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The Shadow Over West Africa Oil & Gas: A Deep Dive into FAR Ltd, Woodside Energy, Petronas, and Petrosen’s Accountability in The Gambia

By: Ousman F. M’Bai

Financial Crime, Regulation & International Asset Recovery Lawyer/UK;
Founder: ProffMaXX (Gambia) Ltd (Ground Water Drilling, Exploration & Production)

FAR Ltd: Jeopardising The Gambia’s Oil & Gas Prospects

FAR Ltd.’s handling of The Gambia’s oil and gas prospects in the Senegal/Gambia shared sub-basin has raised serious concerns about its operational competence and judgement that may have negatively impacted the nation’s resource future. Yet, the response from The Gambia’s government and other entities involved has been astonishingly muted. It begs the question: why has there been no investigation into how this debacle was allowed to unfold?

Despite FAR Ltd.’s troubling conduct, it continues to hold its 100% licence stake in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks, with seemingly no repercussions. The Gambia’s government, along with the governments of Senegal, Woodside Energy, and Petronas, have all remained conspicuously silent. The inertia surrounding the matter signals more than mere oversight; it points seemingly to a potential systemic lack of scrutiny and accountability.

The Gambia’s Missed Opportunity and Senegal’s Tainted Windfall

The Gambia’s government, having effectively surrendered the country’s economic sovereignty to Senegal, maintains the position that there are no oil and gas resources in The Gambia. Remarkably, the Petroleum Minister recently issued a communiqué downplaying the nation’s oil and gas potential, reinforcing the false narrative that no significant resources exist within the country. This conclusion—potentially influenced by FAR Ltd.’s poor performance and Senegal’s control over the country’s unsophisticated elites overlooks a crucial fact: the issue is not whether oil is directly found in The Gambia, but rather The Gambia’s undeniable right to a fair share of the resources from the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin, which straddles the maritime boundaries of both countries.

Meanwhile, Senegal and its state-owned oil corporation Petrosen, together with Woodside Energy, celebrate what they claim is a monumental discovery. They proudly assert that this will contribute to Senegal’s sustainable development and provide lucrative returns for investors, notably Woodside Energy. However, they appear to omit critical discussion of how they stand to gain significantly from FAR Ltd.’s controversial claim that the SNE Sangomar oil and gas field does not extend into The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks. The ethical implication of this omission raises significant concerns and questions about transparency in the management of shared resources. At the core of this issue is the exclusion of The Gambia from its rightful share of the sub-basin’s resources. There can be no valid explanation for this mistreatment and exploitation of The Gambia, especially given that Senegal has resource-sharing agreements with both Mauritania to the north of the MSGBC basin and Guinea-Bissau to the south.

3D Seismic Data and FAR Ltd.’s Dubious Findings

Woodside Energy, Petrosen, and Petronas, through its Gambian subsidiary PC(Gambia) Ltd, all possessed clear 3D seismic data indicating that The Gambia’s A2 block is a contiguous extension of the prolific SNE Sangomar field. Yet rather than critically evaluating FAR Ltd.’s findings, these entities accepted without question the conclusions from FAR Ltd.’s failed drilling programme— raising concerns about the adequacy of due diligence.

From the outset, FAR Ltd lacked both the capital and technical expertise necessary for successful exploration. When it entered The Gambia in 2016, the country’s institutions were in disarray. FAR Ltd secured 100% stakes in the A2 and A5 blocks through a deal that has not been fully disclosed, raising concerns about transparency and potential exploitation of weak governance. A strategy often associated with problematic investment practices is to identify a gateway to the heart of government decision- making, then appoint the son, daughter or relative of that individual to represent the so- called investor’s interest.

Facing an inability to meet its obligations, FAR Ltd brought in Petronas as a joint venture partner through its subsidiary PC(Gambia) Ltd. However, Petronas’s presence in The Gambia has been equally shrouded in mystery. It has made no public disclosures, offered no transparency, and failed to release any transactional accounts or information regarding its operations in the country. FAR Ltd.’s assertions are the only source of information on this partnership.

FAR Ltd.’s Inadequate Drilling Programmes

FAR Ltd.’s amateurish approach to drilling was evident in the failure of its first well, Samo, in the A5 block, based on less accurate 2D seismic data or none. Unsurprisingly, FAR’s Chief Geologist admitted they had “drilled low.” Nonetheless, the company reported encountering two structures but failed to disclose any details regarding their relationship to the SNE Sangomar reservoirs. For its second well, Bambo, FAR Ltd concealed significant issues, including a major accident during drilling. Both the primary and secondary wells missed their targets, leading FAR Ltd to wrongly conclude that the Bambo and Soloo prospects were commercially non-viable. This conclusion ignored

clear evidence from 3D seismic data showing that the SNE Sangomar field extends into The Gambia’s A2 block. And FAR Ltd.’s own findings that both prospects have easy access to the prolific source kitchen that feeds oil into the SNE Sangomar field.

FAR Ltd.’s Financial Collapse and The Senegal Deal

Adding to the intrigue, in June 2020, FAR Ltd defaulted on a capital call for its joint venture stake in the SNE Sangomar field. In response, it was forced to sell its 13% stake to Woodside Energy for $126 million in July 2021. This transaction, structured to guarantee FAR Ltd future payments up to $55 million, raises serious questions. It appears that Woodside Energy and Petrosen conducted no meaningful due diligence before finalising this deal, preferring instead to validate FAR Ltd.’s dubious findings and dismiss The Gambia’s rightful claim to a stake in the SNE Sangomar field located inside the Senegal/Gambia sub basin.

Despite repeated requests for clarification from Woodside Energy, Petrosen, and Petronas on their role in this saga, no substantive responses have been provided. Woodside Energy’s reply, in particular, ignored the crux of the matter, deflecting to its pre-emption of FAR’s sale in the Rufisque, Sangomar, and Sangomar Deep (RSSD) joint venture. It made no mention of the default notice served on FAR Ltd, nor did it acknowledge the implications of FAR Ltd.’s actions in The Gambia. The strategic silence on these matters is telling.

FAR Ltd.’s poor financial standing left it ill-prepared to meet its obligations regarding development, production, and royalty payments under its licence, had it confirmed that the SNE Sangomar field extended into The Gambia’s A2 block. Such a finding would have compelled Woodside Energy and Petrosen to acknowledge The Gambia’s shared stake. FAR Ltd.’s ineptitude has effectively made The Gambia the sacrificial lamb.

The Case of Petronas and Lack of Transparency

In August 2022, barely a year after Woodside’s acquisition of FAR Ltd.’s stake, Petronas surrendered its interest in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks back to FAR Ltd for an undisclosed amount. This move raises disturbing questions about the nature of the transaction, the nature of the relationship between Petronas and FAR Ltd and the potential denial of The Gambia its rightful share of the sub-basin’s resources. Petronas has yet to respond to inquiries on whether its actions comply with local and international regulations.

In an era where corporate transparency and accountability are paramount, the actions of Woodside Energy, Petronas, Petrosen, and FAR Ltd stand as an affront to ethical standards. The ongoing denial of The Gambia’s rights to its resources condemns millions of Gambians to perpetual poverty while benefiting a select few. This level of corporate governance raises serious ethical concerns that must be met with international outrage.

Environmental Risks Posed by the FPSO Vessel Near The Gambia’s Territorial Waters

Amidst all of this, The Gambia’s entire maritime coast and ecosystem is exposed to a significant risk of serious pollution from oil spills and leaks due to the presence of the FPSO Leopold Sedar Senghor in close proximity to its territorial waters. An FPSO (Floating, Production, Storage, and Offloading) vessel is a modified oil tanker, redesigned for use at sea as a facility for oil and gas production, processing, storage, and offloading. These vessels are directly connected to production wells deep below the seabed by numerous interlinked pipes, often spanning hundreds of kilometres. The multipurpose function of the vessel, combined with the extensive network of pipes, increases the risk of accidents through leaks and spillage. However, there is no evidence of any coordinated collaboration between The Gambia’s government, the government of Senegal, and Woodside Energy to implement proactive emergency safeguarding measures in the event of an accident.

Paralleling Precedent: The Mozambique Tuna Bonds Case

In the recent landmark corruption case in the High Court Commercial Division in London, the Mozambique “Tuna Bonds” case, Justice Robin Knowles described the scale of the scandal as “nothing short of a tragedy.” He criticised the defendants for focusing solely on their own financial gain, rather than on assisting Mozambique in making the most of its resources.

The parallel with The Gambia is clear. Just as Mozambique was exploited, The Gambia’s vulnerabilities as a small, weak state are being exploited by external entities and internal enablers. The international community must not allow this injustice to persist.

Conclusion: FAR Ltd, Woodside Energy, and The Gambia’s Future

The Gambia’s rightful share of the oil and gas resources in the Senegal/Gambia sub- basin has been sacrificed due to FAR Ltd.’s incompetence and the complacency, if not the lack of action from companies like Woodside Energy, Petrosen, and Petronas. FAR Ltd.’s reacquisition of 100% of The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks has put the nation in a perilous position, effectively holding the country hostage with a gun to its head.

Gambians must not remain silent in the face of this corporate exploitation. The ethical and legal failings of those involved must be addressed, and those who have sought to profit from The Gambia’s resources at its expense must be held accountable.

Woodside Energy, now holding 82% of the RSSD, has the power to right this wrong. However, their willingness to engage meaningfully with the reality of The Gambia’s situation will serve as a true measure of their commitment to justice, transparency, and the right to development. The world is watching.

Editor’s Note: On 28.08.24 The Fatu Network wrote to Woodside Energy, Petrosen and Petronas seeking clarifications and their response to the issues raised in this expose. To date, Petronas and Petrosen have not responded. Woodside Energy provided the following response attributable to a Woodside Energy spokesperson:

‘In December 2020 Woodside exercised pre-emption rights to acquire FAR Senegal’s participating interest in the Rufisque, Sangomar and Sangomar Deep (RSSD) joint venture. The transaction completed in 2021 and in no way related to any of FAR’s assets in The Gambia. Further details can be found in the announcement released to the Australian Securities Exchange at the time of the transaction.’

The Fatu Network wrote to FAR Ltd on 5.08.24 and they have not responded to date.

Whither The Gambia? – The Saga of a Small Nation and its Missing Oil and Gas Resources

By: Ousman F. M’Bai

Financial Crime, Regulation & International Asset Recovery Lawyer/UK
Founder: ProffMaxx (Gambia) Ltd (Ground Water Drilling Exploration & Production)

The MSGBC

The MSGBC basin has been one of the world’s most prolific regions for oil and gas discoveries, until the recent unprecedented oil discovery in Guyana surpassed it. The basin is estimated to hold about two billion barrels of oil and 25 trillion cubic feet of gas. Located onshore and offshore on the Atlantic coast of West Africa, specifically between Mauritania and Guinea Conakry, MSGBC is an acronym for the countries that comprise the onshore part of this geological province with interconnected maritime boundaries: Mauritania, Senegal, The Gambia, Guinea Bissau, and Guinea Conakry.

The basin covers a total land mass of about 340,000 km² and an estimated offshore area of 100,000 km² with water depths between 2000 meters and 4000 meters. This offshore area spans over the AGC (Agence de Gestion et de Coopération entre le Sénégal et la Guinée-Bissau), a joint maritime zone between Senegal and Guinea Bissau.

The basin is not a single continuous span but consists of three major connected subbasins:

  1. Mauritania Offshore Basin: This basin stretches from the north of Mauritania down to the Senegal River in the southern border between Senegal and Mauritania.
  2. Northern or Senegal/Gambia Subbasin: Located between the Senegal River and the River Gambia. The specific area of the subbasin relevant to this article is between the River Gambia and River Saloum.
  3. Southern Senegal/Guinea Bissau Subbasin: Extending south from the river Gambia through the Casamance region into Guinea Bissau.

Geology of the MSGBC Basin

The basin developed in complex stages over millions of years, beginning with the opening of the North Atlantic and the splitting of North America from Eurasia and Africa during the late Permian to Early Triassic period. This process continued into the late Jurassic when the breakup of Africa from South America began, culminating in the opening of the Atlantic, which was completed in the Albian period. Marine deposits began forming in the early Jurassic in Morocco, advancing southward as the sea encroached on the land, reaching the southernmost edge of the basin in the late Jurassic. The rock formation after the split is identified as ranging from the middle Jurassic to the Holocene, consisting of a carbonate-rock unit with varying thicknesses between 2,300 meters and 3,200 meters in the three subbasins.

During the Albian, carbonate rock deposits continued to form progressively in the middle offshore part of the basin, known as the Northern or Senegal/Gambia basin, creating an elevated gradient. This feature is unique to this subbasin and is absent in the northern part of the Mauritania subbasin and the southern part of the Casamance subbasin, which are mostly characterized by deep-water sediments with shallow areas.

Cenomanian rocks, represented by thick marine shales sandwiched between marine sandstones, were deposited after the opening of the Atlantic. Widespread Turonian or Cretaceous rocks, commonly black shales often positive as hydrocarbon source rocks, range in thickness from 50 to 150 meters.

There is a mild westward sloping Mesozoic and Cenozoic platform, with a paleo shelf-edge trend between 35 to 100 km wide in the northwest, which balloons out to the west. It parallels the 2000-meter bathymetric contour before extending south across the Dome Flore offshore Guinea Bissau and Guinea Conakry. To the west of the paleo shelf-edge, in water depths greater than 2000 meters, sedimentary thickness exceeds 12,000 meters, and the formation is characterized by a curved fault plane that dips near the surface towards the edge of the Jurassic to lower Cretaceous platform.

Hydrocarbon Source Rocks in the Basin

The total petroleum system of the basin is made up of three parts. The first part, lying on the Palaeozoic platform deep below sea level, is the lower Palaeozoic. Above this is the Mesozoic-Cenozoic platform, which supports the second part of the sub-salt system, consisting of Triassic and Jurassic source rocks. These rocks are potentially hydrocarbon-bearing, but they are so deep below the seabed that they are difficult to reach, and there has not been any exploration for oil or gas in this system. The third part is the Cretaceous-Tertiary system. These source rocks are confirmed to be hydrocarbon-bearing, and it is where most of the oil discoveries have been made. The Cretaceous-Tertiary system is subdivided into three zones: the lower Cretaceous, the upper Cretaceous, and the Tertiary. The lower Cretaceous is dominated by Aptian and Albian source rocks, the upper Cretaceous features Cenomanian and Turonian source rocks, and the Tertiary is characterized by Senonian-Maastrichtian sandstones.

Discoveries in the Mauritania/Senegal Subbasin

In 2015, Kosmos Energy using 3D seismic data made the largest global discovery of gas in the tortue-1 field which straddles the Mauritania and Senegal maritime boundary. Located at 120km offshore in water depth of 2,850m, the prospect has a projected recoverable gas resource of 15 trillion cubic feet. Further appraisal drilling in the area discovered the Guembeul-1 and Ahmeyim-2 wells in 2016 and the whole complex is now renamed The Greater Tortue Ahmeyim-1(GTA-1). In 2018, Senegal and Mauritania signed an inter-governmental co-operation agreement on an equal split of 50/50 of resource and revenue to develop to production this cross-border gas prospect. The project was given a unique status in 2021 as the GTA ‘National project of strategic importance’. The development is led by BP as operator, Petrosen (Societes des Petroles du Senegal (the Senegal State oil corporation)) SMH (Mauritienne des Hydrocarbon) and Kosmos Energy.

The unprecedented scale of this discovery intensified exploration further offshore in the deeper edges of the MSGBC basin with BP leading its joint venture partner Kosmos Energy. Their efforts paid off massively with the discovery of the Yakaar- Teranga gas field at water depth of 8,364 in northern Senegal. With an estimated 25 trillion cubic feet of recoverable natural gas explorable to 2053, it was flagged as the world’s largest discovery in 2017. These discoveries are a lifeline to Senegal and Mauritania and if the revenue to be generated from them are managed efficiently, it will propel their economic growth for years to come.

Discoveries in the Southern Senegal/Guinea Bissau Subbasin

Guinea Bissau has recently experienced potentially transformative drilling explorations in its 11 offshore blocks within the subbasin. Newly acquired 3D seismic data has identified significant amounts of oil in the shallow reservoirs atop the salt-induced Flore Dome and Gea Dome. These structures are in a vast expanse of water in the Atlantic between latitudes 10.7◦N and 12.5◦N, known as the joint maritime zone between Senegal and Guinea Bissau.

The demarcation of these territorial waters followed a protracted disagreement between the two countries, with Senegal, aware of the natural resource potential of the area, insisting on a perpendicular delimitation of their maritime boundary. The dispute was amicably resolved with the establishment of the Agence de Gestion et de Coopération entre le Sénégal et la Guinée-Bissau (AGC). The AGC’s primary objective is to facilitate collaboration between the two countries in sharing resources to develop the oil and gas prospects in the area.

Recent developments in Guinea Bissau have revealed an underhand deal between the former President of Senegal, Mr. Sall, and his Bissau counterpart, Mr. Embalo, which has caused outrage among Bissau-Guineans concerning the prospective revenue split between the two countries at production. More details on this will follow.

Discoveries in Senegal – The Gambia subbasin – FAN-1, SNE & Sangomar Field

The discovery of the SNE-1 Sangomar field has ignited debate about its exact geographic boundary and whether it extends into The Gambia’s maritime area. These debates intensified in June 2024 when Senegal produced its first oil barrel from a well in the field, making it the newest oil-producing nation in Africa. This journey began in 1960, when the Senghor Government prioritised promoting investment in oil and gas exploration. Although Senegal’s first oil well in DiamNadio in 1960 was not commercially viable, it spurred successive governments to introduce policies attracting foreign investment. Significant reforms began under President Abdou Diouf and continued more vigorously under his successor, Abdoulie Wade. Wade succeeded in creating a stable and predictable environment for multinational investors, a policy continued by his successor, Macky Sall.

FAR Ltd, an Australian company focused on African oil and gas exploration, acquired licenses for three contiguous Senegalese blocks (Rufisque, Sangomar, and Sangomar Deep) in 2006. Incorporated in Western Australia in 1984 as First Australia Resources NL, it became FAR Ltd in 2010. These blocks cover 7,500 km² in the productive MSGBC basin, located in the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin.

The blocks contain four prospects. On the paleo shelf-edge trend running between the mouths of the Saloum and Gambia rivers, about 50 km offshore, are SNE-North-1 and SNE-1 (Sangomar Offshore). The SNE-1, renamed Sangomar Field Development Phase 1 (SNE-1 Sangomar) by President Macky Sall, is contiguous with the northern edge of The Gambia’s A2 block. The deeper water prospects are Sangomar Deep FAN-1 and FAN South-1.

In 2013, FAR Ltd made a strategic decision to buy the licenses, previously held by Hunt Ltd, including modern 3D seismic data covering targeted 2,050 km² of the blocks. FAR Ltd enhanced the data, identifying hydrocarbon layers in the FAN-1 and SNE-1 fields and mapping four initial drillable prospects, followed by another seven. However, as a small venture capital company, FAR Ltd lacked the capital and expertise to drill offshore wells, prompting it to seek joint venture partners. FAR Ltd farmed out 85% of its license interest to Cairn Energy (operator, 40%), ConocoPhillips (35%), and Petrosen (10%).

At the time, FAR Ltd.’s Managing Director Cath Norman said:

“We are very pleased to have secured leading independent Cairn Energy as a farm in partner and Operator in our Senegal Project. With this agreement FAR has secured a highly experienced Operator to drill and fund it through the first exploration well to be drilled off the Senegalese coast for some years.

Cairn Energy funded most of the exploration costs and paid FAR Ltd.’s past costs, running into millions of dollars. The first well, FAN-1, was successful, revealing a gross oil-bearing interval of 500 meters with potential recoverable oil resources of 2.5 billion barrels. Cath Norman, FAR Ltd.’s Managing Director, highlighted the drilling risks and uncertainties about source rock capacity:

‘One of the key risks out here is that the presence of source was unknown. We know in this part of West Africa the source rocks turn on and off. And whether they exist out here to have the capacity to be filling the billion-barrel traps that we had mapped was a complete unknown to us. So, seeing a 500-meter oil interval is a great start’.

The SNE-1 Sangomar field, with a footprint of 400 km², was forecast to have a recoverable oil resource of 641 million barrels, the biggest discovery in Senegal’s history. FAR Ltd was awarded the Breakthrough Company of 2016 by the Oil and Gas Council Africa. The field also contained significant gas reserves. Cath Norman, describing the drilling team’s encounter with the field in one of her representations said:

‘Field was in fact larger. It was not until we drilled the 4th well that we stepped out of the gas cap and managed to intercept some of the secondary reservoirs in the oil leg. We are now four times the size of the field when we originally mapped it.’

Ms. Norman described the field’s geology: a carbonate platform with extensive oil reservoirs in stack formation. The deeper S500 series reservoir is in the lower Cretaceous, while the upper S400 series reservoir is in the upper Cretaceous, topped by a gas cap. Connectivity tests confirmed good inter-well connectivity in both reservoirs. Indeed, Ms. Norman touched on this when she said in a presentation:

‘Connectivity is the last piece of the puzzle we need to resolve. Our field is really a field of two primary reservoir families. There is a deep reservoir unit which we call our 500 series. It’s made up of thick and blocky sand. They are lovely and young and clean with great porosity.’

She continued:

‘The upside is that the cream on the cake is proving a lot more of the connectivity of the thin sand that sits above the 500 series. We call that our 400 series and the focus of our next two wells will be which our JV are committed drilling in Nov to flow test some of those upper sands and also running interference tests which involves setting gauges, setting up the wells to be listening wells and then drilling a pulsing well and then looking at how those pulses proliferate across the thin sand. We will get a measure of connectivity of how continuous they are across the field’.

In fact, those connectivity tests were done, and Cairn Energy confirmed in one of its Appraisal Reports in 2018 that there was good correlation of the gross reservoir packages. It reported that connectivity in the S400 upper reservoirs was demonstrated by interference tests in a clearly preferred orientation and that the DST in the S500 lower reservoir confirmed expected good inter-well connectivity.

Ms. Norman has confirmed this because in the concluding part of her presentation she said:

‘Each well we drilled in the appraisal programme confirmed that we have 100meter gross oil column across all of the wells. We have the same high quality 32-degree oil quality across all the field, and we have good correlation between all of our principal reservoir units’.

FAR Ltd.’s success in Senegal was largely due to its joint venture partners, particularly Cairn Energy, ConocoPhillips, Petrosen, and later Woodside Energy. The type of drill rig used also played a significant role. Norman noted the difference in performance between the 5th generation semi-sub vessel and the 7th generation drill ship, which reduced non-productive rig time significantly. This is what she said:

‘When we drilled our first two exploration wells, we had a fifth-generation semi subcontracted for the drilling at $650,000 a day. That is just the rig rate not the total spread. When we drilled four appraisal wells some 18 months later, we contracted a rigg for $330,000 a day. It was a seventh-generation drill ship and performed immensely better than the semi-sub we had on our first drilling mission. We are just in the process of tendering for a rig now for our drilling programme in Nov. Looks likely we will be able to secure the equivalent of a seventh-generation drill ship for under $200,000 a day. Cost of drilling has come down by two-thirds. What is actually more important to us is the efficiency of the drilling. When we drill our first appraisal well, we had 70% non-productivity rig time. Which is abysmal. We had out 10% non-rig time for the four other appraisals well we drilled. And on one of the well, we had 3% non-productivity rig time. So, our JV is moving ahead very quickly now to secure rigs for continuing with appraisal and getting on with development drilling’.

FAR Ltd.’s entire operational focus was in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and the company given its long presence in Senegal from 2006 had developed deep connections and working relations at the highest level within the government, the office of the President of Senegal who at the time was Mr Macky Sall.

Today, there are more than twenty-three successfully drilled wells in the SNE-1 Sangomar field, and the first oil barrel was produced in June 2024. The revenue split is 82% for Woodside Energy and 18% for Petrosen. FAR Ltd.’s previous 15% stake in the field will be discussed later.

Oils and Gas Exploration in The Gambia

The Gambia’s foray into oil and gas exploration can best be described as sporadic. Between 1965, when it gained independence from Britain, and 1994, the country saw limited exploration activities. During the First Republic under Sir Dawda Jawara (1970- 1994) and the early years of the Second Republic under Yaya Jammeh, exploration efforts were scattered and intermittent. Some companies were involved in early exploration in the 1950s, but these were limited in scope and consisted mainly of initial studies. The country’s first oil well was drilled by Chevron in 1979, but it was not successful. This lethargy for oil exploration may have been shaped partly by Britain’s limited economic view of the country. During the colonial period, Britain saw The Gambia as an insignificant peanut-producing territory within its larger colonial empire. Britain showed little interest or enthusiasm for the economic development of the country beyond maintaining the lucrative supply line of raw peanuts to the UK.

Britain was circumspect about The Gambia’s viability as a state given its small size, being a narrow strip of land within Senegal with a tiny coastline on the Atlantic Ocean to the west. When the movement for independence began to gather unstoppable momentum, there were diplomatic discussions within the United Nations about whether merging with Senegal might be a better prospect for the country. However, this plan never advanced beyond discussions, and The Gambia was left to map its own path when Britain departed in 1965. The country had already been affected by British colonialism; before colonization, The Gambia was a much larger territory, with its northern border deep inside Sine Saloum near Kaolack, Senegal. British traders preferred to stay close to the banks of the River Gambia (no more than 30km wide at its broadest). As a result, Britain abandoned much of the territory to the French, who expanded further into The Gambia in 1850, reducing it to its current size.

For much of the 60s and 70s, while Senegal was busy exploring its oil and gas prospects both onshore and offshore, the government of Sir Dawda Jawara in The Gambia remained largely indifferent to the vast natural resources in and around the country. This lack of curiosity and ambition was evident when, in 1975, The Gambia agreed to its northern and southern maritime boundaries with Senegal along parallel equidistance lines running 200 meters east to west from the territorial sea baseline to the outer edge of the continental shelf. By that time, Senegal had a far better understanding of its offshore natural resources and readily agreed to the deal. The Gambia effectively shot itself in the foot, closing the door to an unimaginable National Wealth Fund from oil and gas that could have transformed the country’s socioeconomic development for generations if managed properly. A much wiser agreement would have been a perpendicular line on either side of the maritime boundary with common zones of mutual control with Senegal. All the SNE-1 Sangomar acreage would have been in this zone, rendering much of the discussion in this paper irrelevant. This approach is exactly what Senegal agreed upon with its southern neighbour, Guinea Bissau, maximizing its current oil and gas prospects in the AGC.

The Jammeh Era

Much of the credit for the limited progress The Gambia has made in oil and gas exploration goes to the government of Yahya Jammeh, who, for the first time in the nation’s history, established a Ministry of Petroleum in 2002. His government included policies for oil and gas exploration and development in its National Development Plan. The National Energy and Petroleum Act 2004 was passed into law, although it was largely based on legislation from Ghana.

Oil and gas exploration licences were made available for six separate blocks offshore The Gambia. Erin Energy was one of the first companies to acquire a licence for one of the blocks. However, there was a problematic period when several of the licenses were traded among insiders, with little benefit to the country. A case in point is the licenses in blocks A1 and A4 granted to African Petroleum Ltd, a company then majority-owned by Mr. Frank Timis. Mr. Timis, a Romanian-Australian billionaire, is a controversial figure in the oil and gas scene in West Africa. His activities in the subregion were negatively highlighted in a 2019 independent investigation by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) and BBC Africa Eye. Although oil was reportedly discovered offshore in 2003, Mr. Jammeh publicly criticised what he considered to be an insultingly low production sharing percentage offered by the exploration companies at the time. He declared that he would rather leave the oil in the ground than agree to an unfair sharing agreement. Jammeh’s intransigent conduct in this regard betrayed his intelligence. He failed to realise the importance of opening dialogue with Senegal for joint exploration and production in Sangomar, especially at a time when Senegal had made significant progress. Unwittingly, he too failed The Gambia.

Since then, there had been limited activity in oil and gas exploration until after 2016, when Jammeh was forced to leave office following his loss in the general election to Adama Barrow. Jammeh initially refused to hand over power but eventually went into exile.

Enter FAR Ltd – The Gambia

FAR Ltd entered The Gambia during a tumultuous period in the nation’s history, marked by elevated uncertainty and disarray as a new government struggled to assert control after two decades of brutal dictatorship. Government institutions were either not fully functional or non-existent, and there was no effective regulatory environment for oil and gas exploration. FAR Ltd quickly established a subsidiary, FAR (Gambia) Ltd, and acquired the 100% interest held by Erin Energy in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks. These blocks are located south of the SNE-1 Sangomar field offshore Senegal, covering 2,682 km² within the MSGBC basin, specifically the Senegal/Gambia subbasin, about 50 kilometres offshore in water depths ranging from 50 to 1,200 meters. FAR Ltd forecasted a recoverable oil resource of one billion barrels in the blocks on an unrisked best estimate of 100%.

The license deal, giving FAR Ltd 100% working interest in blocks A2 and A5, effectively meant The Gambia owned none of its oil and gas resources upon discovery. All rights to explore, drill, produce, and sell resources from the blocks belonged to FAR Ltd and other licence holders. The Gambia had imprudently hinged its hopes on royalties’ payment at production. This arrangement, despite any savings The Gambia might have made from associated expenses, was to say the least, disadvantageous. Even Senegal had the foresight to retain an 18% interest in its blocks.

The exact terms of FAR Ltd.’s original licence have never been publicly disclosed. What is known is that FAR Ltd often referred to a minimum term of drilling one exploration well a year. Details about performance-related clauses, supervision, frequency of reviews, and dispute resolution mechanisms remain unknown. These elements are crucial in properly drafted commercial agreements but are often watered down or omitted in the African context.

FAR (Gambia) Ltd operated with a small team, including an Australian Asset Manager, reportedly based in The Gambia for some time. FAR Ltd would have had a good idea of working practices in The Gambia. The team was housed in the same building as the Ministry of Petroleum. Cath Norman from FAR Ltd highlighted that this proximity facilitated better and easier cooperation with the government.

Just before FAR (Gambia) Ltd.’s contractual drilling commitments in The Gambia were due, FAR Ltd claimed financial difficulties, as it had done in Senegal. Fortunately, Petronas, a major Southeast Asian oil and gas company, agreed to farm-in, initially taking a 40% interest in the A2 and A5 block licenses, later revised to a 50% split. FAR Ltd was the operator under the licenses, despite lacking prior experience in the MSGBC basin. Petronas had the option to assume the role of operator, though the terms and conditions were never made public.

To facilitate the deal, Petronas established a subsidiary in The Gambia, PC (Gambia) Ltd. Exploration and drilling activities were purportedly channelled through these two Gambian-registered subsidiaries in whose names the licence blocks were held. Board memberships and financial details of these companies have not been publicly disclosed. Notably, the government of The Gambia’s retained counsel for Energy, Oil, and Gas is the mother of the lawyer retained by FAR Ltd for FAR (Gambia) Ltd, and both practice from the same chambers.

Samo-1 FAR Ltd.’s first well in The Gambia

The SAMO-1 well is located slightly off-centre within the A5 block on the PSET shelf edge trend. The reservoir sand for SAMO was deposited over 100 million years ago by ancient rivers that likely once occupied the area where the River Gambia currently flows. The SAMO-1 reservoirs were formed adjacent to where these rivers reached the coast. FAR Ltd forecasted a pre-drill estimate of 825 million barrels of recoverable oil on a 2P basis for this prospect.

In preparation for drilling, FAR Ltd claimed to have contracted a Stena DrillMax sixth-generation drillship and Exceed Ltd, a drilling management company based in Aberdeen, Scotland, to operate the drillship and drill the well. However, in a 2018 appraisal, Cairn Energy reported that no 3D seismic data was available for this prospect, suggesting that FAR Ltd relied on less accurate 2D data or none at all for its assessments. In an interview with Gavin Collery, Ms. Norman of FAR Ltd stated that 3D seismic data was available, but her remarks seemed to conflate the SAMO-1 well with the Bambo well, which is known to have undergone 3D mapping.

Lacking the necessary expertise and financial resources, FAR Ltd required Petronas to fund the project. Ms. Norman acknowledged this in a 2017 interview with Mr. Collery, stating, “It’s always best practice and prudent to bring a partner in when you have got a large equity position both to ratify your technical evaluation but also to share the cost.”

Later, in a presentation, Ms. Norman added, “FAR will continue to operate both licenses through the exploration phase, including the drilling of Samo-1, although Petronas will have the right to become the operator in the development phase.”

Despite these assertions, the actual drilling of the SAMO-1 well remains unclear. FAR Ltd was initially expected to handle the drilling, but this is complicated by a statement from FAR Ltd.’s Asset Manager, Mr. Rolf Stork, who remarked, “Petronas carried FAR drilled one well, SAMO-1. We drilled it as an operator. Big undertaking for a small company like FAR.”

Ms. Norman further clarified Petronas’ supervisory role in the joint venture, stating, “Petronas brought in as partners JV. 40% each. Petronas carried us through the drilling of the exploration well.” However, the specifics of Petronas’ involvement beyond funding remain ambiguous, with no public disclosure from Petronas or PC (Gambia) Ltd regarding their activities in The Gambia.

The SAMO-1 well, reportedly drilled to a depth of 3,200 meters into the seabed, did not yield oil. FAR Ltd claimed to have continued collecting extensive logging data to evaluate other prospects. Initially believed to be an extension of the SNE-1 Sangomar field, post-drill evaluations revealed that SAMO-1 was not connected. Mr. Peter Nicholls, FAR Ltd.’s chief geologist and exploration manager, explained, “We came in structurally a bit lower… two structures instead of one big field. There was oil in the system, but it was not able to be trapped.”

FAR Ltd suggested that the oil might have migrated to the Bambo well in the A2 block. Mr. Nicholls noted, “The interesting thing about this Bambo prospect is that if you follow the migration path, where the oil from SAMO-1 is likely to end up is overlying that feature, potentially 300 million barrels or more.”

FAR Ltd.’s objective after the failed SAMO-1 prospect was to trace the oil’s migration path to an accumulation zone. Success depended on the accuracy of structural maps, predictions of sand characteristics in accumulation zones, identified fault lines, formations, shale types, and effective drilling. With modern drilling techniques and geophysical mapping, the role of luck is reduced, yet the question remains: why and how did FAR Ltd fail The Gambia?

The second well – Bambo-1 (side track-1) & Soloo

In 2020, FAR Ltd moved on to its next drilling prospects, the Soloo and Bambo wells. These are located to the north of the A2 block, nearly side by side on an elevated gradient of the PSET shelf trend, part of the SNE-1 Sangomar field extending into the A2 block. The available 3D seismic data predrill confirmed the geological formation as a continuous extension of the SNE-1 Sangomar field into The Gambia. FAR Ltd.’s Exploration Manager and chief geologist Mr. Nicholls noted:

“You could see that Soloo could well be an extension of the SNE. As a matter of fact, it’s very much mapped as an extension of SNE into The Gambia, and that is Woodside and other JV Partners in SNE will see that SNE does extend into The Gambia. So that’s not a contentious issue. It’s the way it’s seen and mapped as extending into our block.”

In a predrill presentation, Ms. Norman commented on the Bambo well:

“You can see clearly that the Sangomar oil fields extend south into The Gambia. In fact, the location of the Bambo-1 well is 500 meters from the border to the south, drilling into the extension of the Sangomar field that we call the Soloo prospect.”

The predrill forecast estimated recoverable oil from the Bambo-1 well at a billion barrels. FAR Ltd planned to drill through three prospects: Soloo upper, Bambo upper, and Soloo deep, categorized as the S390, S400, and S500 series, respectively. The Soloo upper in the S390 series had the highest chance of success at 36%. The predrill seismic data indicated that all three prospects were within the same depth and level as the primary reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field.

FAR Ltd again acted as the operator, reassembled the same drill team from the failed SAMO-1 prospect, and contracted the same Stena IceMax Drill ship (not the seventh generation vessel used by Cairn Energy in the SNE-1 Sangomar field). FAR Ltd reported that the drill rig was operational offshore Mexico, and this was advantageous as it meant FAR Ltd would not be using a cold stack rig. However, there was no disclosed verifiable evidence that this rig was service worthy and fit for purpose. FAR Ltd.’s headquarters was reportedly in Banjul, The Gambia, but the operational base was in fact in Dakar, Senegal, where supply boats delivered all necessary pipes and goods for the drill vessel.

In November 2021, FAR Ltd finalised well locations and commenced drilling soon after. In December 2021, FAR Ltd reported that the wells, particularly Soloo Deep, did not contain commercially viable quantities of oil or gas.

A subsequent press release stated:

“Bambo-1 was initially drilled to a depth of 3216m MDBRT (Meters drilled below the rotary table), and wireline logging was completed. The Bambo-1 well was then plugged, and the Bambo-1 ST1 (side-track) well drilled to a depth of 3317m MDBRT, after which wireline logging was undertaken.

The drilling and logging data from the main well and the side-track well indicated that several target intervals had oil shows, confirming a prolific oil source in the area. Initial interpretation of cuttings and wireline logging suggested these zones had oil in poor-quality reservoirs and in traps that might have been breached, leaving residual oil. Rocks and fluid samples were recovered from several intervals in the Bambo well, and laboratory analysis in 2022 will provide additional data about the oil potential identified in the Bambo well.

The Soloo prospect objectives in the Bambo-1 well, which represented the potential southern extension of the Sangomar field in A2, indicated some oil shows but no significant oil volumes. However, oil shows in the Bambo prospect reservoir, encountered in both the Bambo-1 and Bambo-1 ST1 wells, highlighted up-dip potential to the south in the A2 Block, mapped as the new Panthera prospect. Other reservoirs in the Bambo drilling campaign show oil potential, opening additional exploration opportunities in both the A2 and A5 Blocks.

The well and side-track have been plugged and abandoned as planned for this type of exploration drilling.”

The press release emphasised that the Soloo and Bambo-1 prospects were not
extensions of the SNE-1 Sangomar field. It did not clearly disclose that drilling had not
gone as planned. The drill rig had an accident at 3216 meters below the seabed, forcing
FAR Ltd to halt operation before reaching the target depth of 3450 meters MDBRT. They
then planned a side-track well, Bambo-1 ST1, which also fell short of the target zone.
FAR Ltd and its JV partner Petronas designated the well a ‘tight hole’ and released
minimal information during drilling.

The cause of the accident was unclear, and FAR Ltd did not provide details. Ms. Norman, FAR Ltd.’s Managing Director, commented:

“FAR is pleased with the experienced drilling team and contractors who quickly adjusted the Bambo-1 drilling program to suit the geological setting and best meet the drilling program’s objectives. FAR is well-placed to achieve these objectives through the side-tracked well and drilling through the undrilled Soloo Deep prospect. We are encouraged by the presence of oil in potential reservoirs and look forward to completing the well in the coming weeks.”

FAR Ltd.’s drilling programme appeared unfocused, attempting to drill through three separate reservoirs in a stacked formation—a technique not tried in the successful SNE-1 Sangomar field. This ambitious approach led to challenges, including a sudden loss of fluid mid-drilling, necessitating diversion through an unplanned side-track well.

Curiously, FAR Ltd made no reference to Petronas having any role in this drilling, unlike the SAMO-1 well. Instead, the company pointed to an unidentified drilling team and contractors. Several plausible reasons for this drilling failure include the inexperience of the crew, inaccuracies in the geophysical survey data, errors in seismic data interpretation, or an ill-equipped drill rig. However, given the geophysical team’s successful track record in the SNE-1 Sangomar field, it is unlikely they were the issue. The limited information available about the drilling crew suggests that FAR Ltd.’s inexperience as an operator was the main problem. The company failed to effectively coordinate the drill crew, drill rig, and geophysical team to overcome the complex drilling challenges.

FAR Ltd.’s finding of no commercially viable oil and gas in the Bambo-1 and Soloo wells contradicts the predrill 3D seismic data showing these wells as connected to the successful SNE-1 Sangomar field reservoirs. Ms. Norman stated predrill:

“The outcome of that process is that we have a net billion barrels of oil potential in our two blocks offshore Gambia. Following the risk audit of FAR’s evaluation of the potentials, we have confirmed a P50 un-risked 1.1 billion barrels of potential in The Gambia. We have always expected our acreage to be highly prospective because it is contiguous with our acreage in Senegal. We have drilled 11 wells offshore Senegal, 8 on the same trend that extends into The Gambia, and 8 into the same reservoirs that will be our primary reservoirs in The Gambia.”
(Emphasis underlined by author)

The 3D seismic data indicated that all the successful wells in Senegal’s SNE-1 Sangomar field were in the same primary reservoirs (S400 and S500 series) as the wells in The Gambia. The Gambian prospects were charged with oil, as proven by Cairn Energy and admitted by FAR Ltd, confirming that all wells in the S400 and S500 reservoir series are connected.

This raises the question: what separates the Soloo and Bambo-1 prospects from the SNE-1 Sangomar field? Is there a risk that FAR Ltd.’s finding—that its SNE-1 Sangomar field does not extend into The Gambia’s A2 block—is based on its failed drilling programme?

The Bambo and Soloo prospects have multiple reservoir targets, with two main reservoirs in the S400 series being hydrocarbon-bearing in the SNE-1 Sangomar wells. FAR Ltd has not identified at least to the public in the Gambia which reservoirs in the Bambo and Soloo prospects do not contain commercially viable oil or which targets may have been missed due to drilling failure.

A troubling coincidence is that the prolific SNE-1 Sangomar S400 and S500 series reservoirs suddenly do not contain commercially viable oil at the boundary line where the field extends into The Gambia. FAR Ltd claimed that the reservoir for the Bambo-1 well was poor and unable to trap oil due to seal breaches, the same reason given for the failed SAMO-1 well.

The geophysical features of the PSET shelf edge in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and the A2 and A5 blocks are nearly identical, formed over the same period and close in time and space. The reservoirs in the A2 and A5 blocks are good, but the seals, made of black/grey shales, are reportedly underdeveloped according to Far Ltd. If true, this suggests that the oil in The Gambian prospects has migrated into an unidentified accumulation zone.

FAR Ltd does not dispute this, but it raises the question: does FAR Ltd have a duty to consider and determine the phenomenon of oil migration from The Gambia?

The Source Kitchen & the phenomenon of oil migration in the MSGBC – Senegal/Gambia subbasin

The hydrocarbon source ‘kitchen’ that feeds all the reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field lies deep below the seafloor of the basin, migrating up the slopes of the PSET trend in a westerly direction into the reservoirs.

The Soloo and Bambo prospects have easy access to this source kitchen, similar to other reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. FAR Ltd.’s Ms Norman underscored this point in one of its presentations:

“I would like to walk you through what the exploration opportunity looks like for FAR. Starting with the Sangomar oil field, which is a known oil field sitting on the shelf edge of a carbonate platform being fed by oil generated in the source kitchen deep out to the west. You can see on the bottom left of the seismic line that I’m showing you is right through the Sangomar oil field, and I’m going to step through to the south to show you the prospects further to the south in the Gambia. The first, of course, are Soloo and Bambo that we’ll be drilling with the Bambo 1 well just to the north of our blocks in A2. You can see that they have easy access to the source kitchen and that source kitchen is very prolific to generate enough oil to house 5 billion barrels of oil just in place just to the north in Sangomar, which means we have a really rich source rock that’s capable of generating a lot of oil in this region. As we step further to the south, we have the Jobo prospect at about 280 million barrels, the Jato prospect at about 130 million barrels, and then Malo, a very large prospect out to the east at about 265 million barrels. All on a P50 best estimate basis. So, lots of follow-ups in our A2 and A5 blocks. We are not just about drilling Bambo this year.” [Emphasis underlined by author]

The migration path of oil into an accumulation zone or reservoir is directed by hydrostatic pressure exerted by gravity on the source kitchen. Often, the migration path follows natural fault lines within hydrocarbon formations. When these fault lines remain active and overlap with a trap, the trap becomes the main accumulation zone. The oil remains trapped in the accumulation zone if the reservoir is made of good porous sandstone or limestone and has mature seals to prevent further migration or degradation by water.

Apart from gravitational pressure, other key factors determining the migration path of oil into an accumulation zone or reservoir include buoyancy, the geothermal gradient of the hydrocarbon formation, the size of the fault lines, and the porosity and permeability of the reservoir sandstone. Primary migration and accumulation of oil may have started millions of years ago but can continue as long as the source kitchen releases oil and the fault lines are active, allowing secondary migration into other reservoirs.

The viscosity of the oil in the SNE-1 Sangomar field, at 32◦, makes it a light fluid, similar to the residual oil in The Gambian prospects. Therefore, it would migrate at a much faster velocity over long distances under normal geothermal conditions. Since The Gambia’s A2 block is physically contiguous with the SNE-1 Sangomar field, as shown by 3D seismic data, the migration of a large volume of oil from there into the SNE-1 Sangomar field would be quick and effortless.

The SNE-1 Sangomar field is at the centre of a geographic phenomenon in the Senegal/Gambia sub-basin, part of the MSGBC basin. It contains giant reservoirs or accumulation zones into which oil is fed from the source kitchen. It also serves as the most likely trap zone for oil migrating along the PSET shelf from different directions, particularly from The Gambia.

The acreage of the SNE-1 Sangomar field is unusually extensive. It sits on a depression on the PSET and has a lower gradient compared to the Soloo, Bambo, and SAMO-1 prospects in The Gambia. It supports two known separate gigantic oil reservoirs in stacked formation, the lower and upper reservoirs, with a substantial gas cap. These reservoirs are in lateral formation, separated by thick layers of ancient rock. The secondary migration paths into these reservoirs are confirmed to be through separate stratigraphic fault lines from the source kitchen in a west-to-east direction.

Basin modelling from FAR Ltd.’s exploration in the A2 and A5 blocks identified a secondary migration path running the length of the PSET from south to north, from SAMO-1 towards Bambo-1. The SNE-1 Sangomar field lies north on this migration path. If the oil in the SAMO-1 well could not be trapped due to a lack of mature seals (though it has a good reservoir) and its migration path is charted towards the Bambo and Soloo prospects as FAR Ltd has acknowledged, then those two are not the accumulation zones, as they are reported not to have oil in commercially viable quantities.

The oil must have migrated further into an alternative trap, and the most probable location of that trap, in terms of time, distance, and space, is the extensive SNE-1 Sangomar reservoirs.

The substantial gas cap on the SNE-1 Sangomar field is further evidence of the secondary migration of an enormous volume of oil into these reservoirs, particularly the S400 series. The gas cap resulted from thermal regeneration, where increased temperatures in the hydrocarbon formation caused chemical reactions that converted oil into gas. What remains in the reservoir is the current volume of oil that has not been heated into gas.

Oil reservoirs maintain equilibrium through hydrostatic pressure. When this pressure is disrupted at any point, the fluid will naturally flow toward areas of lower pressure. The giant S400 and S500 series reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar field have had 23 wells drilled in them, and there could be even more. Numerous pressure tests conducted by FAR Ltd, and its JV partners confirmed the connectivity of the wells in those reservoirs. Therefore, the historic pressure within the reservoirs was disturbed well before it was determined whether the SNE-1 Sangomar field extended into The Gambia.

For obvious reasons, FAR Ltd. seems to focus its efforts on identifying a separate accumulation zone (however unlikely) for the prospects in The Gambia. Despite these efforts, the company has made little progress in pinpointing a distinct migration path and accumulation zone for the billion barrels of oil it once predicted in its Gambian blocks. It has been seven years since the drilling of the SAMO-1 well and three years since the drilling of Soloo and Bambo-1, along with the Bambo-1 sidetrack-1. Yet, FAR Ltd. has not provided any substantial updates on the extensive research it claims to be conducting on the logging data from these unsuccessful wells. Instead, the company is now shifting its focus to the Panthera, Jato, and Malo prospects within the A2 block, which are located in the same area and gradient as the Bambo well, in close proximity to the SNE-1 Sangomar field.

The question must be asked: Is it necessary for there to be a separate oil accumulation zone in The Gambia if geophysical analysis confirms that oil migrates or migrated from the Gambian prospects into the SNE-1 Sangomar field or across the maritime boundary into Senegal? If this is the case, what potential difficulties would FAR Ltd have encountered in navigating the contractual and political challenges that might have arisen, given that, before selling its stake in 2020, it partly owned the SNE-1 Sangomar field?

Specifically, this points to several issues:

  1. FAR Ltd.’s contractual relations with its joint venture partners in the SNE-1 Sangomar field.
  2. Its contractual relations with the Gambian government regarding the A2 and A5 blocks. This points to FAR Ltd.’s obligation under specific clauses dealing with development and production of the oil and the payment of royalties to The Gambia.
  3. The potential contentious issue of shared stakes between The Gambia and Senegal.

How might these factors have impacted the oil production revenue-sharing agreement and the production schedule of the joint venture partners in the SNE-1 Sangomar field if The Gambia were to assert its right to a share of the oil and gas? Woodside Energy and Senegal would clearly want to avoid any delays in their production schedule from the SNE-1 Sangomar field. It seems FAR Ltd was caught between a rock and a hard place!

The Law – Conflict – Natural Resources along/near to Maritime boundaries

Both The Gambia and Senegal are signatories to the United Nations International Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The convention does not specify how states should share or exploit natural resources between their maritime boundaries, nor does it address the migration of natural resources, such as oil, from one country into an accumulation zone across maritime boundaries. It encourages nation-states to adopt principles of equitable dealing, good faith negotiations, and respect for sovereignty in bilateral and multilateral agreements. These concepts often carry legal nuances that are challenging for courts and judges to apply consistently.

Natural resources below the seabed between countries are of strategic importance and require active cooperation between states to harness their value. However, the absence of international law detailing how ownership rights over these resources should be determined has led to “safari justice” in some parts of the world, where might prevails and weaker countries struggle to protect their interests. Another aspect of this issue is related to the jurisdiction of maritime boundaries. It is commonly assumed that strict adherence to surface maritime boundaries automatically determines ownership rights of resources deep below the seabed, which can lead to significant injustice. Oil and gas, for instance, are migratory substances that can cross maritime boundaries due to gravitational pressure differences. The Senegal/Gambia sub-basin of the MSGBC is exclusively shared by the two countries, and equitable principles suggest that its sub-seabed resources particularly in the area between The Gambia and Saloum rivers should be jointly shared. This should not be contingent on proving oil migration from Gambian wells to the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The aggressive stance of the Macky Sall government and the oil companies in the SNE Sangomar exemplifies the excesses of unchecked capitalism. At a deeper level, it also questions Sall’s moral value as a Senegambian.

The same principles of equitable dealing and good faith negotiations apply in private international investment agreements. Investors must perform their license obligations in good faith, which has both substantive and procedural perspectives. Substantively, it involves the host state’s obligations to the investor and vice versa. Procedurally, it refers to arbitration proceedings for dispute resolution. Good faith encompasses fairness, honesty, loyalty, and transparency, essential for maintaining justice in international investment law. It requires parties to comply with their obligations competently and with mutual trust and cooperation.

When there is a perceived conflict of interest or lack of transparency or competence in the performance of a license obligation by an investor, the state’s interests are vulnerable. Aside from FAR Ltd.’s failure to find a separate oil and gas accumulation zone in its Gambian blocks, was it within its competence to determine for the Gambian government whether the missing oil from the failed wells may have migrated into the SNE-1 Sangomar field? FAR Ltd had already charted the likely migration path of oil from SAMO-1 well to Bambo-1 well. Why stop there? If the hypothesis is valid that oil migrated from the Gambian prospects into the SNE-1 Sangomar reservoirs, how does that reflect on FAR Ltd.’s performance if the Gambian government lacks clarity on this issue? It is the responsibility of the Attorney-General (with assistance from external counsel if necessary) to advise the government on whether the investor has performed its obligations competently and in good faith.

This task is easier with the active participation of the government through a relevant regulatory authority, as demonstrated by Petrosen in Senegal during the development of their prospects. In contrast, the government of The Gambia was unable to take similar action. It had both hands tied behind its back, having given away 100% of its interest in both blocks. Unfortunately, the government could not rely on its Attorney General, Ministry of Petroleum, GNPC, or Petroleum Commission to intervene, for reasons apparent to most Gambians. Independent legal and geotechnical advice was urgently needed. Furthermore, the involvement of FAR (Gambia) Ltd.’s lawyer (who is the son of the Gambian government’s retained local external counsel on Energy, Oil, and Gas) creates a significant conflict of interest, even in the absence of any clear indication of wrongdoing.

The Political Agenda – Senegambia

The legal framework for oil and gas exploration in The Gambia is complex, and the political landscape further complicates matters. FAR Ltd.’s performance in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks has not improved the situation. FAR Ltd has effectively put a nail in The Gambia’s oil and gas exploration prospects by finding that the SNE-1 Sangomar field does not extend into The Gambia without fully addressing the potential migration of oil from The Gambia into the SNE-1 Sangomar field. This outcome benefits Senegal, where former President Macky Sall negotiated an extremely poor production sharing agreement, allowing Woodside Energy to retain 82% of the revenue while Petrosen, Senegal’s state oil corporation, received only 18%. Mr. Sall would likely have preferred to avoid any reduction in Senegal’s share, and FAR Ltd.’s findings reinforced this by negating The Gambia’s claim to exploration and production rights, unlike in Mauritania to the north and Guinea-Bissau to the south.

Senegal, under Macky Sall, adopted a silent but sophisticated policy of economically merging The Gambia with Senegal (a feat that could not be achieved politically during the Senegambia Confederation) by supporting a new regime in The Gambia that aligned with Senegal’s strategic interests. In 2016, this opportunity arose when former Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh reneged on his promise to hand over power after losing the general election. Adama Barrow, the declared winner, fled to Senegal, and Macky Sall spearheaded diplomatic efforts in West Africa and the EU to force Jammeh out. He succeeded, and Jammeh fled into exile to Equatorial Guinea. Barrow was sworn in as President of The Gambia in Dakar, Senegal, and was escorted into the country by Senegalese security personnel. Since 2016, Barrow’s close protection officers and guards at the State House have been Senegalese soldiers and security agents. Barrow regards Sall as an elder brother, advisor, guardian, and protector against coups. The relationship between the two is more accurately described as subservient—anything Macky wanted for Senegal from The Gambia, Macky got. Their relationship, shaped by their differing levels of sophistication and experience in state affairs, appears to reflect an exercise of undue influence. One is a geologist with extensive senior government experience, while the other, despite being a successful estate agent and skilled money manager, is a high school dropout with no prior government experience. Many of Barrow’s government’s decisions since 2016 have effectively surrendered The Gambia’s economic sovereignty and security to Senegal—a gift that eluded Senegal since the two nations were divided by colonial history.

It is unsurprising that Barrow and his government have not made a single pronouncement regarding the country’s oil and gas prospects within its maritime boundary with Senegal. Even if he wanted to, achieving success would be difficult. Sall was notoriously corrupt and engaged in underhand deals. In 2021, Guinea Bissau’s president, Umaro Sissoko Embalo, signed a secret oil and gas sharing agreement with Sall, without informing his cabinet or parliament. The deal, unfavourable to Guinea Bissau, allocated only about 30% of revenue to the country. Armando Lona, editor-in-chief of O Democrata, criticized the agreement as illegal since it lacked parliamentary approval and accused the president of secrecy regarding national resources. The Guinea Bissau parliament revoked the agreement, and Sall sacked his energy minister, Amadou Hott, who did not dispute the agreement when challenged in a media interview.

Given Sall’s history, it is plausible that he has managed to silence Barrow and his government regarding oil and gas matters near their maritime borders. The opposition, parliament, and civil society in The Gambia have been silent on the subject, reflecting a lack of curiosity and ambition to safeguard national interests, reminiscent of the Jawara government during the First Republic.

There is a sense in The Gambia that discussing joint exploration, production, and revenue sharing of natural resources with Senegal is taboo, especially now that Senegal has started oil production. The commonly cited phrase, “The Gambia and Senegal are two heads of the same body,” discourages open discussion on the topic. Consequently, the government of The Gambia has failed, unlike Mauritania and Guinea Bissau, to foster intergovernmental dialogue about shared natural resources across maritime boundaries with Senegal.

As a result, Senegal is the sole beneficiary of a vast oil and gas field in the shared Senegal/Gambia sub-basin. Under normal circumstances, applying principles of equity, these resources should be shared, regardless of the discovered accumulation zone being on the Senegalese side. The Gambia’s failure to protect its share of the resources can be attributed to its weak institutions at every level. Since 2021, Mr. Jerreh Barrow has served as the sole Commissioner of The Gambia Petroleum Commission. The Commission is the authority responsible for overseeing resource exploitation, including monitoring and ensuring compliance with national policies and regulations for petroleum activities. A concerning clause in the model Production Sharing Agreement (PEPLA) stipulates a Signature Bonus to be determined by the Licensee at the time of bidding, in addition to a further $2 million payment required upon the Commissioner’s approval of the first Development and Production Plan. This payment structure also applies to any subsequent amendments or new development plans. Additionally, production bonuses of $10 million are to be paid at various stages of development. The clause links the payment of substantial bonuses to the Commissioner’s approval, which could raise concerns about potential conflicts of interest or corruption. A more robust anti-corruption measure might involve requiring approval from a board or committee rather than an individual, thereby enhancing transparency and accountability.

The Gambia National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), responsible for encouraging petroleum operations, has abandoned initiatives to cooperate with oil and gas exploration companies as JV partners, unlike Petrosen in Senegal. The GNPC has been mired in corruption, limiting its activities to storage and distribution of petroleum products. A recent government task force, led by the Minister of Finance, found that despite having expensive computers and software, GNPC staff preferred manual entries, making record-keeping and transaction tracing difficult. Reports indicate that over $20 million has been misappropriated at the GNPC, which is just the tip of the iceberg.

BP (British Petroleum) exits The Gambia’s – A1 Block

It is therefore not surprising that BP exited The Gambia in August 2021 by surrendering its license in the A1 block. This block, along with the A4, had a chequered history. In 2006, African Petroleum acquired a 100% working interest in these blocks from Buried Hill Ltd. The licences were extended thrice, as it appeared the company was unable to fulfil its drilling obligations. When negotiations to extend the license failed, the government of The Gambia terminated the licenses for the blocks in 2017.

African Petroleum denied the termination, asserting that the government had not enacted the proper termination procedure and that its licenses remained in force until this was done. This led to an expensive and protracted arbitration proceeding lodged by African Petroleum at the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) against The Gambia.

The Gambian government, through the Attorney General’s Chambers and its preferred local counsel, a former Attorney General with extensive government connections and a brother who was a former Secretary General of the Gambia Civil Service, obtained support. They secured the services of Cherie Blair KC, wife of former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair. At the time, Mrs. Blair, though well-respected for her advocacy in human rights and administrative law, did not have experience in international oil and gas arbitration proceedings. The case was led admirably by a legendary Gambian US-based attorney who provided distinguished service but without a decisive victory through no fault of his but the weakness of the Gambia’s case.

While proceedings were ongoing, the government of The Gambia, in an unprecedented act of disregard for the arbitration process, opened bidding on the A1 block and sold it to BP in April 2019 before the matter was concluded. The case was eventually settled with The Gambia surrendering the A4 block back to African Petroleum in September 2020. There has never been a public disclosure of the full details of the settlement and the legal costs incurred by The Gambia in the case.

It was partly through this case that certain individuals in The Gambia who prioritise personal gain over national development opened a secret passage (disguised under the name of the Tony Blair Institute) between Tony Blair, former UK Prime Minister, and the office of the President of The Gambia. On April 18, 2018, Mr. Blair hosted President Barrow at a discussion panel held at the famous Chatham House, Royal Institute of International Affairs. Mr. Blair is known within closed circles in The Gambia to have quietly jetted in and out of the country during the period leading to BP’s exit from The Gambia. What most Gambians do not know is that behind many seemingly charitable foundations operating in The Gambia are consulting businesses for profit. Cherie Blair KC heads Omnia Strategy, an advisory firm that has picked up a phenomenal workload in the short time it has been operating, largely from developing countries.

BP’s exit from the A1 block rendered the minor result in the arbitration case a Pyrrhic victory. At the time, the Gambia Ministry of Petroleum issued a press release indicating that BP had informed the government its decision to exit was due to a change in its corporate strategy towards low carbon energy. While this might be true, BP itself did not comment on the issue. The circumstances surrounding BP’s exit from The Gambia raise serious questions about the true underlying reasons for its decision.

BP had already acquired 2D and 3D seismic data for the block and completed an environmental impact assessment at substantial cost. It had modelled two prospects in its block located very near the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The Eland prospect had a resource estimate of 936 million barrels of oil (MBO) in-place and 344 MBO recoverable with a total risk of 24%. The Oribi prospect had a resource estimate of 1,180 MBO in-place and 350 MBO recoverable with a total risk of 10%. All that remained was to drill a well, yet BP chose to pay the Gambian government a settlement of $30 million to walk away.

It would be interesting to know the composition of the negotiation team, including the legal personnel on both sides, for this settlement. It remains unclear what factors determined the $30 million settlement and how it was utilised by the Gambian government, as no public disclosure has been made.

BP is a giant in oil and gas exploration around the world, possessing the requisite expertise in exploration and production. It also has a strong due diligence unit that is highly sensitive to corrupt practices in the industry. This sensitivity reflects the UK government’s recently amended legislation on Bribery and Corruption, which covers the activities of UK-listed companies wherever they occur in the world.

BP’s decision to abandon The Gambia came in the aftermath of FAR Ltd.’s failed drilling of the SAMO-1 well, which is adjacent to and on the same trend as BP’s former A1 block. When FAR Ltd drilled SAMO-1, it reported finding no oil accumulation zone but did find traces of oil that may have migrated. FAR Ltd further indicated that the oil migration path from the SAMO well charts towards the Bambo and Soloo wells, which were mapped to be in the same two primary reservoirs as the eight others, and now twenty-three, wells that FAR Ltd and its joint venture partner Woodside Energy have drilled in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. The Bambo and Soloo prospects are even closer to BP’s previously held A1 block than the SAMO-1 prospect.

If BP had any concerns, it did not share them publicly. However, there is no doubt that its decision must have been based on extraordinarily strong reasons that were not in its interest as an investor.

FAR Ltd Laughing all the way to the bank

– Far sold stake in SNE-1 Sangomar
– Full detail of deals.
– Petronas sold back shares to FAR and left JV.
– FAR license exemption in The Gambia

It appears FAR Ltd. has emerged as the winner in the murky affairs surrounding The Gambia’s missing oil and gas. In June 2020, FAR Ltd. was in a dire financial state, having defaulted on its development cash call for the SNE-1 Sangomar field, putting its entire 13% stake in the joint venture at risk. The default clause read:

“Under the JOA default provisions, if a defaulting party has not fulfilled its financial obligations within six months from the date of notification of the default, it will forfeit its participating interest without compensation. Unpaid amounts accrue interest at the LIBOR rate + 2%.”

FAR Ltd. embarked on cost-cutting measures, including making several staff redundant and requiring all senior executives and non-executive directors to accept a 20% salary or fee reduction effective 1 July 2020.

In this abysmal financial context, FAR Ltd. embarked on its now-failed Bambo-1 well and side-track well, which it claimed were not extensions of the SNE-1 Sangomar field. Throughout the pre-drilling preparation, FAR Ltd. was in talks with Woodside Energy, which had issued the default notice and to whom FAR would have had to forfeit its stake if it did not pay up. At that time, Woodside Energy held about 69% of the stake in the SNE-1 Sangomar field.

In July 2021, three months before drilling the Bambo-1 well, FAR Ltd. was forced to sell its entire interest in the Senegal RSSD Project to Woodside Energy to avoid forfeiture without compensation. The transaction was approved at a general meeting of its shareholders on 28 April 2021. FAR Ltd. received a cash payment of US$126 million from Woodside Energy on 7 July 2021. Additionally, FAR Ltd. stands to receive future payments leveraged on the total volume of oil produced from the SNE-1 Sangomar field until 2027.

According to a notice FAR Ltd. issued to its shareholders on 12 June 2024:

“The contingent payment of up to US$55 million is payable in the future based on
various factors relating to the sale of oil from the RSSD Project.

The contingent payment comprises 45% of entitlement barrels (being the share of oil
relating to FAR’s 13.67% RSSD Project exploitation area interest) sold over the previous
calendar year multiplied by the excess (if any) of the crude oil price per barrel (capped
at US$70) and US$58.

The contingent payment terminates on the earliest of 31 December 2027, three years
from the first oil being sold (excluding any periods of zero production), and a total
contingent payment of US$55 million being reached.”

This deal raises very serious and disturbing questions:

  1. FAR Ltd.’s entire stake in the SNE-1 Sangomar was 15%. This has been revised down to 13% but there is no disclosure of what happens to remaining 2%.
  2. Was this deal disclosed pre-drilling of the Bambo-1 well to the Gambian public and the government of The Gambia?
  3. Given FAR’s stakes in the SNE-1 Sangomar field and in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks through its subsidiary FAR (Gambia) Ltd., and its role as the operator during drilling in the Gambian prospects, what measures, if any, were put in place to protect The Gambia against potential conflicts of interest from FAR Ltd especially in the context of question 4 below on migration of oil? PC Gambia (Petronas) could not properly perform this role as FAR Ltd.’s joint venture partner in The Gambia?
  4. Even if the primary reservoirs in the SNE-1 Sangomar have not extended into The Gambia, does this transaction meet the transparency expected in international investment agreements in oil and gas if oil migrates or has migrated from The Gambia into the SNE-1 Sangomar field?
  5. What due diligence did Woodside Energy and Petrosen carry out to validate FAR Ltd.’s finding that the SNE-1 Sangomar did not extend into The Gambia’s A2 block and to rule out any possibility of oil migrating from the underdeveloped reservoirs in the Gambian prospects into the SNE-1 Sangomar field?

In August 2022, FAR Ltd. reacquired 100% ownership of blocks A2 and A5 when PC (Gambia) Ltd., the subsidiary of Petronas that previously held the other 50% stake in the blocks, conveniently returned them to FAR Ltd. It is difficult to see the business case for Petronas’s involvement in The Gambia’s A2 and A5 blocks and the justification it provided to its shareholders for taking such an enormous loss willingly.

In the meantime, FAR Ltd. has renegotiated a two-year extension to its exploration licence with the government of The Gambia, exempting it from the yearly commitment to drill a well and all other consequential taxes, fees, and expenses payable to the government.

FAR Ltd. reported that this would enable the company to consider options for delivering value while minimising its expenditure over the two-year extension period. The company aims to capitalise on the exploration data acquired from the two unsuccessful wells already drilled, without significantly drawing down existing capital.

This negotiation with the government of The Gambia would have been heavily influenced by legal advice from members of the same family or connected individuals acting on behalf of both the government and FAR Ltd. It is difficult to justify exempting FAR Ltd. from its contracted drilling obligations and all taxes and expenses payment to the government of The Gambia for the next two years, especially after having received US$127 million plus potential future millions.

There is no official gazette or publication indicating that parliamentary assent has been granted to exempt FAR Ltd. from its tax liabilities to the government of The Gambia. It would be a surprise if there had been. The government of The Gambian remains cash strapped and unable to meet basic needs for hospitals, schools, police, and infrastructure. With this arrangement, FAR Ltd. is arguably recouping every penny it claimed to have spent in The Gambia through its subsidiary under its so-called corporate social responsibility.

In the meantime, FAR Ltd. has outlined its plan for prospects Panthera, Jatto, and Malo in its A2 block, each of which it claims (as it did with the other unsuccessful prospects) contain multiple potential oil-bearing reservoir targets. However, any exploration on these prospects is conditional on FAR Ltd. finding a suitable joint venture partner to fund the cost. Thus, the extension granted to FAR Ltd. is likely to be longer if it cannot find a joint venture partner with deep pockets and one should add relevant expertise. This situation places The Gambia in a precarious position.

Given that the Gambian wells were found not to contain significant oil and gas reserves, it could be argued that FAR Ltd. strategically avoided the costs and risks associated with further exploration and development. However, this outcome also meant it evaded the possibility of discovering and developing untapped resources, which would have required them to pay royalties to the government of The Gambia. The real issue lies in the decision of the government of The Gambia to sign away 100% working interest in its exploration blocks without thoroughly exhausting all possibilities. This decision leaves The Gambia with nothing to show for its potential resources—a short-sighted move that is difficult to justify.

FAR Ltd. would likely point to the extensive cautionary exemption statement in its presentations, which it would claim absolves it of any liability for inaccuracies in its geophysical data.

Senegal/Gambia Relations

On 24 March 2024, Senegal elected a new president, Mr. Bassirou Diomaye Faye, after Macky Sall was forced by popular pressure to step down at the end of his final term. The new government, with Prime Minister Ousman Sonko at the helm, has vowed to follow and apply principles of honesty in governance. In his inaugural visit to The Gambia, the first since his election, President Faye extended an open arm of cooperation, solidarity, and respect to the government of The Gambia. This reflects his new foreign policy, which places a bold emphasis on unity and solidarity within Africa. He emphasised that the bond between the two countries will be strengthened and that nothing will change from what has already been established. It is hoped that this new government will reflect the level of honesty in governance it has spoken about in its actions, bringing transparency to all matters relating to dialogue, exploration, and production of the shared natural resources between the two countries. However, a recent high-level intergovernmental meeting between the two countries, attended by President Faye, Prime Minister Sonko, and The Gambian Vice President Jallow, focused on key areas of strategic importance but notably omitted the most sensitive topic: oil and gas. This omission raises concerns about future developments.

The curse of oil and gas in African Countries

Oil and gas have been a curse for almost all producing Sub-Saharan African countries. These nations are endowed with vast natural resources that could have propelled them into the league of developed countries. However, they have failed due to sheer mismanagement and chronic corruption. This is what sets them apart from successfully managed countries like Norway, Qatar, and the UAE, which have similar vast resources. Senegal could turn a new and refreshing chapter in resource management in Africa by emulating the successes of Norway—eliminating corruption, strengthening efficient institutions, and setting up a responsibly managed Sovereign Wealth Fund. It will need to act quickly to register any success because the era of oil and gas is rapidly ending as the world transitions to renewable energy. For The Gambia, the curse has struck even before oil and gas are discovered!

Conclusion

The results from FAR Ltd.’s exploration drilling in the SAMO-1, Bambo-1, and Soloo Deep prospects have confirmed the presence of oil. In the cases of SAMO-1 and BAMBO-1, although the reservoirs were of excellent quality, they were unable to trap the oil due to underdeveloped seals. The oil in these prospects likely migrated to an accumulation zone, which remains unidentified. The most likely location of this accumulation zone is in the SNE-1 Sangomar field. However, FAR Ltd.’s inability to identify the accumulation zone or confirm the migration path of the oil leading to speculation about oil migrating to the SNE-1 Sangomar field is due to several factors: its lack of technical expertise and funds, approach to exploration, drilling, and the accuracy of its geophysical survey data.

This failure is not FAR Ltd.’s alone. The government of The Gambia’s policy on oil and gas exploration has also failed at the level of execution. There is a serious lack of transparency in the relationship between Gambians, the government of The Gambia and FAR Ltd. This relationship appears to operate beyond confidentiality and into the realm of secrecy. Given the country’s weak institutions and the lack of proper regulatory oversight on oil and gas exploration, a vacuum is created where important decisions on matters of national interest are made by connected individuals behind closed doors. The national interest is put at risk when the performance of relevant stakeholders cannot be measured or when failures are not sanctioned.

With Senegal progressing at speed with oil production, there is an urgency for the government of The Gambia to expedite its oil and gas exploration with vigour. The exploration should be competently executed to achieve the purpose of finding an accumulation zone in The Gambia or at the very least establish the migration path of the oil from The Gambia to an established accumulation zone across the maritime boundary with Senegal, anywhere within the subbasin. The resources deep under the seabed in the Senegal/Gambia subbasin, in particular the SNE-1 Sangomar field should not be claimed by Senegal alone. It is overly simplistic to rely solely on surface maritime boundaries as the criterion for determining whether a country should share the natural resources below the seabed with its immediate neighbour. Similarly, it should not be necessary to provide evidence of oil and gas migration from The Gambia to the SNE-1 Sangomar field to justify such sharing. The government of The Gambia should initiate proactive inter-governmental dialogue with Senegal for greater clarity and understanding of the hydrocarbon and geophysical formation across their maritime boundaries. They must agree a protocol for joint resource and revenue sharing on exploration and production of oil and gas in the Senegal/Gambia subbasin of the MSGBC.

Successive governments since independence have failed The Gambia on all the indices of development. It is the smallest country in mainland Africa and potentially by far the easiest to develop if it had the right leadership and progressive orientated people. But despite its manageable size and potential natural resources, The Gambia has suffered the misfortune of having extremely poor leadership and an unenterprising population. The wealthy and so-called intellectuals and professionals have become the biggest enablers of the forces both internally and externally that undermine the economic and political sovereignty of the nation. All of these, give weight to previously held reservations that The Gambia cannot be a viable state. The saga of the exploration of oil and gas on The Gambia’s maritime coast and many other recent developments in the nation’s history should open frank discussion by the people about the future of the country. The Gambia is on the cusp of becoming a failed state (if not already) and there is not a flicker of light shining through this long dark tunnel that it has any chance left to its own accord to save itself. Developing a country requires a collective national effort. If this cannot be achieved, an appealing alternative for The Gambia, given Senegal’s new and dynamic leadership committed to justice, might be to consider full integration with Senegal. This would, in a way, correct the injustice of the Berlin Conference, where the two brotherly nations were divided without their consent. But Senegal, wary of its ‘tainted’ oil and gas lottery win, might shut the door on The Gambia. In that case, The Gambia risks drifting into the wilderness and becoming a basket case – an unsettling prospect. The only way to avoid this fate is for The Gambia to build strong institutions and demand its fair share of the resources in the Senegal-Gambia sub-basin. The Gambia must be resolute in this pursuit. For The Gambia, for Justice, for Development!

Reference Material

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    Senegal, The Gambia, and Guinea-Bissau, Northwest Africa
    By Michael E. Brownfield and Ronald R. Charpentier
  2. The SNE Discovery Offshore Senegal – Moving a Frontier Basin to Emergent
    Eric Hathon, Exploration Director, Cairn Energy PLC 12th June 2018
  3. Lithostratigraphy and Characterisation of Paleocene Limestones for Optimal
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    PRODUCTION) BLOCK A5
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  27. The drillship Stena IceMAX has finished drilling and formation evaluation operations for
    FAR’s deepwater Bambo-1ST1 side-track well offshore The Gambia.
    CSN: Bambo-1 well drilling commences offshore The Gambia
    December 8, 2021
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    Fractured Formation
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    Yuhong Li3
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    By Ben Sayers and Richard Cooke; TGSPublished at: December 12, 2018
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    Fred Akanni, Editor August 7, 2017.
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    Moving a Frontier Basin to Emergent
    By E. Hathon1, Publisher: European Association of Geoscientists & Engineers
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    Published 27th June 2020.
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    capping stacks can be used to stop spills when the blowout preventer fails.
    January 14, 2014, By Antony Matson, Mauricio Madrid
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    Zhanna A. Khakimova – PERM Journal of Petroleum and Mining Engineering.
    Volume/Tom 18 N0. 1 2018.
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Editor’s Note: On August 5, 2024, The Fatu Network reached out to FAR Ltd, inviting them to respond to the claims presented in this exposé. As of the time of publication, FAR Ltd has not provided a response.

This article has been revised and updated on 25.10.24

Rent in The Gambia: Tenants, Landlords Voice Concerns Over Soaring Costs

Michaella Faith Wright

The rising cost of rent in The Gambia is placing significant strain on tenants, with many struggling to keep up with frequent increases in housing and shop rental prices. As the housing market tightens, house agents, landlords, and tenants are all expressing frustrations and calling for government intervention to ease the situation.

Several house agents, including Musa Jallow, Fatou Bojang, and Lamin Sanyang, shared the challenges they face while trying to meet the demands of both landlords and tenants.

Jallow explained, “People complain that the rents we find are high, but it’s because we negotiate based on landlords’ terms. Sometimes, landlords increase prices at the last minute, which leaves us in a difficult spot.”

Bojang added, “Agents like us rely on commissions, but some landlords don’t pay us what we’re supposed to earn. Despite the difficulties, we still try to help people find affordable homes.”

Sanyang also highlighted the difficulties of balancing expectations. “Landlords often blame us when tenants don’t pay on time, even though that’s beyond our control. We do our best to assist both sides, but it’s becoming harder with the current rent situation.”

Abdoulie Jobe, a landlord with three houses and shops in Latrikunda Germany, spoke to The Fatu Network about his experiences over the past 20 years. Jobe rents out rooms and parlours for D1,000 monthly, without requiring advance payments. His shops are also rented for D1,000 each.

Jobe emphasized the importance of building a community with his tenants. “It’s a blessing to see my children play with the tenants’ children. We live like a family,” he said.

Despite these connections, Jobe acknowledged the challenges of rental management. “Some tenants owe rent for up to three months, but I give them time to settle their debts,” he said. “I don’t depend on rent for survival, and I cover water bills for my tenants. I also installed separate electricity meters to avoid disputes over power bills.”

He urged landlords to show compassion. “We need to support each other. Treating houses purely as businesses only increases the burden on tenants.”

Amie Camara, a landlady in Bijilo, added that maintaining houses is becoming more expensive. “Renovations are costly, and some tenants struggle with payments, making it hard for us too. But we have to find a way to work together.”

Many tenants are struggling to keep up with the rising costs of rent. Fatou Baldeh, a tenant in Bijilo, said, “Prices keep increasing, and even Gambians like me are finding it hard to cope. Some of us don’t want to move back to family homes, but rent has become unbearable. Agents charge fees as high as D5,000 — equivalent to one month’s rent.”

She appealed to landlords for empathy. “We only have one Gambia, and many of us have no other place to go.”

Single mother Ida Sonko also shared her struggles. “Managing rent and taking care of my children is becoming harder. I’ve been evicted before, and I now rely on doing laundry for others to survive,” she said.

Sonko called for government intervention. “Life is becoming more difficult with these rent increases. The government needs to speak with landlords about making housing more affordable.”

Conclusion
The testimonies from house agents, landlords, and tenants highlight the growing challenges posed by rising rents in The Gambia. As prices continue to rise, all parties are calling for fairness, understanding, and government action to address the housing crisis.

While video interviews could have added further depth to these stories, many tenants were reluctant to appear on camera, reflecting the sensitivity and fear surrounding tenant-landlord relations.

Valuable Lessons and Experiences in Multilateral Lobbying 

By Sulayman Suntou Touray, Deputy Head of Mission, London

As a team, we were dedicated to tirelessly promoting the candidacy of Hon Dr. Mamadou Tangara for the position of Commonwealth Secretary-General. Since December 2023, the Gambia High Commission in London, alongside other sister missions, collaborated with the technical team at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, led by His Excellency PS Lang Yabou, PS Mboob, Director of Europe Mariam Khan, and Director of Protocol Ebou Sillah.

International multilateral organisations such as the Commonwealth are prestigious entities for fostering the existing international rules-based order. Meeting and listening to 56 Foreign Ministers, with the Commonwealth Secretary, Rt Hon Patricia Scotland and her diverse technical teams, discussing and lamenting on issues with them is a good experience. And The Gambia is always mentioned with warmth and respect.

I feel privileged to have contributed, alongside other technical team members, including Mr. Amadou Jaiteh in the New York Mission, who is a consummate professional of integrity. If memory serves me correctly, he was the one who took down former President Jammeh’s portrait at the Permanent Mission of the Gambia in New York, responding to the people’s call for President Jammeh to honour the verdict expressed through the ballot. Mr. Amadou Jaiteh served under Dr. Tangara as First Secretary and Legal Adviser. He affirmed that Dr. Tangara is a skilled diplomat with a forward-looking vision for his country. Mr. Jaiteh references the dark period of our political impasse, when Dr. Tangara along with other diplomats aligned with the Gambian people, disregarding Jammeh’s election petition by engaging the UN Security Council in collaboration with the sister Republic of Senegal, which led to AU and ECOMIG involvement in upholding the people’s verdict.

Ms. Marang Sanyang at the Addis Ababa Mission is a brilliant legal mind with a commendable professional work ethic. Mr. Saikou Ceesay from the Washington Mission, along with all the staff at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, made significant contributions by facilitating regular conference calls throughout the process.

As a rights and political activist for over 20 years, I have a deep understanding of the significant issues of discussions in The Gambia, as well as the concerns of government and non-government actors likewise the political opposition. However, it is important to recognise that the international community is not a one-dimensional entity driven solely by specific agendas. Numerous countries with troubled pasts have nonetheless hosted key international events and even led major institutions. The complexities of our current era, coupled with the accountability of prominent personalities, will undoubtedly remain subjects of ongoing debate and discussion. To whom much is given, much is expected.

This campaign was not solely about Dr. Tangara; it was an invaluable learning experience for many within The Gambia’s diplomatic cadre. Young, vibrant diplomats were carefully selected to participate and share innovative ideas for our country. The process opened a pathway for the future of The Gambia’s foreign policy, allowing us to engage with accomplished diplomats from all regions of the Commonwealth (Africa, Asia, Europe, the Caribbean, and the Pacific Islands). Selling a candidate is always difficult, especially with the brotherly structure of the commonwealth. Meeting Prime Ministers, FM, and Heads of delegations with specific national agendas is the pinnacle of lobbying for support.

As a small nation, we indeed approached this campaign with determination, decorum, and respect, fostering strong international partnerships. Her Excellency Dr. Fatou Bensouda, the High Commissioner and Campaign Manager empowered our technical team to conduct ourselves with vigour and diligence, seizing every opportunity to advocate for our candidate. Together with Ambassador Lamin Dibba, Ambassador Jainaba Jagne, Ambassador Professor Muhammed Kah, and others, we represented our candidate and The Gambia on every possible occasion. Each member of the team was deeply engaged in the campaign, contributing thoughts with intellectual assurance and patriotic enthusiasm to ensure our candidate’s and The Gambia’s success.

The competitive race involving two African candidates was indeed a challenging endeavour. Hon Dr. Mamadou Tangara maintained a commendable disposition throughout the campaign, demonstrating comradeship towards our competitors. The contest for a single position among African candidates was always going to be difficult. Our team remained committed to conducting the campaign with positivity and cordiality, treating our opponents with respect.

Visiting various high commissions in London, communicating with High Commissioners, and addressing misinformation about our candidate proved insightful, highlighting the reality that, irrespective of the position one aims for, “politics can sometimes become contentious,” with some vying for advantage using every tool at their disposal.

We are grateful to all our embassies and missions, including those in the African Union, China, Brussels, Madrid, and Turkey, for their contributions in disseminating campaign information. We remain resolute in our efforts!

We believe that Dr. Mamadou Tangara’s candidacy for the Commonwealth Secretary-General role represented a significant opportunity for The Gambia to enhance its diplomatic influence and assert itself on the global stage. Given his extensive experience in diplomacy, Dr. Tangara is qualified to lead one of the world’s largest intergovernmental organizations. His career includes serving as The Gambia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and as Permanent Representative to the United Nations, showcasing his ability to bridge divides and foster consensus, which is corroborated by Mr. Amadou Jaiteh’s observations.

The Gambia High Commission organized a drinks reception on September 9, 2024, supported by Africel, E&P, Global Properties, HCAPS, Binti, WYN, and Yonna, attracting diplomats and representatives from numerous Commonwealth nations.

Our meetings with the Commonwealth Board of Governors in May injected significant momentum into our campaign, particularly once a single African candidate was no longer in the running.

The campaign took us to the Chatham House debate in London and the UN General Assembly in New York, where our diplomats and campaign team actively engaged with counterparts on serious diplomatic matters. Dr. Tangara’s candidacy transcended political affiliations within The Gambia, emphasising national unity over partisan interests, this endeavour was not solely about national politics but rather a representation of The Gambia on the international stage.

It was surprising to witness negative petitions against Dr. Tangara due to his previous service in the former government. In our new democracy, such reactions are to be expected, and as a campaign team, we accepted them in good faith and continued our efforts.

Although Dr. Tangara was not selected as Secretary General, The Gambia’s name has positively risen on the international stage.

In conclusion, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to His Excellency, President Adama Barrow, for his unwavering support during the campaign. And for always according me brotherly courtesy and time. To Her Excellency Dr Fatou Bensouda, for the trust and confidence bestowed on us. To PS Lang Yabou and the MOFA team, we thank you for the encouragement amidst buffering against the bigger country, Ghana. I commend the staff of our Mission in London for their tireless work throughout the campaign, and I extend special thanks to Ms. Manjit K. Gill MBE for her support and voluntary contributions, as well as to all well-wishers both within and outside The Gambia. We are also grateful to His Excellency, the Vice President, for his attendance at the Samoa CHOGM.
The Gambia is indeed loved by many – with the battles for her heart – May God Guide us at all times. The Gambia is a land of vibrant colours and warm smiles, its beauty captivates both those near and far.

LG Commission Scrutinises Bajam Enterprise MD Over D8M Bakoteh Dumpsite Fencing

By Mama A. Touray

As the Local Government Commission of Inquiry continues its investigation into local councils, Marrie Senghore, the Managing Director of Bajam Enterprise, testified before the commission regarding the fencing of the Bakoteh dumpsite which cost over D8 million and took one year to complete.

“The fencing project was for D8.5 million for the duration of 1 year. We were unable to complete the works within a year and there was an extension of time, the fencing was completed in 2021,” said Senghore when asked about the cost of the construction of the fence.

She informed the commission that Bajam Enterprise was awarded two contracts by the Kanifing Municipal Council (KMC): one for fencing the Bakoteh dumpsite and another for constructing the Kanifing Municipal Library.

Regarding the discovery of the construction contract, she said that Bajam Enterprise learned about it through a newspaper advertisement and subsequently decided to submit their bid. After their bid submission, several months passed before they were invited by the KMC for discussions. She noted that the KMC called three companies individually to negotiate prices.

“We went separately. The major thing was to negotiate the terms of the payment,” she told the commission.

“Usually, for contracts, the normal thing we do is a site visit, but I cannot remember doing that for the fencing project. After the negotiation, we were informed through writing that we have been awarded the contract,” she added.

The Commission asked her to bring the letter and the incorporation documents of the company.

When inquired about the bid security deposit, she informed the commission that she did not recall making such a deposit, nor did she remember any requirement to provide bid security.

When asked for her bidding documents, she said: “I did not keep records” and Lead Counsel Patrick Gomez told her that it was her responsibility to keep records as required by law.

The Commission however requested Marrie to bring the account statements of Bajam Enterprise from May 2018 to January 2023.

African Descendants Warn Neglecting Security Could Harm Gambia’s Economy

By Dawda Baldeh

As crime rates rise in The Gambia, a nation once celebrated for its peace and stability, the country is gradually facing a wave of uncertainty as criminal activities continue to escalate.

In light of these issues, many individuals have expressed their concerns and questioned whether the government is prepared to take decisive action against crime in the nation.

During a recent press conference, Binta, an African descendant who moved from the United Kingdom to The Gambia, cautioned that neglecting security could seriously impact the country.

“The government will notice that people will cease investing in the country.

“Tourists will stop visiting because Americans are already stating that this is an unsafe country for their citizens,” she remarked.

Like many others, Binta emphasized tourism’s crucial role in The Gambia as one of its primary industries.

“The Gambia will face significant repercussions from these crimes if they do not take security measures seriously and address the situation.

“All these traumatic incidents cannot be prevented without a commitment from the government,” she stated.

She pointed out that the government must demonstrate to criminals that such behaviour will not be tolerated and that The Gambia is not a refuge for wrongdoers.

Consequently, she warned that this is damaging the country’s reputation.

“Not only African descendants are impacted, but Gambians as well.

“Over the years, Gambians have been killed, and to my astonishment, the government has not released any public statement condemning these crimes,” she added.

As a non-citizen, Binta advocates for a strong response to crime and emphasizes the need for safety measures.

“I want to know what we should do besides calling for help when we are attacked.

“We also want to understand what happens after a crime is committed.

“The commitment to combat crime in the country must originate from the top,” she said.

She mentioned that the police operate directly under the government’s authority, and their actions — or lack thereof — reflect the government’s responsibility.

“The police in The Gambia are underfunded, and if something happens to you and you need to contact the police, be prepared to pay for a taxi to bring them to your house to investigate,” said Lots Robertson, another African descendant.

She urged her peers to remain alert to their surroundings.

“We need to be very cautious of our environment because criminals are watching us everywhere,” she stated.

COAD Breaks Silence Over Crimes Against African Descendants

By: Dawda Baldeh

The Council of African Descendants (COAD), residing in The Gambia, has called on the government to take immediate action regarding recent tragic killings, robberies, and brutal attacks on the African Diaspora community.

They made this appeal at a press conference over the weekend, where they discussed the implications, sought justice for victims, promoted community solidarity, raised awareness, shared information, and strategized ways to support those affected.

They also expressed dissatisfaction with Gambian authorities, particularly the police, whom they accuse of failing to perform their duties adequately.

Luke McKenzie, the Chairman of the Council of African Descendants, along with Adrian Ryan, led the audience: “It comes a time when we can no longer be quiet. I remember when I first came into this country; we had legal issues, but whenever I wanted to speak out, people would tell me to stay quiet. But when lives are being taken from us, the time to stay silent is over,” he said.

Mr. McKenzie called on the government to ensure justice is served and encouraged his fellow African descendants to join hands and support each other: “Many of us have moved from different parts of the world, like America, the UK, Europe, and other places, to The Gambia to help develop this country. We are now in a situation where we are receiving news of our brothers and sisters being murdered here. These are fathers and mothers,” he added.

For his part, Adrian Ryan noted that many of those returning are responsible people with strong educational backgrounds: “Some of us are retired teachers, lawyers, doctors, and police officers. Together we can make Gambia a better place. I have lived here for five years, and I am happy. But the recent incidents are unfortunate, and we must address them with the authorities. We share this moment together because what’s happening affects the whole community,” he explained.

Empress Zara, who survived a recent violent robbery at her residence, recounted her traumatic experience: “I was left shaken and terrified in my own home. The police response was slow and unhelpful. I feel like my case is just another statistic to them,” she expressed, highlighting her dissatisfaction with the police’s handling of her case.

Most of the speakers raised concerns over the country’s insecurity, which they believe requires urgent government intervention. They called for prompt and impartial investigations into their cases, warning that failure to act would undermine the country’s security and deter visitors and investors, ultimately affecting the economy.

Meanwhile, Lots Robertson, a friend of the late Shakina Chinedu and Binta—both members of the African Diaspora living in the country—made the following remarks: “We are grieving not only for our lost friends but for the safety of our community. It is time for the Gambian government to recognize the value of every life and take decisive action to protect us.”

“My expectations of the government are to make bold and strong statements to the country about zero tolerance for these types of crimes that are happening. They need to communicate what they will do to combat these issues, where their efforts will be focused, and their strong stance on what is happening in The Gambia,” said Binta, a member of the African Diaspora.

Marr Nyang, a social activist, and Babucarr Jeng both expressed sympathy for the African Diaspora community and the unfortunate incidents they have continued to endure in the country. They called for robust implementation of security measures.

“We want the government to bring us back to a time when, even at 4 AM, you could walk freely without looking over your shoulder. The state should intensify its patrols day and night, ensuring that perpetrators are investigated, arrested, and brought to justice. The government must create a safe and secure environment where we can live in peace and harmony,” Nyang emphasized.

They warned that the lack of strong security measures to tackle crimes and punish offenders would undermine the country’s security, noting that this could place The Gambia on a dark path, tarnishing its reputation as a peaceful and secure nation.

Busumbala Female Gardeners Unite to Cultivate Change and Support Families

By Michaella Faith Wright

In the heart of Busumbala, a group of determined women have come together to form the Busumbala Female Gardeners, an initiative driven by teamwork and resilience. These women plant vegetables such as tomatoes, green leaves, onions, carrots, and lettuce, with a mission to support their families, particularly their children’s education.

Keddy Kanyi, the organization’s president, shared in an interview with The Fatu Network that the garden started as a small project to uplift each other and provide for their children, mostly raised by single mothers. “This is the only business we have to support our families,” she explained. Despite the challenges, we are committed to making it work.”

One of the primary hurdles the women face is access to land. “The land we currently use is not ours — it belongs to someone else,” Kanyi revealed. “We worry about the future, not knowing when the owner may reclaim it.”

The gardeners also grapple with water-related challenges throughout the seasons. “In the rainy season, waterlogging affects our crops, and in the dry season, it’s hard to find water. Sometimes, we depend on neighbours for help,” Kanyi added. “But gardening is my passion, and I believe that together, we can inspire others in our community to come together in love and support.”

Bintou Fatty, another member of the group, emphasized the importance of hard work and collective effort. “I joined because I want to help my children and show that women can make the best of what little they have,” she said. “The strength of the organization lies in teamwork and sharing love. I hope more women will join us.”

Bassey Barrow, the group’s advisor, echoed similar sentiments. “We need support to grow. We are using borrowed land, and water remains a constant challenge for us,” she said. “But despite these difficulties, we have survived through teamwork and mutual support. We believe in our vision and know that anything is possible if we continue working together.”

Kumba Baldeh Bah, another member, highlighted additional obstacles, such as animals damaging crops during the dry season. “Women bear the brunt of many challenges at home, which is why we came together to create this organization,” Bah explained. “Our dream is to secure our own land within the next five years and expand the team to include more women. Gardening requires patience and passion, but with these values, we believe we will thrive.”

The Busumbala Female Gardeners remain optimistic about their future, determined to overcome challenges and continue supporting one another. Through teamwork and shared purpose, they are not only cultivating vegetables but also hope and opportunity for themselves and their families.

CHINA-GAMBIA RELATIONSHIP

The People’s Republic of China and the Republic of The Gambia first established formal ties in 1974, just 9 years after The Gambia regained its independence. Since then, the two nations have been united by a firm commitment to South-South cooperation, bolstered by mutual respect and a shared desire for a more equitable global order.

Over the last five decades, China and The Gambia’s collaboration has thrived in a variety of fields; including politics, economics, culture, and interpersonal exchanges. China’s unflinching support for The Gambia’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity has been matched by The Gambia’s commitment to the one-China principle, although the relations experienced twits and turns.

Former President Jawara laid a blueprint of the second National Development Plan from 1975-81 which primarily focused on constructing a health care system. During this period, the Chinese were interested in advancing Primary Health to a more advanced healthcare system and beneficiary communities include Fajikunda, Yorobawol, Kuntaur, etc.

Notable milestones mark our collaborative path, including the signing of the Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement in 1974, which triggered Chinese support in critical sectors in infrastructure, agriculture, and healthcare. The formation of the China-Gambia Joint Economic and Trade Committee in 1985 strengthened our cooperation efforts to advance trade and investment objectives.

The resumption of diplomatic relations in 2016 after a brief interruption demonstrates the strength and resilience of the friendship between our the peoples of Gambia and China.

The signing of the Belt and Road Cooperation Agreement in 2018 demonstrates how The Gambia’s socioeconomic imperatives connect with China’s ambitious global infrastructure cooperation initiative. Today, our countries have strong political confidence and close coordination in multilateral institutions such as the United Nations and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), promoting common interests in the global arena.

Economically, China is one of The Gambia’s main trading partners and a key source of foreign direct investment. China’s commitment to critical areas such as infrastructure and agricultural projects, education, health, and security in The Gambia exemplifies our meaningful economic and technical cooperation.

Culturally, the Confucius Institute at the University of The Gambia serves as a thriving center for Chinese language instruction and cultural exchange, supporting a vigorous academic exchange program between our countries. Thousands of Gambian students have taken advantage of government scholarships to pursue higher educations in China, strengthening our people-to-people ties. Indeed, the China-Gambia partnership exemplifies South-South cooperation based on values of equality, mutual trust, and respect for various growth paths. Our partnership’s symbiotic character highlights its validity as a paradigm for promoting mutual benefit and prosperity.

Looking forward, I am confident that there exists significant untapped potential to further deepen collaboration between China and The Gambia, particularly within the realm of higher education. The University of The Gambia, as the nation’s preeminent institution of tertiary learning, stands poised to serve as a linchpin for expanded cooperation initiatives.

Proposals to strengthen collaboration include expanding student and faculty exchange programs between the University of The Gambia and Chinese academic institutions, establishing joint research centers to address global challenges, and creating dual-degree programme in areas of mutual interest. Over the years, there has been a significant milestone by the Chinese government in advancing the quality education which complements the education sector policy 2016-2030 through scholarship opportunity for young Gambians to harness their potential to study in China. At China-Africa Leaders’ Dialogue last year, H.E. President Xi Jinping announced the Plan for China-Africa Cooperation on Talent Development, stipulating that China will launch the China-Africa Universities 100 Cooperation Plan and 10 pilot exchange programs of China-Africa partner institutes to support Africa in strengthening education and innovation. At the FOCAC Summit in September, H.E. President Xi Jinping further announced the Partnership Action for People-to-People Exchanges, committing to provide 60,000 training opportunities to Africa, mainly for women and youths.

According to the research shown by standard newspaper, since the reinstatement of the diplomatic between the two countries, from 2016-2024, more than 400 students were offered scholarship opportunities to study in China which has surpassed the trend of UK, US, India, and other countries.

Historically, during the struggle for independence from 1894-1965 to post independence of the Gambia, a large junk of our young people were so much enticed to pursue their degrees in the European countries or even in America. With the immediate intervention of mass Chinese scholarship opportunities, China has now become the turning point for not only the Gambia but across the sub-region.

Furthermore, the incorporation of Chinese and National Gambia languages and cultural studies into our joint academic curriculums will show a promise for strengthening bilateral ties.

In summation, the China-Gambia relationship serves as a beacon of hope, demonstrating the effectiveness of developing-country collaboration in pursuit of common developmental goals.

As we move on with our partnership, let us remain committed to developing political trust, expanding economic cooperation, and boosting cultural exchange. Let us embrace the spirit of friendship, mutual learning, and win-win cooperation as we write the next chapter of our long-standing partnership. Together, China and The Gambia have the power to effect positive change on the global stage, championing peace, development, and a community based on shared prosperity.

Nyaninka Manjang
Student Union (SU) President
University of The Gambia

CAF Finds Libya Guilty, Imposes $50,000 Fine, and Awards Nigeria 3 Points in AFCON Qualifier

CAF’s Disciplinary Board has issued a decision regarding the scheduled 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) qualifier between Libya and Nigeria.

The board found the Libya Football Federation in breach of Article 31 of the AFCON regulations and Articles 82 and 151 of the CAF Disciplinary Code. As a result, CAF declared the match, initially set for October 15, 2024, in Benghazi, forfeited by Libya, awarding Nigeria a 3-0 win. Additionally, the Libyan federation has been fined USD 50,000, payable within 60 days.

This decision follows recent events in Libya, where the Nigerian team reported being stranded at an abandoned airport for over 17 hours, facing what they described as “inhumane treatment.”

The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) decided to bring the team back to Nigeria instead of proceeding with the qualifier, citing safety concerns with the three-hour bus journey from Al Abraq International Airport to Benina (a district near Benghazi).

National Human Rights Commission Concludes Five-Day Outreach on Migrant Access to Justice

By Alieu Jallow

In a concerted effort to enhance legal protections and increase societal understanding of migrant rights, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) concluded a comprehensive five-day community outreach program on Friday, October 25, 2024. The program focused on improving access to justice for migrants, targeting key migrant settlements such as Tanji, Bakau, Gunjur, Brikama, and Bundung. The outreach brought together legal experts, university law students, social activists, migrants, and community members for meaningful dialogue about the challenges faced by migrants in accessing justice.

Funded by the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the PROMIS project is a joint initiative by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), aimed at strengthening the capacity of West African states to adopt a human rights-based response to trafficking in persons, smuggling of migrants, and related crimes. The project also focuses on addressing human rights violations associated with irregular migration.

Lamin Njie, a program officer at the NHRC, outlined that the overall objective is to raise awareness about the rights of migrants in communities. He emphasized the importance of communities respecting and upholding these rights, noting that many violations against migrants are perpetrated by community members in the areas where they reside.

“It is very important for community members to be aware of their roles and responsibilities in promoting and protecting the rights of migrants in The Gambia,” he explained.

While migrants continue to face significant barriers when seeking justice, Mr. Njie added that many are unaware of their legal rights. Others face language barriers, fear of deportation, denial of documentation by immigration officers, and systemic discrimination. He is, however, optimistic about a shift in mindset toward migrants’ situations in the country.

“We want to ultimately see the rights of migrants promoted and protected in this country as migration concerns are addressed,” he added.

Ruth K. Taylor, a participant in the program, expressed her delight at being part of the activity, sharing her intention to use her platform in pageantry to raise awareness on migrant issues.

“I’m planning to compete for Miss Gambia next year, and if I do, I don’t mind bringing this topic to my platform because it needs to be addressed in society. I want to send a message out there that I am willing to champion the cause of migration so that people can be aware of migrant rights,” she shared.

Muhammed Sundifo, a migration activist from Sierra Leone residing in The Gambia, expressed gratitude for finding the country a safe haven. He acknowledged that the training has broadened his understanding as a migrant and an activist, equipping him to better advocate for his fellow migrants’ rights.

“This program deserves kudos to the NHRC for this initiative. I’ve learned a lot and am happy to work with them as a human rights activist. This was an opportunity I had longed for, and now I am more eager to work effectively,” he stated.

Kahbila Mbuton, PROMIS Program Officer, reaffirmed their commitment to upholding and promoting migrant rights.

“The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights values the relationship with the National Human Rights Commission. We remain ready and committed to working with all our partners in the quest for human rights and access to justice. We want to prioritize community engagement and emphasize the importance of migrant access to justice.”

While this five-day initiative has laid the groundwork for future advocacy, the journey toward equitable treatment for all, regardless of origin, remains a shared responsibility. The NHRC believes this initiative signals a shift toward a more inclusive approach to human rights in the nation, marking a crucial step toward dismantling the barriers that hinder migrants from accessing justice.

GPU President Urges President Barrow to Drop Lawsuit Against Voice Newspaper, Criticizes Police Involvement

By: Dawda Baldeh

Muhammed S. Bah, President of the Gambia Press Union (GPU), has called on President Adama Barrow to drop the civil lawsuit against The Voice Newspaper editor Musa Sheriff and Deputy Editor Momodou Justice Darboe. Bah also criticized the involvement of the police, who are now pressing criminal charges against the two journalists.

Speaking to journalists at the Kanifing High Court on Friday, October 25, following a hearing on the case, Bah expressed his gratitude for the turnout of journalists in solidarity with their colleagues.

“In the interest of democracy, I am calling on the President to drop the charges against The Voice Newspaper. This is a direct attack on press freedom and democracy,” he said, adding that the President should have used the Media Council to resolve the matter amicably.

“I am happy for the solidarity journalists are showing. I want to remind the President of the promise he made to Gambians in 2017, which is to uphold the principles of democracy and protect freedom of expression,” Bah added.

“The police shouldn’t have been involved in the case from the beginning. It’s sad that they are now pressing criminal charges against the journalists, which is an attack on press freedom and a violation of Section 207 of the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia,” he emphasized.

Bah, who was present at the solidarity gathering, reiterated the union’s commitment to pursuing the fight to end crimes against journalists.

“This is a test of our democracy, and the world is watching. If we fail to show our firm commitment, the government will succeed in silencing us, and we cannot remain silent,” he stressed.

Bah once again thanked journalists for showing up to support their colleagues during these challenging times, and reminded journalists of the lawsuit filed by the Minister of Environment against The Alkamba Times reporter Kebba Ansu Manneh, which is also scheduled for November 12.

After leaving the courtroom, journalists Musa Sheriff and Momodou Justice Darboe also expressed heartfelt gratitude for the support they received from their colleagues.

The case is adjourned to November 27 2024 for further hearing at the Kanifing High Court.

From Deportee to Fashion Designer: How a Young Senegalese Immigrant is Turning Misery into a Productive Life

By: Dawda Baldeh

A few years ago, Sheikh Mbake, a 32-year-old Senegalese living in The Gambia, was deported from Turkey, where he had spent several years as a migrant. He is one of thousands of young Africans who faced deportation from European countries after seeking better opportunities abroad.

His deportation was not the result of illegal activities but rather due to a lack of documentation that would have allowed him to remain and pursue his aspirations.

Despite the challenges he faced, Mbake has transformed this difficult experience into a productive journey, excelling in the fashion industry.

Remarkably, he revealed that he has never received any formal tailoring training; instead, he is a self-taught designer who has honed his skills through determination and creativity.

“I never learned tailoring anywhere… and no one ever showed me how to do it. This is a talent from God,” he said.

The 32-year-old Mbake is one of the few young fashion designers in the country making significant strides in transforming local fashion to modern standards. His impressive sewing skills have made him uniquely attractive to fashion enthusiasts.

“I always want to do extraordinary things. My fashion styles are unique. If you wear my brands, people won’t ask who made it; instead, they will ask where you purchased these clothes,” he explained.

He revealed that as a young fashion designer, he frequently browses the internet to improve his skills and find trending styles that are not available in the country.

“I don’t make any style; I focus on unique styles that are not common here and create them. If a style is prevalent in our fashion shops, I don’t make it, and my sewing skills are very clean,” he added.

Mbake believes that Africans can create clothing brands that they can export to other countries.

Having been well immersed in fashion design, Mbake yearns to become the favorite tailor of the country’s fashionistas.

“Anyone who wears my brands will love them, and I want to be the fashionistas’ favorite tailor because I have the skills and passion,” he explained.

“I was deported from Turkey a few years ago because I did not have documents, and there are areas you don’t go to without proper documentation. Unfortunately, I was out one day, and the police caught me, which is how I was deported,” he narrated.

Unlike others, Mbake revealed that he remained steadfast even after facing deportation.

“I knew I couldn’t do anything to rescue myself from the planned deportation, so I took it in good faith. I know this is what Allah decided. When I arrived in Senegal, I came to The Gambia, where I had been before, and started a petty business to help reintegrate myself into society,” he explained.

Mbake now owns a small shop on the outskirts of Latrikunda along the Sukuta road. Currently, he employs about three young people who are learning to become fashion designers.

Looking back on his journey, Mbake encourages young Gambians to stay dedicated to their dreams, regardless of the challenges they encounter.

GPST Donates Over 20 Million Dalasis in Patrol Vehicles and Equipment to Boost Gambia Police Operations

On October 24, 2024, the German Police Support Team (GPST) donated police operational and patrol vehicles, including SUVs and motorbikes, along with other equipment valued at over twenty million Dalasis to The Gambia Police Force (GPF) in a ceremony held at the Police Intervention Unit (PIU) Headquarters in Kanifing.

Inspector General of Police Seedy Mukhtar Touray expressed gratitude for the donation, stating, “The support from GPST significantly enhances our operational capacity, enabling us to better respond to emergencies and combat crime.”

GPST Head of Project Sebastian Eisenhardt echoed this sentiment, remarking, “This donation strengthens the mobility and responsiveness of Gambia’s police units, reflecting our commitment to a secure and stable Gambia through sustained collaboration.”

German Ambassador Klaus Botzet also underscored the strong bilateral ties and Germany’s continued support, including training and capacity-building, to enhance Gambia’s law enforcement capabilities.

Zenith Bank Gambia Staff Halt Operations in Demand for 50% Salary Increase and Fair Promotions

By Alieu Jallow

In a striking display of discontent among its workforce, staff members at Zenith Bank Gambia launched a protest on Thursday, 24th October, at the bank’s head office, demanding a 50% salary increase and fair promotions. This unexpected move has brought major operations at the financial institution to a halt as employees rally for recognition and better compensation amid rising living costs.

The strike arose following a series of meetings between bank management and employee representatives that failed to yield a satisfactory resolution. With inflation skyrocketing and the cost of living in Gambia steadily increasing, many employees have voiced concerns that their wages have not kept pace. According to some employees, whose identities are protected for security reasons, the call for a 50% salary increment is not just a desire for higher pay, but a fundamental demand for a living wage that reflects the realities Gambians face today.

In a letter to management, employees expressed their dismay at the bank’s failure to honor its promises. “It has come to our attention that the MD/CEO promised Zenith Bank Gambia staff a salary increment and promotion, which was supposed to take effect this October. Staff have been patiently waiting for the increment to reflect in our accounts, but it didn’t happen. We hereby request that management make this effective, or else we, the Zenith Bank staff, will embark on a strike and involve the CBG and other necessary institutions. We are really unhappy,” the letter reads.

Zenith Bank’s Head of Internal Control and Audit, Chucks Ojianwuna, told The Fatu Network that he was unaware of any planned strike, noting that the brief disruption was due to a communication gap. He added that bank management and staff meet weekly to resolve issues and that management is carefully handling the matter. Mr. Chuks emphasized that Zenith Bank values its staff’s welfare and that the issue will be addressed at the management level.

In a later communique from our sources, it was reported that the bank had increased salaries by only 25% and failed to meet some of the staff’s other demands. Employees stated that they would not relent until their needs are fully met. “We have set up a committee to represent us, and they will submit another official letter to management. We will give them time to respond; if they don’t, we will have no other option but to strike again,” an employee representative said.

For now, the eyes of the nation—and likely many across the region—remain fixed on the outcome of this pivotal moment at Zenith Bank. The resolve of its workers and the response of management could redefine labor dynamics in Gambia for years to come. Reports indicate that only a limited number of staff, primarily foreign nationals, are currently reporting to work.

Supporting WPS Agenda: ECOWAS Launches 3-Day Capacity Building for Key Individuals

By Dawda Baldeh

In its efforts to bolster the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) initiated a three-day training program yesterday aimed at enhancing the capacity of key individuals on the Continental Results Framework (CRF) for monitoring and reporting on the WPS agenda in The Gambia.

This event, currently being held at a local hotel in Kololi, is part of broader initiatives under the Support to the ECOWAS Peace and Security Architecture and Operations (EPSAO) project, which is funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and co-financed by the European Union (EU).

The aim is to strengthen the capabilities of national stakeholders in monitoring and reporting on the Women’s Peace and Security agenda in The Gambia.

Miatta French, the Resident Representative of the ECOWAS Commission to The Gambia, stated: “The Gambia, similar to many nations in our region, has acknowledged the significance of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda in promoting a more inclusive and peaceful society.

“Women have historically been at the forefront of peacebuilding initiatives, yet their voices have often gone unheard, and their contributions have not always been fully appreciated. This is why, in 2013, The Gambia took a significant step by creating its first National Action Plan (NAP) to implement UNSCR 1325,” she added.

She further noted that “after the completion of that plan’s life cycle, a second NAP was established in 2020, reaffirming the country’s dedication to gender equality and women’s involvement in peace and security processes.”

However, she expressed concern that “despite this progress, challenges persist. The Gambia has encountered considerable obstacles in tackling issues such as sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), which surged during the COVID-19 pandemic.”

“The repercussions of past political turmoil and human rights abuses continue to disproportionately impact women and girls.

“Although women have been vital in peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction efforts, they are frequently excluded from formal peace negotiations and decision-making processes,” she explained.

Rugiatou Kah, the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Gender who represented the Gender Minister, remarked that The Gambia is among the countries that adopted the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security.

“In fulfillment of the obligations set by the United Nations in 2012, The Gambia developed and executed its first UNSCR 1325 Action Plan for 2012-2016. This plan emphasizes key actions for the resolution’s implementation.

“This has facilitated the harmonization and domestication of the resolution into the Gender and Women Empowerment Policy 2010-2020, enhancing the participation and representation of women in decision-making processes within governance institutions, as well as in national and international conflict prevention, management, and resolution mechanisms.

“The plan is based on three main pillars: protection, participation, and prevention, known as the 3Ps. The Gambia is currently implementing its second generation UNSCR 1325 National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security for 2021-2025.

“This action plan was formulated to build on the achievements made during the implementation of The Gambia’s first Action Plan from 2012 to 2020,” she explained.

Enya Braun, Lead Delegation of the European Union, emphasized that the absence of reliable data has often impeded progress on the WPS agenda.

“At the European Union level, we have witnessed how effective data collection and reporting can significantly influence gender equality and ensure the meaningful involvement of women in peace and security.

“One example is the EU Gender Action Plan (GAP) III (2021-2025), which requires member states to monitor and report on their advancements in promoting gender equality across all sectors, including peace and security.

“Through this monitoring, the EU can identify gaps, share best practices, and refine strategies, ensuring that women’s voices are central to peace initiatives,” she said.

Meanwhile, the German Ambassador to The Gambia, Ambassador Klaus Botzet, also pointed out that “the lack of accurate data remains a considerable challenge, yet it is crucial for prioritizing issues and effectively mobilizing resources. This training is therefore not only timely but also essential.”

He added that “the German federal government is dedicated to promoting just and resilient societies worldwide, including in the West African region, through its feminist development policy.

“This policy aims to dismantle discriminatory structures affecting women, girls, and marginalized groups, concentrating on the three R’s – rights, resources, and representation.”

“These principles align perfectly with the need for assessments, monitoring, and documentation, which are vital to the CRF for the WPS agenda.”

Rising Rent in The Gambia: Tenants and Landlords Voice Concerns Over Soaring Costs

By: Michaella Faith Wright

The rising cost of rent in The Gambia is placing significant strain on tenants, with many struggling to keep up with frequent increases in housing and shop rental prices. As the housing market tightens, both tenants and landlords are expressing frustrations and calling for government intervention to ease the situation.

Abdoulie Jobe, a landlord with three houses and shops in Latrikunda German, shared insights with The Fatu Network. With over 20 years of experience, Jobe said he rents out rooms and parlors for D1,000 monthly and does not require advance payments. His shops are also rented for D1,000.

Jobe expressed the joy of having close relationships with tenants and the sense of community it fosters. “It’s a blessing to see my children play with the tenants’ children. We live like family,” he said.

However, Jobe admitted that managing rental income is not always smooth. Some tenants struggle to pay rent on time, with delays often extending into subsequent months. “Sometimes they owe me for three months, but they settle it when they can,” Jobe explained. Despite these challenges, he remains lenient. “I don’t depend on rent for survival, and I make water bills free for my tenants. I also installed individual electricity meters to avoid disputes over power bills.”

Jobe urged other landlords to show compassion. “We are one people. Let’s avoid treating our houses as strict businesses and offer reasonable rents to ease the burden on tenants.”

Peter Anozie, a Nigerian businessman who has lived in The Gambia for 12 years, lamented the steady rise in rent prices. “House and shop rents have become too expensive. Landlords don’t even notify us about increases; they just add 15% or more without notice,” he said.

Anozie noted how these rent hikes affect both personal and business lives. “We are struggling to manage. Business is no longer the same, and sales have dropped drastically. Landlords should reconsider and reduce rent prices to help us survive.”

He emphasized that sudden evictions are another challenge. “We need more time to pay rent. Being thrown out is harsh, especially for those with families to care for. If rents were affordable, we wouldn’t have to struggle every month.”

Anozie called for government intervention, urging officials to regulate material costs and rental rates. “If construction materials become more affordable, landlords might reduce rents. The Gambia is a peaceful country, but high rents are discouraging visitors and businesses from staying.”

Amie Camara, a landlady in Bijilo, also shared her experiences. “Renovating houses has become more expensive, and some tenants fail to pay rent on time, adding to our challenges,” she said.

Camara highlighted the importance of understanding between landlords and tenants. “We need cooperation to manage these issues, especially since we, too, have families to support.”

Tenants like Fatou Baldeh from Bijilo echoed similar concerns. “Rent prices keep increasing, and even Gambians like me are struggling. Some of us don’t want to move back to family homes, but the rent is unbearable. Agents are worsening the situation, charging fees as high as D5,000—equivalent to one month’s rent.”

She pleaded with landlords to ease the burden. “We only have one Gambia, and many of us have nowhere else to go.”

Single Mother Appeals for Support

Ida Sonko, a mother of four living in Bijilo, shared the harsh realities of her situation. “It’s been hard managing rent and caring for my children. I’ve even been evicted before,” she said.

To make ends meet, Sonko does laundry for others. “Life has become more difficult since rents started rising. I need help to survive, and the government must step in and talk to landlords about affordable housing.”

Conclusion

The stories from tenants and landlords highlight the growing challenges posed by rising rents in The Gambia. As prices increase across the country, both tenants and landlords are calling for understanding, fairness, and government intervention to ease the burden. While video interviews could have added more depth to these stories, many tenants feared appearing on camera, reflecting their apprehension about landlord-tenant relations.

“Drop All Charges Against Journalists,” Urges Salieu Taal, Former President of the Gambia Bar Association

By: Alieu Jallow

In a passionate plea, Salieu Taal, former President of the Gambia Bar Association, has called on President Adama Barrow to drop all charges against journalists Musa Sheriff and Muhammed Justice Darboe and to discontinue ongoing legal cases that have drawn condemnation from some human rights advocates and media organizations.

“I am calling on the government of the Gambia to drop all charges in the criminal court against the two Gambian journalists. Yesterday, we celebrated International Access to Information Day, and the whole of Africa descended on Gambia to discuss the African Charter. But in today’s Gambia, two journalists have been charged in criminal court and also summoned in the criminal court for simply saying or writing a story that alleges that the incumbent has accumulated a successor,” he pleaded during a stakeholder engagement with media and CSOs organised by WADEMOS.

As Gambia stands at a pivotal moment in its democratic journey, the former Bar Association leader emphasized that it’s unfortunate that citizens, particularly journalists who are privy to information, can be detained, charged, and taken to court. He reiterated his plea to the President to be magnanimous and discontinue his civil suit.

Counsel Taal called on journalists and rights activists to make this issue their concern, citing that freedom of expression is the cornerstone of all rights.

“I am calling on all journalists and rights activists to make this matter their business. We cannot sit in our nice, cozy environments talking about the African Charter, access to information, and the constitution when, as we speak, our colleagues have to worry about paying legal fees for multi-million dalasi lawsuits and risk going to jail for an obnoxious colonial act that criminalizes the publication of a story that may not be true,” he said.

Amid a climate of growing concern over press freedom, a number of journalists in Gambia have faced legal repercussions for their work, raising alarms among the Gambian media fraternity, particularly regarding Musa Sheriff, the Managing Director of the Voice Newspaper, and his colleague Muhammed J. Darboe, as well as Kebba Ansu Manneh of the Alkamba Times, who are facing lawsuits against the Minister of Environment, Climate Change, and Natural Resources.

Taal believes the President can act within his powers to discontinue these civil suits and urges the head of state to leverage his authority to fulfill his government’s initial commitment to guaranteeing freedom of expression.

“So I am once more calling on the President to use his powers and authority to drop the charges and to get the Inspector General of Police to discontinue the lawsuit,” he appealed.

Former GDC Niamina East NAM: ‘Barrow Bid for Third Term Legal but Inappropriate’

By Dawda Baldeh

The former opposition Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC) National Assembly Member for Niamina East, Omar Ceesay, has said President Adama Barrow’s pursuit of a third term is legal, but he deemed it inappropriate.

Ceesay, defeated in the last parliamentary election, is a vocal critic of the Barrow-led government.

“President Barrow’s ambition to [run] for [a] third term is legal but morally inappropriate,” he said, adding that “constitutionally, a sitting president has the legitimacy to run for more than two terms and Barrow is not an exception as provided for in the 1997 Constitution.”

The former GDC lawmaker described President Barrow’s election for a third term as a disastrous threat to the country’s democracy and development.

He claimed that extending Barrow’s mandate would further affect the country’s economy.

Ceesay believes that those close to Barrow will continue to advise him to run for another term for their own selfish gain, despite being aware of his “incompetence” in governing the country effectively.

He urged the president to step down before the 2026 presidential election.

“I wish to however encourage him to step down at the end of his second term in office for general good.

“Remember, Gambians risked their lives under the former dictatorship regime to end self-perpetuating rules and impunity, and never shall anyone take us to the dark days,” Ceesay added.

Gambia Participates Hosts Comparative Review of Draft Constitutions

By: Michaella Faith Wright

Gambia Participates initiated a five-day Comparative Review Exercise on the country’s draft constitutions on Monday, November 21st 2024, bringing together legal and governance experts to assess key issues. The event featured insights from the organization’s Executive Director, Mar Nyang, and Salieu Taal, Chairman of Gambia Participates and former President of the Bar Association. Also contributing was Sanieny Ceesay, Head of Governance at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

The Comparative Review Exercise, organized by Gambia Participates, aimed to evaluate the similarities and differences between draft constitutions to help advance national dialogue on constitutional reforms. The event brought together stakeholders from different sectors, including governance specialists, legal experts, and civil society representatives.

Speaking at the event, Mar Nyang, Executive Director of Gambia Participates, emphasized the importance of inclusive governance in shaping a constitution that reflects the aspirations of all Gambians. “This review is critical for ensuring transparency and fostering dialogue around constitutional issues,” Nyang said.

Salieu Taal, Chairman of Gambia Participates and former President of the Bar Association, stressed the need for a thorough review and citizen engagement throughout the reform process. “A constitution belongs to the people. It must reflect the collective will, not just the vision of a select few,” Taal remarked.

Adding to the discussion, Sanieny Ceesay, Head of Governance at UNDP, highlighted the role of international partnerships in supporting governance reforms in The Gambia. Ceesay expressed optimism about the progress made, stating, “This review is a step toward a sustainable democracy, and UNDP remains committed to supporting efforts that strengthen governance structures.”

The exercise is part of Gambia Participates’ broader mission to promote participatory democracy and good governance by encouraging dialogue among citizens and decision-makers.

Should Councillor Ceesay Face Consequences for Misleading the Inquiry?

Councillor Habib M.L. Ceesay of New Jeshwang and Ebo-Town admitted to the Local Government Commission of Inquiry that he gave incorrect information to investigators.
Ceesay initially stated that KMC Mayor Talib Bensouda had presented appointments – meaning that the mayor personally introduced or submitted the names of individuals for jobs or positions to the council’s Establishment and Appointment Committee. This is significant because it suggests the mayor was directly involved in decisions regarding staff hires.
However, Ceesay later backtracked on this claim, calling it a “mistake” and stating that the mayor was not involved in the appointments after all. He admitted to making the error but wished to retract it.
Lead Counsel Patrick Gomez warned him that making false statements to investigators is a crime under the law, and Ceesay could face charges of perjury or giving false information to a public servant.
Despite his earlier assertion that he “vividly remembered” the mayor’s involvement, Ceesay now wants to remove the mayor’s name from the matter.

More Drug Busts and Seizures as DLEAG Intensifies Crackdown

The Drug Law Enforcement Agency of The Gambia (DLEAG) recently conducted a series of coordinated drug busts, resulting in the arrest of multiple suspects for possession of illicit drugs, including MDMA (ecstasy), cannabis, kush, and cocaine.
Among those arrested are Senegalese nationals Mourtala Ndiaye, Assan Jah, and Chiekh Ahmed Tijan Kaba, found with large quantities of MDMA (ecstasy).
Gambian suspects include Omar Bah from Dippa Kunda, Amat Khan from Banjul, and others like Alpha Kandeh, Alpha Jallow, and Bakary Samateh, all caught with varying amounts of cannabis.
Additionally, authorities at the Banjul Ferry Terminal apprehended 61-year-old Momodou Saidy with suspected c0caine, and several other suspects were found with cannabis in their possession during operations across Mayamba, Serrekunda, and Kanifing.