim is a 24-year-old man from the Greater Banjul Area, who asked not to be named due to fear of reprisal. He recounts paying Batchilly 315,000 dalasis for the full travel package. But later, he alleges, Batchilly presented only a partial itinerary, which did not mention Nicaragua. According to this Complainant, Batchilly used this as leverage, withholding the itinerary and demanding an additional 700 US dollars or risk losing everything already paid. Batchilly, he said, claimed that the flights lacked continuity and that the added amount would allow him to secure the remaining ticket to Nicaragua.

He notes that the itinerary was in the possession of Batchilly until the extra money was paid. After that, he was asked to pay another 500 dollars, allegedly for “immigration clearance.” No official receipts or documentation were provided by Batchilly for these charges, according to him. “All of this was without any proper breakdown or evidence,” he said. “But I had already paid so much. I didn’t want to be left behind.”

On July 24th, 2023, a group of eleven young men boarded a Turkish Airlines flight from Banjul to Istanbul. The itinerary they received included legs to São Paulo and El Salvador. But according to the alleged victims, flight boarding and immigration authorities in Turkey informed them the remainder of the journey was not valid. The tickets, they claim, were only legitimate up to Istanbul. “We were just left there,” the first Complainant told The Fatu Network. “Eleven of us, sleeping in corners at Istanbul Airport, no food, no money, no water.”

They say they stayed there for 21 days. For three of those days, they were detained in an immigration facility. According to the group, food was only provided on two occasions. To survive, they pooled their remaining money, buying and sharing food so it would last.

Another member of the group, who also requested anonymity for safety concerns, said he paid over 600,000 dalasis to Batchilly. A self-described fana fana vendor from near Bansang, he said the experience continues to traumatise him. “I get overwhelmed just talking about it,” he said. “We went through so much. It’s like we were abandoned in a foreign land.”

After their return to The Gambia, the group hoped for a resolution. Batchilly, they say, promised to arrange a charter flight from Banjul to Nicaragua at no extra cost. This was meant to be the completion of the original deal. Batchilly shared photos of a plane at Banjul International Airport as evidence, allegedly to buy time and placate growing frustration. The Fatu Network has reviewed text and voice message exchanges that confirm Batchilly made assurances to the group about a chartered flight.

A meeting was reportedly held at African Princess Hotel to promote the charter. The first Complainant says Batchilly, along with his business partner Basamba Muhammad Drammeh, was present. The Fatu Network has also reviewed video evidence confirming this meeting. “We were told everything was back on track,” he said. “But nothing happened. It was just another delay.”

Eventually, the group began designing protest materials. “We printed 3,000 flyers,” the first Complainant revealed. “They said Batchilly is a human trafficker. We were ready to plaster them all over town.”

In a WhatsApp message seen by The Fatu Network, the first Complainant wrote to Batchilly: “We suffered and were traumatised in a place where you couldn’t even provide us with food for several weeks. If you can’t refund us, we will print flyers and take this matter to the public.”

To date, none of the eleven alleged victims say they have received any refund.

Batchilly was a co-owner of Red Carpet Solutions, a travel consultancy company run with Basamba Muhammad Drammeh. In an interview with Kerr Fatou in October 2023, Drammeh admitted the company had been arranging visas for Nicaragua and considered chartering a flight due to increasing demand. “We have about 235 names on the manifest,” Drammeh said. “We wanted to fly up to 500 people. The first batch would go, then the second.”

He added that a flight was scheduled for October 30th, 2023, and that if it didn’t happen, refunds would be issued. But logistical failures, including the denial of a landing permit in The Gambia, reportedly halted the plan. There is no public evidence that the flight ever took place or that refunds were provided.

According to the first Complainant, tensions grew between Drammeh and Batchilly as complaints mounted. “Batchilly sent him to Nigeria to handle arrangements,” he claimed, “but when the plan failed, Drammeh said Batchilly left him stranded. People were even threatening him.” He added, “Drammeh told us that Batchilly used his name and company to collect money. But at the end of the day, they’re all in this together.” These claims remain allegations. The Fatu Network has not independently verified the fallout in Nigeria.

Several of the alleged victims told The Fatu Network that they trusted Batchilly because of his political standing. As the leader of GAP, they believed he had the connections and authority to deliver on such an ambitious plan.

That trust has since come under scrutiny. If a politician uses his party role to create credibility, and then uses that credibility to take money from vulnerable citizens, the implications go beyond one failed migration scheme. They point to the erosion of public trust and the exploitation of political image for personal enrichment.

The Fatu Network contacted Satguru Travel, the company listed as the booking agent on some of the tickets used by the 11 travellers whose onward journeys were allegedly flagged as invalid at Istanbul Airport. A representative declined to provide details, citing customer privacy concerns.

We also reached out to the Gambia Police Force. PRO ASP Modou Musa Sisawo confirmed, “We are aware of a related case reported to Senegambia Police.” In a follow-up, he added, “Anticrime Unit confirmed the case and that Batchilly returned some of the money, but not sure if all. And also, not sure if he was actually charged.” Sisawo was referring to the Senegambia Police case, which is not related to the eleven individuals featured in this article.

The complainants say they reported their complaint to the Anticrime Unit after returning to The Gambia. They claim the matter reached a closed-door meeting involving Anticrime officials and Batchilly, after which the case abruptly stalled. PRO Sisawo did not confirm any active investigation into their complaint.

To date, no official statement has been issued by the police regarding the eleven individuals interviewed by The Fatu Network. The victims maintain that they have received no money back, and no updates from law enforcement.

For some, this case reflects the kind of experience that contributes to public frustration with the justice system. Had the allegations been levelled against an ordinary citizen, unaffiliated and lacking influence, the complaint may have been investigated thoroughly. But because the accused is Musa Yali Batchilly, a prominent political figure, the case appears to have languished without consequence. For many, this typifies a two-tier justice structure that privileges the powerful and undermines faith in institutional integrity.

At the core of this story are serious allegations that test the boundaries of leadership and accountability. When individuals in positions of political authority are accused by citizens who claim to have been misled and financially exploited, the institutions responsible for oversight must act. The young men who travelled to Istanbul are not adversaries. They are Gambians seeking recourse. Whether through formal justice mechanisms or public exposure, their grievances deserve an unequivocal response.

As a politician who publicly warns against irregular migration and urges young people to stay home and help build the country, Batchilly’s alleged actions, selling a vision of travel to Nicaragua with hopes of continuing onward to the United States, present a jarring contradiction. For his accusers, it is not only a financial betrayal but a moral one.

Editor’s Column #003
Justice for Gaza Has a Voice
– and It’s Not the West

OPINION by: Seringe S.T. Touray 
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

We’ve grown up with the script: China is the villain, the West is the moral compass. As a former Western colony, shaped by the worldview of London and Washington, we were conditioned to believe that the United States and Europe stand for democracy, human rights, and international law. China, on the other hand, was cast as the autocratic power to be feared or distrusted. But the irony today is as stark as it is uncomfortable. On the issue of Gaza, and more broadly, on Israel’s conduct, China is sounding more like us than the people who taught us what justice is supposed to mean.

Take China’s stance on Israel and Palestine. It has been sharp, consistent, and legally grounded. On 1 April 2025, during hearings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on Israel’s responsibilities as an occupying power, Ma Xinmin, Legal Adviser to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a Member of the United Nations International Law Commission, stood up and said what many Western powers wouldn’t.

“Palestinians in the occupied territory have endured persistent suffering,” he declared. He outlined Israel’s legal obligations under international humanitarian law and said it must “allow and facilitate humanitarian assistance from third parties,” calling the blockade of Gaza a violation of those obligations.

Ma also defended the role of UNRWA, which he called “indispensable and irreplaceable,” and criticised Israel for obstructing its operations. He quoted President Xi Jinping, stating that “the humanitarian cause is humanity’s shared mission,” a rare statement of moral clarity in a time when the language of human rights has been so heavily politicised.

On 13 June, at the United Nations Security Council, Fu Cong, China’s Permanent Representative to the UN, issued a similarly forthright condemnation, this time of Israel’s strikes inside Iran. He warned of the “grave consequences” of such actions, denounced the violation of Iranian sovereignty, and stressed that escalating conflict “serves no one’s interests.” This came just days before President Xi Jinping echoed the same concern in a bilateral meeting with Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev on 17 June, where he opposed “any actions that violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries,” and offered China’s support in restoring peace and stability.

These are not empty declarations. China has backed them with diplomatic action, humanitarian support, and legal argumentation. It has urged evacuations from both Israel and Iran, supported international mechanisms, and, unlike much of the West, has not shied away from naming the aggressor.

Compare this to the posture of the United States and much of Europe. These are the same governments that endlessly lecture the world on human rights, yet continue to send weapons to Israel while shielding it from international accountability. They have actively undermined South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ. They blocked UN resolutions for ceasefires. They say they want peace, but their actions suggest impunity.

That said, not all of Europe is complicit. Countries like Spain and Ireland have taken courageous, principled positions. They have condemned Israel’s actions and recognised Palestinian statehood. But they remain in the minority. The broader Western bloc, led by Washington, has looked away. As Gaza suffers, they continue to speak in euphemisms, offering “concern” instead of condemnation, and “support for humanitarian access” while refusing to halt arms exports that fuel the crisis.

Meanwhile, footage continues to emerge from Gaza that should shatter any illusion of moral high ground. Just yesterday, CNN verified a video showing machine gun fire near an aid distribution site in southern Gaza. Eyewitnesses said the Israeli military opened fire on Palestinians waiting for food. Dozens were seen lying flat on the ground as bullets kicked up sand around them. The Israeli military has said it is reviewing the video. But the world is watching, and remembering.

And it is not just China speaking up. Our own neighbour, Senegal, is doing so too. Under President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Senegal became a founding member of the Hague Group, alongside countries like South Africa, Bolivia, Colombia, and Malaysia. Formed on 31 January 2025, this coalition is currently holding its first emergency summit in Bogotá, where it is discussing coordinated legal and diplomatic measures, support for ICC arrest warrants, restrictions on arms transfers, and an end to the impunity that has enabled Israel’s war on Gaza. Senegal has been a steady voice for justice, and its leadership stands in contrast to the silence of many others.

Even The Gambia, despite early hesitation, has found its voice. Back in May 2024, Foreign Minister Dr. Mamadou Tangara said The Gambia would not sever ties with Israel, insisting the country was “a sovereign state” that does not “act by reacting to the reactions of others.”

But by June 2025, the tone had shifted. At the OIC Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Istanbul, Tangara strongly condemned Israel’s strikes on Iran, calling them “a blatant act of assault against a sovereign state.” He warned of famine threatening 290,000 children in Gaza and reaffirmed Gambia’s support for Palestinian statehood based on 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital. “The diplomatic route is the only viable and durable solution to the conflict in the Middle East,” he said.

That reversal should force a moment of reckoning. This isn’t about cheering for China or pretending it has no flaws. It’s about confronting an uncomfortable truth: on one of the most important moral issues of our time, the people who told us they stood for justice are failing, and the ones we were told to fear are showing leadership where others have walked away.

Editor’s Column #002
Ba Tambadou and the UDP: How One Man Silenced a Party Built on Outrage

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

In a country where political hypocrisy is increasingly becoming the norm, the United Democratic Party (UDP) now finds itself entangled in a silence that says far more than any press release ever could.

This is about Ba Tambadou, former Attorney General and Minister of Justice, government darling, and for a moment, the UDP’s pride. Once celebrated for his role in The Gambia’s transitional justice process, Tambadou was the poster child for reform. On March 17, the UDP formally endorsed his candidacy for a seat at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), with party leader Ousainou Darboe calling him “eminently qualified” and praising his “deep commitment to the rule of law.” The statement, published by The Fatu Network, offered “unreserved” support.

Then April 30 happened.

That’s when The Republic, an independent investigative outlet, published a bombshell: “The Assets of Gambia’s Former Dictator Go for a Song.” The report accused Tambadou of overseeing an opaque and highly questionable asset disposal process involving Yahya Jammeh’s seized wealth — properties, aircraft, luxury vehicles, company shares, and more. Much of it allegedly went to politically connected buyers at bargain-basement prices. According to the investigation, among the beneficiaries was Tambadou’s now-wife, Binta Sompo Ceesay, who reportedly acquired land through a company linked to her and, as alleged in the report, acted as a sales agent for Alpha Kapital, the firm hired to auction Jammeh’s assets, while Tambadou was overseeing the process.

Tambadou denied any wrongdoing in a detailed 12-point rebuttal published by The Fatu Network on May 3. But the timing of these revelations triggered a string of consequences — at least for some.

The Edward Francis Small Centre for Rights and Justice (EFSCRJ), which had endorsed Tambadou in February, swiftly withdrew its support on May 4, citing “acts of corruption, abuse of office, and unethical conduct.” The organisation called for a full investigation, publication of all relevant sale records, and described Tambadou’s rebuttal as “raising more questions than answers.”

The government itself eventually buckled, quietly withdrawing Tambadou’s ICJ nomination by early July as reported by local media, including The Fatu Network. Even if some claim it was a diplomatic move, the optics are clear — something is seriously wrong here.

But while watchdogs barked, youth groups rallied, journalists were arrested, and state institutions backtracked, the UDP — the self-declared crusaders against corruption — fell completely silent.

This is the same UDP that routinely lambasts President Barrow’s administration for corruption, mismanagement, and impunity. The same party that demanded investigations into Russian oil deals, shady land transactions, and procurement scandals involving their political rivals. But when it came to Ba Tambadou, someone they had publicly backed, the party had nothing to say. Not a word. Not even a whisper.

Let’s be clear: this is not a call for the UDP to denounce Ba Tambadou or withdraw its earlier endorsement just for the sake of political symmetry. But silence? That’s a statement too. And it reeks of selective outrage.

If the UDP believes in transparency and accountability, as it so often claims, then surely it owes the public at least a position. Either you stand by Tambadou, or you don’t. Either you call for further investigation, like you did when Barrow officials were accused, or you explain why this case is different. Because right now, your silence reads like complicity.

Let’s rewind briefly to the facts.

According to The Republic, Alpha Kapital Advisory — a firm allegedly co-founded by Tambadou’s acquaintance Alpha Barry — was awarded the asset disposal contract without a public bidding process. The Ministry of Justice at the time argued that such appointments did not require procurement vetting. The contract entitled Alpha Kapital to a 10 percent commission on all asset sales and 5 percent of share liquidations, which the report estimated amounted to at least D89 million dalasis.

Some assets were sold below market value. A Fajara property, once valued at D8.5 million, was reportedly re-acquired for just D3.15 million by a close associate. Other assets, including luxury vehicles and aircraft, were sold through closed bids, often without proper valuation records. Livestock, paintings, and even presidential furniture allegedly ended up with insiders and auctioneers themselves. One parliamentary investigation described the land deal involving MOAB Capital, a company reportedly owned by Tambadou’s now-wife, as a “violation of land allocation procedures,” and noted that the development levy was only paid after staff petitioned parliament.

Public outrage was swift. On May 13, the civil society group Gambians Against Looted Assets (GALA) issued a five-point petition demanding the withdrawal of Tambadou’s nomination, full publication of asset disposal records, and a presidential address on corruption. They cited insider dealing, lack of transparency, and failure to publish sales data as signs that “the entire exercise now threatens to undermine public trust.”

GALA’s protests led to mass arrests. On May 8, The Fatu Network reported that more than 20 peaceful protesters were detained and taken to unknown locations after police denied them a permit. Two journalists covering the protest — Sheriff Conteh and Alieu Ceesay — were also arrested. The Fatu Network’s cameraman, Matarr Jassey, was nearly dragged into a police vehicle. The Gambia Press Union condemned the arrests, warning that police intimidation of journalists was eroding press freedom.

The detainees were held for days before the police, under mounting pressure, announced their release. The GPF warned that future “unauthorised protests” would be dealt with severely. In the meantime, Gambians were left wondering: if this many citizens are speaking up, why is the UDP still silent?

Even when UDP leader Ousainou Darboe finally addressed the matter at a recent press conference, he said nothing about the corruption allegations. Instead, he used the opportunity to defend Ba Tambadou once more, praising his competence and expressing disappointment over the government’s withdrawal of his ICJ nomination. “If I were president, I would have stood by him until the voting outcome,” Darboe said, adding that he supported Tambadou “not because of tribe, but because he’s a competent Gambian.” In that moment, with the nation watching, Darboe could have shown leadership by acknowledging public concern or demanding accountability — but he chose instead to repeat the endorsement and ignore the scandal altogether.

It is this mountain of red flags that prompted EFSCRJ to pull out. It is this that led to protests, arrests, petitions, and a National Assembly inquiry. And it is this that should make any party serious about integrity speak up.

But the UDP? Still silent.

This is a dangerous pattern. It tells Gambians that accountability is only weaponised when convenient. It tells us that political loyalty, not principle, guides who gets exposed and who gets a free pass. And it tells us that even the loudest anti-corruption voices can go stone-cold quiet when the accused wears the right colours.

The UDP owes Gambians more. If your commitment to justice only applies when it embarrasses Barrow, then perhaps it was never about justice to begin with. The public deserves to know where you stand, not just when it’s easy, but when it’s hard.

8 Years in Exile: Former President Jammeh Maintains Influence in Gambian Politics

Written by: Dawda Baldeh

While still in exile, eight years after his 22-year iron-fisted rule over The Gambia, former President Yahya Jammeh continues to exert significant influence over the country’s political landscape. From his base in Equatorial Guinea, where he has lived since January 2017, Jammeh has used social media—particularly WhatsApp—to organise large rallies in The Gambia and even sack executive members of his APRC party, which has since split into rival factions.

In this explainer, The Fatu Network chronicles The Gambia’s post-Jammeh political trajectory and how the country’s most controversial former leader continues to assert his presence from abroad.

After losing the 2016 presidential election to current President Adama Barrow, Jammeh initially refused to step down, prompting an ECOWAS military intervention. He was subsequently exiled to Equatorial Guinea under an agreement brokered by the African Union and ECOWAS to end the political crisis.

Not long after his departure, remnants of the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) began calling for his return, praising him as a “builder of bridges.” In 2020, thousands of Jammeh supporters marched across the Greater Banjul Area demanding his return. “He can come as a private citizen and stand for election and win. He can also become the president. We want him to be the president of this country. We see what he has done. We have seen it. He is a peaceful man,” one supporter said of the former leader—widely known for his repressive rule.

Indeed, the man who once sat at the epicentre of Gambia’s political power and intrigue is relishing the idea of returning home. From the comfort of his farm in Equatorial Guinea, Jammeh told thousands of supporters via a recorded WhatsApp audio that he would “soon return.” He added, “I don’t want any violence. I don’t want anyone to touch anything or destroy anything. The agreement must be implemented,” referencing what he claims is a deal with the African Union that would facilitate his return.

Before the 2020 rally, Jammeh had already made his intentions clear to supporters in Kanilai, declaring via WhatsApp, “From today, I want to take full leadership of the party as outlined in the APRC Constitution. I am the supreme leader, the flagbearer, and the party chairman, and I want to make this very clear.” This was his first public statement since leaving power in January 2017.

Jammeh, who insists he remains the party’s supreme leader, expelled seven executive members from the APRC faction. In a January 22, 2025 WhatsApp message, he announced he had taken control of his faction and dismissed interim leader Yahya Tamba. In February, he again removed one of his loyalists, Bakary Badjie, just days after Badjie declared his intention to run in the 2026 presidential election.

On several occasions, Jammeh has released audio messages criticising the Barrow-led government. In one such message, he accused Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko of stealing Gambia’s natural resources, including oil—an allegation that further intensified public debate on the matter. While rights groups, opposition parties and civil society continue to demand transparency around Gambia’s natural resources, President Barrow has publicly denied any collusion with Senegal over oil dealings.

More recently, Jammeh released a 56-minute WhatsApp audio in response to rumours that he had endorsed Foni Berefet lawmaker Amie Colley’s affiliation with Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP), a claim he firmly denied.

APRC Factions and ‘Unholy’ Alliances

After Jammeh’s departure, APRC deputy leader Fabakary Tombong Jatta took over the party’s leadership. On 4 October 2021, the APRC announced an alliance with President Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP). The announcement sparked widespread criticism from activists and victims of Jammeh’s regime, who denounced the alliance due to the human rights abuses committed under Jammeh’s rule.

Jammeh, speaking again via WhatsApp from exile, condemned the alliance as “unholy” and distanced himself from it. He went further, dismissing leading members of the party, including Tombong Jatta. Despite Jammeh’s objections, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) continued to recognise Tombong as the official party leader. Those Jammeh sacked remained loyal to Tombong, while the other faction—known for its “No to the Alliance” stance—rallied behind Yahya Tamba.

Instead of aligning with Barrow’s camp, Jammeh declared his faction’s alliance with the Gambia Alliance for National Unity (GANU), led by his former Justice Minister, Sheikh Tijan Hydara.

APRC Divided

While Jammeh vehemently rejected the APRC-NPP alliance, President Barrow defended the partnership, stating it was in the national interest. Once one of The Gambia’s most powerful political parties, the APRC now faces serious fragmentation.

2022 National Assembly Elections

Leading up to the 2022 National Assembly elections, both APRC factions fielded candidates. The faction led by Yahya Tamba won five seats in the Foni region—Foni Jarrol, Bondali, Kansala, Berefet, and Bintang—all strongholds of Jammeh, though they contested as independent candidates. Meanwhile, the Fabakary-led APRC, still recognised by the IEC, secured two seats in Jeshwang and Bundungka Kunda, both located in the Kanifing Municipality.

Conclusion

The Gambia’s political chapter with Yahya Jammeh is far from closed. The next chapter—whether it involves his return, potential prosecution, or continued exile—remains uncertain. Will Jammeh be held accountable for the atrocities he is accused of, or will Gambians choose to move on and consign his authoritarian legacy to history? Only time will tell.

Scheduling Clash Sparks Tension Between Wally Seck Concert and Gambian Cultural Weekend in Birmingham

Written by: Campeh Bi

The Birmingham Cultural Weekend, organised by the Campeh Bi group in collaboration with Manding Entertainment Ltd to promote Gambian culture and foster community cohesion, is set to take place on 19 and 20 July 2025 at the Holford Drive Community Sports Hub.

Now in its fifth year, the annual event is driven entirely by Birmingham-based Gambian volunteers who contribute their own time, money, and resources. It has grown into a vibrant celebration that brings together diverse communities, businesses, and cultural groups, offering a platform to showcase Gambian traditions and products.

This year, however, tensions have emerged following the announcement that SM Globally Sorted Ltd, a Scotland-based event company, plans to host a concert and after-party featuring Senegalese artist Wally Seck on the same weekend. Campeh Bi organisers allege that the timing of the Wally Seck event is an attempt to capitalise on the influx of attendees drawn to the city by the football tournament and cultural celebrations.

“We reached out to the SM Globally Sorted team, but our attempts to negotiate an agreement to prevent community division were unsuccessful due to their unreasonable terms,” said a member of the Campeh Bi team. “Our event flyers were released in October 2024 to confirm our dates, but SM Globally Sorted claimed ignorance of our cultural weekend. We find this misleading, especially since they are collaborating with local DJs who are aware of our schedule. It appears to be a deliberate attempt to undermine our efforts to unite the community.”

In response to rumours suggesting Campeh Bi’s involvement in the Wally Seck event, organisers have issued a statement disassociating themselves from the concert.

Asked to comment further, the Campeh Bi member declined to speculate on SM Globally Sorted’s intentions but wished them success with their event, reaffirming that their focus remains on serving the Midlands Gambian community.

Gambian Disability Advocate Recognised by ADD International for Political Inclusion Work

Written by: The Fatu Network Newsroom

Cherno Ceesay, a young disability rights activist from The Gambia, has been featured by UK-based organisation ADD International (Action on Disability and Development International) for his groundbreaking work on political inclusion for persons with disabilities.

In a recent profile, ADD International introduced Cherno as a 2025 fellow of its Global Disability Leadership Academy. His initiative, Promoting Inclusive Political Participation for Young Persons with Disabilities in The Gambia, seeks to address the widespread underrepresentation of young people with disabilities in political leadership and decision-making spaces.

“My project confronts the deep underrepresentation of young people with disabilities in political leadership,” Cherno said. “This initiative aims to equip them with leadership skills, confidence, and advocacy tools, enabling them to become active participants in the democratic process.”

Known for his humour and optimism, Cherno believes that laughter can be a powerful tool in advocacy. “One special thing about me is that I’m known for my sense of humor and ability to make light of challenging situations. I believe that laughter is a powerful tool for bringing people together, breaking down barriers, and creating an inclusive atmosphere.”

“A good leader,” he added, “listens to people, understands their needs, and guides them towards achieving a common goal.”

Cherno’s passion lies in disability rights, education, and political inclusion. “I want to see more young people with disabilities take on leadership roles and be seen as capable contributors to society. By doing so, I aim to foster an environment where inclusivity is the norm, not the exception.” His recognition by ADD International highlights the growing global appreciation of Gambian efforts to promote disability rights and inclusive governance.

Veronic Aisha Malack: The Gambian Trailblazer Redefining Women’s Football

By: Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

In the sun-drenched streets of Abuko, The Gambia, a young Veronic Aisha Malack chased a football with a defiance that would define her life. Surrounded by brothers and sisters, she kicked up dust on makeshift pitches, and her passion for the game undeterred by a society that saw football as a man’s domain. Today, as the Women’s Football Development Manager at WAFU Zone A and the first Gambian to earn the prestigious FIFA Master in Management, Law, and Humanities of Sport, Malack is no longer playing the game , she’s leading it as an administrator for women across West Africa. Her journey from a determined girl to a global trailblazer is a result of her resilience, vision, and the power of dreaming big.

A Girl with a Ball and a Dream

Malack’s love for football began in Abuko, where she grew up in a family of Guinea-Bissauan descent. “I started playing football as a young girl in the streets,” she recalls. “Football was known as a male sport, so my parents, family, and friends didn’t understand why I chose to play.” The lack of moral support stung, particularly from her mother, who feared societal judgment. “She was scared of the comments, that I’d look like a man or couldn’t bear children due to the physical transformation from training,” Malack says. Friends, too, were unsupportive, labeling her with a “bad identity.” Yet, Malack’s belief in herself was unshakable. “I was healthy, popular, and confident because of the sport,” she says. “I knew my future was bright.”

The challenges were not just personal. Women’s football in The Gambia faced systemic barriers: not much national team competitions, limited publicity in their matches after grueling training camps, and a lack of funding, infrastructure, and media coverage. Religious and cultural stereotypes further cemented the notion that football was for men. Undaunted, Malack joined Eastern Lions, then known as Abuko United Female Team, where she quickly made her mark. As captain and top scorer with eight goals, she led the team to a second-division title and promotion to the Gambia Football Federation ’s First Division, winning the league in 2007 and 2008. Later, she played for Interior Women’s FC (now Police FC) from 2012 to 2016, representing every national team category except the U-20s.

Veronic Aisha Malack in action for Gambia Police FC, where she played from 2012 to 2016 before transitioning into football administration.

Her proudest moment came on the global stage, representing The Gambia at the FIFA Women’s U-17 World Cup. “It was a transformative journey,” she says, reflecting on her first international trip as team captain at the Norway Cup U-15 and U-16 tournaments through GIFT Gambia Academy. “Wearing the national jersey, being seen as a role model in my community, and gaining media exposure with international televisions, it was a great pride and honor.” These experiences solidified her identity as a trailblazer, inspiring young girls in Abuko and beyond.

Balancing the Pitch and the Classroom

Malack’s ambition extended beyond the pitch. A self-described ‘academically excellent’ student, she excelled in school despite juggling football, athletics, volleyball, and extracurricular activities. “It was very difficult during my junior and secondary school days,” she admits. Yet, her drive to prove that football could be a profession, on and off the field, pushed her to pursue a bachelor’s degree at the University of The Gambia. Inspired by Martin Gomez, a former GFF executive member who saw her potential, Malack sought to fill the gap in educated women leaders in Gambian sports. “I wanted to serve as a role model, especially to parents, to show that girls can play football and succeed,” she says.

Her academic pinnacle came in 2022, when she became the first Gambian to earn the FIFA Master, a rigorous program across De Montfort University (UK), SDA Bocconi School (Italy), and a law module in Neuchâtel, Switzerland. The experience was transformative. “As a young Gambian woman, visiting some of the world’s most influential sports organizations and learning how they operate was a unique privilege,” she says. A personal highlight was writing a paper on the carbon footprint of the UEFA Champions League and Women’s Champions League, which challenged her to think critically about sports’ global impact. “I was overwhelmed to realize my dreams had been achieved,” she reflects.

The FIFA Master shaped her holistic approach to decision-making, deepened her understanding of the global sports landscape, and honed skills like strategic planning and adaptability. It also built a global network, equipping her to lead with confidence in a male-dominated industry.

From Player to Powerhouse: Leading at WAFU Zone A

Malack’s transition from player to administrator marked a new chapter in her mission to advance women’s football. After serving as Assistant Women’s Football Coordinator at the GFF, where she worked under Technical Director Sang J. Ndong and Assistant Ebrahim Nyassi , she now heads the Women’s Football Department at WAFU Zone A, overseeing nine member associations: The Gambia, Cape Verde, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Senegal, and Sierra Leone.

Her role is expansive: organizing competitions, developing women’s football strategies, empowering female referees and administrators, and nurturing young talent through initiatives like the CAF Pan School Football Programme, Women’s Senior Cup, U-17 and U-20 Championships, and CAF Prize Money Project. “These initiatives align with my vision to encourage young girls to start playing competitive football from the grassroots level,” she says. By fostering collaboration, monitoring projects, and advocating for school-based programs, Malack is shaping the future of women’s football across West Africa.

Reflecting on her GFF tenure, Malack describes it as “amazing but full of obstacles.” Travel opportunities and networking were highlights, but communication challenges and the male-dominated environment tested her resilience. “The GFF sharpened my administrative career,” she says, crediting it for paving the way to her FIFA Master. Her WAFU role, however, offers a broader platform. “Life is a ladder—you move from one step to another,” she says. “At GFF, I focused on The Gambia. Now, I design and implement programs for nine countries, exploring global opportunities and building career security.”

The Evolution of Women’s Football in The Gambia

When Malack began playing, women’s football in The Gambia was nascent, with its first national team game in 2007. Today, the landscape has transformed. “The national first and second divisions, as well as regional leagues, have improved significantly and are very competitive,” she says. International player transfers, increased media coverage, and more women in coaching, refereeing, and administration signal progress. Investors are taking notice, drawn by the success of teams like Berewuleng , who are preparing for the 2025 WAFU Zone A Championship.

Yet, challenges persist. Funding, infrastructure, and societal attitudes remain barriers. “Stereotypes that football is for men, religious factors, and lack of representation still hold us back,” Malack notes. For young female footballers, she emphasizes opportunities like leadership training, professional leagues, sponsorships, and national team participation. “These build self-esteem and open doors,” she says, drawing from her own journey as a role model.

Breaking Barriers, Building Opportunities

As a woman in a male-dominated field, Malack has faced formidable challenges. “Navigating professional change, dealing with difficult colleagues, and managing stress were tough,” she says. Language barriers, working with Portuguese and French-speaking colleagues at WAFU, and family pressures added complexity. Yet, her self-belief and focus propelled her forward. “I knew what I wanted,” she says, echoing the determination that carried her from Abuko’s streets to international boardrooms.

Her mission now is to create opportunities for others. Through advocacy, partnerships with schools and communities, and WAFU competitions, she aims to develop talent and empower women in leadership and governance. “The future is bright for Gambian women in football,” she says. She plans to lead by example, sharing her wisdom through a future sports consultancy firm focused on strategic planning, risk management, and event management.

A Vision for the Future

Malack’s ultimate vision is bold: a thriving women’s football ecosystem in The Gambia and WAFU Zone A, led by capable women decision-makers. She envisions well-equipped clubs, national budgets that prioritize women’s sports, and partnerships with NGOs to attract sponsors. “I want to ensure women and girls’ rights are upheld, with equal pay and fairness,” she says. By engaging stakeholders like the Ministry of Youth and Sports, she aims to embed women’s football in national development plans, fostering inclusivity and visibility.

To young girls dreaming of sports or other male-dominated fields, Malack’s message is clear: “Focus on building skills, maintaining a healthy lifestyle, and advancing your education. Set goals, foster a positive mindset, and believe in yourself. Acting like a man doesn’t make you a good baller, perseverance and mental strength do.”

A Legacy in Motion

From the dusty pitches of Abuko to the global stage of WAFU Zone A, Veronic Aisha Malack has carved a path where none existed. As a player, she broke barriers; as a scholar, she redefined possibilities; as an administrator, she’s building a future where every Gambian girl can chase her dreams. Her journey is a beacon of hope, proving that with passion, resilience, and vision, one woman can change the game. “What men can do, women can do better,” Malack once said. And she’s proving it, one kick at a time.

AB Beautiful Blinds: A Standard of Professionalism in The Gambia’s Design Sector, Led by Founder Saihou Balajo

Written by: The Fatu Network Editorial

In a country where distinguishing skilled professionals from self-taught workers can be a gamble, AB Beautiful Blinds stands out as a trusted name in The Gambia’s interior design and window treatment industry. Their work speaks not just of design excellence but of a deeper commitment to professional ethics, job creation, and long-term standards in a field often left unregulated.

While The Gambia’s official unemployment rate sits at 6.5%, the reality is that most Gambians work in informal sectors with little job security or stable income. Formal employment — with contracts, consistent wages, and growth opportunities — remains scarce, especially for young people who often find themselves underemployed despite their qualifications.

Against this backdrop, companies like AB Beautiful Blinds are not just running a business — they are setting new standards. “I noticed a gap in the market for custom-made window blinds here in The Gambia. Before AB Beautiful Blinds, people were stuck with readymade blinds that didn’t fit properly or match their personal styles,” says founder Saihou Balajo. “I wanted to offer tailored solutions that could truly meet the needs of both homes and businesses.”

The company has built a team of trained staff, each receiving structured development in installation techniques, customer service, and quality control. Rather than the typical informal apprenticeship model common in the sector, AB Beautiful Blinds has developed a systematic approach to skill development. New hires undergo comprehensive training covering everything from measuring and cutting techniques to client interaction protocols.

Their business model demonstrates the impact of skill-based employment. “We pride ourselves on clear communication, attention to detail, and precision at every stage,” Balajo explains. “I personally oversee many projects to make sure we meet our standards. We only use materials tested for durability and aesthetic appeal.” In an industry where almost anyone can claim to be an “expert,” AB Beautiful Blinds offers something increasingly rare: accountability and consistency.

The company’s growth also points to the potential of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to absorb and develop local talent — something critically needed in today’s economic climate. “We train young Gambians in skills like measurement, installation, and customer service,” Balajo notes. “It’s important to me that we’re not just building a business—but building people. As we grow, we bring others along with us.” By creating genuine employment opportunities with clear standards and growth pathways, AB Beautiful Blinds provides an example of what meaningful work can look like in The Gambia.

In a market filled with uncertainty, they’ve become known for quality, reliability, and genuine customer care. From custom blinds and curtain fittings to full-scale interior upgrades, the company continues to blend technical precision with practical solutions — all while fostering a team-based environment that values professionalism.

AB Beautiful Blinds isn’t just decorating homes. They’re building a business that respects both the client and the worker — and in doing so, they’re helping redefine what it means to be “employed” in The Gambia.

Editor’s Note: AB Beautiful Blinds is a commercial partner of The Fatu Network. This article highlights their story and contribution to professional standards in The Gambia’s design sector. While promotional in nature, the content has been written to maintain editorial fairness and reflect broader industry realities.

Invincible: Sarah Jarju’s Last-Gasp Heroics Crown Berewuleng FC as GFF Women’s League Champions

By: Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

In a heart-stopping finale that will be etched in Gambian football history, Sarah Jarju’s 90+2-minute curling stunner secured a dramatic 2-1 victory for Berewuleng FC against TMT, clinching their first-ever Gambia Football Federation (GFF) Women’s National League Division One title in style — undefeated in 18 league matches. As the GFF competition department, certain the match was destined for a draw, began whisking the trophy from Brikama to Yundum to crown table-toppers Red Scorpions, Jarju embarked on a mesmerizing solo run, outpacing her marker and unleashing a shot that curled into legend, rewriting the script in the final breath of the season.

“When I saw the gap, I knew it was now or never. My heart said,” Sarah Jarju declared, her words capturing her last-gasp winner.

The match was a rollercoaster of emotions. TMT shocked the favorites in the 62nd minute with a thunderous strike from Laize Emboloco, threatening to derail Berewuleng’s title dreams. Undeterred, Jarju equalized in the 69th minute, showcasing her season-long brilliance. With the clock ticking and Red Scorpions poised to claim the title, Jarju rose to the occasion once more, her last-gasp winner rewriting the script and cementing her status as the season’s standout player.

A Journey of Resilience and Tactical Brilliance

Berewuleng’s triumph is a testament to the vision and grit of head coach Fakebba Saine, who has ushered in a new era for Gambian women’s football. For over a decade, the league was dominated by coaching giants Choro Mbenga of Red Scorpions and Mariama Bom of Police FC, formerly Interior. This season, Saine broke their stranglehold, guiding Berewuleng to a historic title with a blend of discipline, tactical nous, and unyielding belief.

Formed in 2017 to compete in the West Coast Regional Football Association third division qualifiers, Berewuleng’s rise has been meteoric yet hard-fought. “We assembled players within a week and booked a place in the league,” Saine recalled. After struggling in the second division due to an inexperienced squad, the team spent three years building a foundation. Their promotion to the first division in 2021 came with skepticism: five key players departed, and many predicted relegation. Defying the odds, Berewuleng finished third in their debut season, followed by back-to-back second-place finishes in 2023 and 2024. “I told my players we cannot be second-best forever,” Saine said. “Our target this season was to win the league.”

Saine’s focus on defensive solidity was pivotal. After conceding heavily last season, Berewuleng analyzed game footage, tightened their backline, and boasted the league’s best defense in 2025, conceding just six goals in 18 matches. “We identified those games, analyzed them with the players, and it worked,” Saine explained. This defensive resilience, paired with Jarju’s attacking flair, propelled Berewuleng to glory.

Leading with Heart: Managing a Female Team

Managing a women’s team comes with unique challenges, but Saine’s commitment has been unwavering. “It’s all about dedication,” he said. “You don’t have to care about every negative stone thrown at you. Just focus on what you believe in.” Saine fosters strong relationships with players’ parents and guardians, ensuring their support and prioritizing player safety, such as ensuring players reach home before Maghreb prayer after matches in the Kombos. His approach has earned him admiration, with Sarjo Sowe, Berewuleng’s Secretary General, calling him “a genius” and “a father figure” to the squad. “The way he manages these players is incredible,” Sowe said. “As a community, we are proud of this feat.”

A Community United in Triumph

Berewuleng’s victory is more than a sporting achievement; it’s a unifying force for the community. “Winning the league means a lot to us,” Sowe emphasized. “The whole community united for the cause.” Since its inception in 2017, Berewuleng FC has been a community-driven project, culminating in two trophies: the second division title and now the 2025 first division crown. The community’s support was unwavering throughout the season, fueling the team’s remarkable journey.

Looking Ahead: Continental Ambitions

With the league title secured, Berewuleng is now setting its sights on the continental stage. The club will equally shift their focus to the FF Cup and on preparing for CAF women’s competitions as Gambia’s representatives. Under Saine’s leadership and with Jarju’s star power, Berewuleng is poised to make waves beyond Gambia’s borders.

Sarah Jarju’s heroics and Fakebba Saine’s tactical masterclass have not only crowned Berewuleng as champions but also heralded a new chapter in Gambian women’s football. This is a story of resilience, belief, and a community united — a triumph that will inspire generations to come.

Guest Editorial: KCC CEO Applauds President Barrow and GOTG for Supporting and Empowering Local Contractors

Editor’s Note:
This article is a guest editorial submitted by an external author and published as sponsored content.

Written by: Adama Jallow

The Chief Executive Officer (CEO) who is also the managing director of Kurubally Construction Company Limited has applauded The Gambian leader, His Excellency, President Adama Barrow and the government of The Gambia for its policy of supporting and empowering local contractors.

Cherno Kurubally shared this thought in an engagement with The Fatu Network, during the commissioning of a historic landmark College of Science and Engineering (CoSE) Building and the First Convocation of the Home-Grown Engineers of The Gambia University of Applied Science, Engineering and Technology (USET) in Brikama.

Inaugurated on June 21, by President Adama Barrow, the contract for the construction of landmark edifice was awarded to the Kurubally Construction Company LTD by the government of The Gambia.

Funded by the World Bank ACE Impact for Development Project, the structure is embedded by 12 classrooms, 5 studios, 28 offices, a 250-seat auditorium, a conference meeting room, 15 modern and fully equipped engineering laboratories, and 4 workshops, namely, Welding, Automotive, Mechanical, and Theory of Machines workshops, all furnished with state-of-the-art machinery and tools.

He lauded the government for entrusting the Gambian firms with such nationally significant edifice- the University of Applied Science, Engineering and Technology (USET) projects.

The move, he said, will not only foster homegrown capacity, but would also encourage inclusive development and strengthen national self-reliance.

He revealed that the accomplishment of the USET Brikama project is a strong proof that Gambians can build for The Gambia.

CEO Kurubally revealed the USET Brikama campus is a symbol of progress, a beacon of opportunity and a legacy for generations to come.

“On behalf of Kurubally Construction Company and our dedicated partners, I wish to extend our profound gratitude to Your Excellency, for your visionary leadership and unwavering commitment to the USET Brikama Project.”

He added; “Your personal involvement through consistent inspections and hands-on engagement ensured that obstacles were turned into opportunities,” CEO Kurubally said.

The USET Brikama Project, he added, represents a historic milestone as it is first of its kind where a major national infrastructure of this magnitude has been entrusted to a Gambian contractor.

“From the first Republic to the Second, many of our country’s flagship projects were awarded to foreign firms with limited local participation. We are therefore, deeply grateful to you, President Barrow, for your bold and visionary decision to entrust this transformative project to our company.”

He commended the Gambian leader for his visionary leadership, which he said, has affirmed a long-held belief that Gambian contractors are ready for the challenge and today, the success of this University stands as living proof of that belief.

CEO Kurubally maintained that this shift is more than a symbolic; that it is strategic and economic, noting that when local contractors are empowered, the funds stay within the nation’s economy and strengthening national development.

To this end, he emphasized that President Adama Barrow’s trust in Gambian capacity has opened the floodgates of opportunity for young entrepreneurs and engineers.

“Indeed, when this project was awarded, many doubted that Kurubally Construction could deliver, some even hoped it would fail, but today, the entire nation celebrates, not just the building, but the bold message it sends that Gambians can build for Gambia,” CEO Kurubally said.

In light of this, CEO Kurubally thanked the Almighty God for guidance and ensuring a dream come true, while also saluting all collaborators, engineers, workers, the team of Kurubally Construction Company and the Brikama community for their cooperation and patience.

Introducing Queen Sarjo M.S, a Promising Young Pageant

By Dawda Baldeh

At 22 years old, Sarjo M. S. Jawo, a striking figure hailing from the serene village of Kerewan Samba Sira in Lower Fulladu West, is blossoming into a notable beauty queen of The Gambia. With her distinctive features and captivating voice, Sarjo is carving out a space for herself in the competitive world of pageantry, overcoming various challenges along the way.

Currently, she is pursuing a degree in gender studies at The Gambia’s Civil Society University, known as MDI, where she delves into issues that resonate deeply with her. Sarjo’s academic journey has not been without its setbacks; after receiving an unsatisfactory result from Gambia Senior Secondary School, she resolved to turn her situation around. With unwavering determination, she repeated her studies at St. Therest and emerged triumphantly as the top student in Commerce, Cost Accounting, Business Management, and English Language—a testament to her dedication and hard work.

Her foray into the realm of pageantry began rather unexpectedly in 2020. While delivering a heartfelt poetry performance at her school graduation, a group of peers recognized her potential and approached her with an earnest request to represent them in a regional pageant competition in Briakama-ba. Initially caught off guard and hesitant to embrace this new path, Sarjo worried about the disapproval of her elder sister. Yet, propelled by the encouragement of her friends and her own burgeoning self-confidence, she stepped into this exciting journey, ready to embrace the challenges and joys that lay ahead.

“Surprisingly, my sister supported me after being approached by a group of girls in the town of Brikama-ba, and she encouraged me. I felt hopeful and confident,” she shared.

At school, her classmates affectionately called her ‘Miss’ due to her distinctive walking style, a title that has stuck with her. As a result, she has participated in numerous national and regional pageantry events.

“My greatest achievement in pageantry is raising my voice to be heard on a global scale,” she stated, adding “I never imagined my voice would resonate beyond my local community.”

Miss Jawo views pageantry as a way of life, utilising it as a platform to advocate for gender equality and inspire change for women and girls. “I believe what I do will positively impact society,” she said.

The young pageant, who recently participated in a global event in the Philippines, remarked, “It’s not about the awards; pageantry is a part of me, I walk with it, I sleep with it.”

Confident in her abilities, Miss Jawo said, “When you see me walk, you know a queen is coming, and when I speak, you know a queen is speaking.”

Like many aspiring individuals, Miss Jawo faces financial obstacles in realising her dreams. “Our government does not support pageants. We struggle with airfare and the necessary costumes when travelling abroad. We also find it difficult to garner votes for international competitions,” she explained.

Despite these challenges, Miss Jawo aspires to compete in the Miss Universe pageant one day. “That’s my dream… even if I don’t win, it’s still a dream for me. There, I can build connections to enhance my skills,” she elaborated.

She hopes to change the conversation around gender equality.

Currently, she is preparing for a pageant competition in India later this year if supported.

Reset password

Enter your email address and we will send you a link to change your password.

Get started with your account

to save your favourite homes and more

Sign up with email

Get started with your account

to save your favourite homes and more

By clicking the «SIGN UP» button you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy
Powered by Estatik