The Gambia has been dealt with a heavy hand in the arena of leadership. After a feckless, corrupt 30-year rule of President Jawara, under the patronage of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), a new euphoria was welcomed with much excitement following a coup d’état by the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC), under the leadership of Yaya Jammeh in 1994. The young 29-year-old Jammeh, gave the people hope for a much better live. The excitement and the long yearning for change compelled Gambians to celebrate the new breed of leadership. Four months after the 1994 coup, another group of soldiers plotted a counter coup but failed. They were captured and one killing led to another. The need to cover-up those killings necessitated the silencing of anyone that spoke against the ruling government. Despite widely held belief that Jawara’s government was corrupted and failed to lay a proper foundation for the country’s infrastructural and human development, his government was democratic, and freedom of speech and association abound.

However, a small poor West African country like the Gambia was easy to win over with much needed construction of roads, a new airport, more schools, health centers and a first national television station. The Jammeh government constantly reminded the citizenry of these new infrastructure ad nauseam and the demand for gratitude. Anyone dared to remind the people that it was a right to have infrastructural developments and should not be seen as a privilege, would be jailed, killed or will abruptly disappear. Gradually, the democracy enjoyed by Gambians was hijacked in a systematic way unnoticeable to the majority. With a high level of illiteracy, it was also easy to convince the people that the leader that ‘had done so much for Gambians’ needs to be repetitively glorified. Oppression starts to creep in, and the press could no longer hold Jammeh’s government accountable as they would be risking lives, censorship or exile. Beyond journalism, thousands of Gambians were victims of state sanctioned Human Rights abuses.

Consequently, these illiberal practices continued for 22 years until the long-divided opposition challenged by the younger generation—most of whom had studied from the very university established by the Jammeh government and the instigation and full support of Gambians living in the diaspora, suggested the formation of a coalition. A convention was setup and the opposition voted a flagbearer that emerged from the United Democratic Party (UDP) to lead the Coalition in the 2016 presidential elections. UDP was the Gambia’s biggest opposition party and has been in existence since 1996. Earlier in April of 2016 one of UDP members, the late Solo Sandeng had been detained and died in police custody. This was as a result of a protest he together with other members of UDP youth wing organized in the streets of Serrekunda demanding for electoral reforms. His dead forced the party Leader Lawyer Ousainou Darboe and some other party executives to come out and demand for the release of Solo Sandeng, under the slogan: “Dead or Alive”. They were also taken into police custody and charged with ‘unlawful assembly’. The courts presided over by Justice Dada, one of Jammeh’s missionary judges found them guilty and on July 20^th, 2016 were sentenced to three years in prison. Many agreed that this fueled the anger of a population with Jammeh’s regime and contributed to the spark for the youth uprising and challenging the opposition parties to form the coalition and reclaim the country.

Adama Barrow, a real estate agent and Assistant Treasurer of the UDP emerged winner at the convention and was bound to lead the coalition. Barrow who was described as humble with a modest personality reluctantly got admitted to his role to take on the brutal dictator in the 2016 presidential election. At the time of the election, a lot of Gambians were hopeful and confident; however, a good many were skeptical about the viability of the coalition because they believed the incumbent would suspiciously win the elections AGAIN. Essentially, Gambians in the diaspora through a lot of funding campaigns, financed the ‘Coalition 2016’ campaign and also convinced friends and families back home to vote for change. As election day gets nearer, it became clear even to Jammeh that Gambians were up for change. December 2^nd, 2016, results were announced and Adama Barrow was declared the winner.

The Gambian political landscape was upended—ushering in a wave of excitement and jubilation. There was a lot of goodwill from the masses, people vowed to show relentless support to the new government. Democracy was restored and so was press freedom. A ‘New Gambia’ has been born, and this new dispensation seemed hopeful. From an inept, corrupt 30-year rule to a 22-year dictatorial rule, Gambians felt the need to take part in the governance of their country. With the help of social media, Gambians all over the globe are informed about the developments in their country.

Comments and critics begin to fill up the Facebook timelines and Twitter feeds. Everyone had a thing or two to say about the new government. Who should be hired, what new laws should be prioritized and what institutions should be disbanded or retained? The political discourse took center stage on every thread and those that felt they fought more than others thought more government positions belonged to them whilst others believed that everyone fought in their own different capacity. It seems like every week—there is something new coming out of the Gambia’s political sphere, sparking a myriad of online debates. Eventually, members of the cabinet and the diplomatic missions were appointed. A lot of people thought the allocations of these appointments only favored the UDP whilst the UDP felt that it was deserving of them to get those appointments because their party sacrificed more than anyone and the president came from their party. That led to a formation of two camps: one camp seeing the shortfalls of the government and criticizes it and the others thought the government needed time to settle in and ignored all red flags sans reservation. Many questions ensued, some even broaching and questioning if the appointments were for national interest or to reward party sacrifices.

Thereupon, the newly minted president started to feel comfortable because he felt he had the support of his party members and thought he could get away with much. The banter continues as the president indicated in an interview that he was not sure if he would step down after the agreed three-year mandate given to him and his coalition partners. Online critics heard the news and, as expected, took on their keyboards to call out the president on betraying the coalition agreement. Again, UDP members supported by their party leader—Ousainou Darboe—reminded people of the five-year mandate powered by the Constitution of the Gambia, alienating the coalition agreement and vowed to take anyone to court for insisting on the president to step down after three years. President Barrow ‘grew wings’ as described by his critics and revealing that his plans for the Gambia could not be completed within a three-year mandate.

Gambians went back to the polls to vote for their parliamentary representatives. Out of 53 seats, the UDP swept off 31 seats. Leaving the remaining 22 seats distributed among the other political parties and independent candidates. President Barrow as president is mandated to nominate an additional five national assembly members, including the speaker and deputy speaker. Most of his nominations again favored his former party as three of the five were UDP members or sympathizers. None of the coalition parties got nomination into the Assembly. Again, the two camps took on to social media to debate the landslide of the National Assembly (NA) Elections and the President’s nominations. The feud lasted for weeks with critics calling out the irrationality of the nominations and the UDP supporters continued to defend the president’s nominations. A couple of months later, these newly sworn in NA members were all gifted with a brand-new vehicle each from the office of the president. The President claimed the vehicles were donated by an unknown philanthropist who wished to stay anonymous. As expected, the argument continued demanding for the donor’s name and reasons for the donation. Hoping that the National Assembly responsible for checking the executive would also question the sources of the vehicle but shockingly, most of the members quietly accepted the gifts.

To test the ‘newly found democracy’ and protest what they said was culture of increasing corruption and impunity in the country, Human Right Activists took to the streets in June 2018 to demand for better living, health and education conditions. Their freedom to assemble was limited by the security forces. The Police Intervention Unit sent armed riot police and allocated a time frame for the protest. The activists were also shunned by the UDP supporters and labelled as ‘Disgruntled Entitled Youths’ and further indicated that they ought to be grateful for living in a Gambia with zero killings.

Many people believed that, these actions, among other things, emboldened the president to engage in a war of words with his critics; asking where they were when he single handedly defeated the dictator? Questioning their interest in seeing a more developed Gambia with better living conditions for her people. He continues to take part in throwing jabs at his critics and those he felt were threats to his leadership. Toward the end of June 2018, Barrow embarked on a massive cabinet reshuffle. He manifested the powers as the Executive President of The Gambia. He fired most of his coalition partners and replaced them with former Yaya Jammeh enablers. And goes further to redundant the powers of anyone standing in the way of his quest to entrench himself to the Presidency. The members of his party whom he had initially appointed to the following cabinet positions; Vice President, Minister of Trade and Agriculture were equally later relieved off of their positions following a UDP convention that elected Lawyer Darboe as party Secretary General.

Looking at where the political dynamics of The Gambia is, a lot of people are blaming the UDP for blindly supporting Barrow despite all his reckless decisions and ignoring all signs of ineptitude. They were allegedly ready to go to war with anyone that challenged the government and constantly massaging Barrows ego in order to stay in his good graces. A lot of UDP’s opponents similarly accused Lawyer Darboe for selfishly defending the most argued five-year mandate, to help him and his party better situated to take on the mantle of Presidency come 2021. Today, it seems the UDP have lost the influence they have had in the executive with their party executives being relieved off of their positions after purportedly stumbling the country in a deep hole. They have now decided to strategize and restructure their party and position in the political environment with continuous reminders of their existence. Their online members have once again joined their former counterparts in the struggle to critically criticize the same Barrow government that they sided with only three months ago.Can we conclude that the UDP that gave us the humble Barrow in 2016 also upgraded him to the ‘political animal’ that we now see? What the political field holds for Barrow, UDP and other political parties is difficult to predict now but it is obvious that 2021 will be another interesting year in Gambia’s political evolution.

Author:Sukai Gaye

Media and Communication Studies Student,

University of Washington, USA.

The argument that there is no shortcut to justice is valid but it has been challenged by those critics of ‘plea bargaining’ who see the practice as a form of shortcut to justice. However, the saying that ‘Justice is very expensive’ has not been challenged by anyone due to having no reasonable grounds to do so. In her book “Uprooted”, American writer – Noami Novik justified this by stating that the reason there is little justice out there is because of its expensiveness and affordable only by few who either have enough money to pay for legal fees and or are influential enough to press some buttons and make things work their way (paraphrased). With the above, one can deduce that to follow due process and attain proper justice, there must be a lot of mechanisms in place, backed by the required resources. Otherwise, a shortcut will be the option – an option that will go against the same principles intended to be displayed and maintained.

At the dawn of a new government in The Gambia in early 2017, majority of Gambia started calling for justice for victims of former President Jammeh and his government. Some even wanted a more radical approach by calling for the attack and possible arrest of Jammeh while he was still the substantive holder of the Office of the President. After his departure to exile, the former NIA Director Yankuba Badjie and his senior officers were arrested and charged with the murder of a national martyr Solo Sandeng  – two years on, the case is still ongoing. In addition, there has been arrest of other soldiers believed to be members of the hit squad – the Jugulars, alleged to have planned and executed various human rights violations, including killing of Gambians and non-Gambians alike perceived to be opponents to the then regime. Unfortunately, the reported operation leader of the hit squad, Sana Manjang left the shores of Gambia right at the fall of Jammeh. Manjang would have made investigations into killing easier because he has been a long time member of that group. Allegedly initiated in 2003, his first operation was the arson attack of the Independent Newspaper in October 2003.

Time went by and some Gambians became so impatience with the Government of Adama Barrow and others went far as rebuking the Attorney General and Minister of Justice for what they believe is a show of ‘lack of sympathy to victims’ or ‘lack of commitment to deal with those who committed abuses in the previous two decades’. The calls for action were genuine but the manner in which those agitators wanted government to handle the situation would have made the claimed defender of justice turn into a violator – that was the system of the former regime. Correcting it means doing things differently and in line with law and procedure. Jammeh and his closest security officials never believed in due process. For them, the law is not what is in the books but what Jammeh says it is and whoever commits an action perceived to be wrong need to face the consequences there and then – from the interpretation of their actions, the courts was somewhat a time and resource waster. Even if one is lucky to get to court, the outcome was very obvious because what use to be, was a judiciary where the Gambian born judges were confined to the civil courts and the Nigerians, mostly, machinery unqualified judges presided over the criminal courts, including the court of appeal where all government interested cases are brought.

The downfall of Jammeh’s empire was greeted with overwhelming joy and a sigh of relief for the thousands who wanted change. It will be meaningless if only Jammeh is not in the country but his system is glued to our minds. It was an entrenched system that we must disentangle ourselves and accept the obvious – that what use to be wasn’t in anyway right and as such we must strive to follow the rule of law. It will be expensive and time consuming but we should be ready to go through it to the end because the intention is not just to know the truth, put on trial and possibly jail the guilty ones, confiscate some illegally gotten properties and close the chapter. We want formidable outcomes with recommendations on how to set up strong systems and institutions to prevent a reoccurrence of what happened in The Gambia – not just in the presidency of Jammeh but that of his predecessor, President Jawara. Our failure – identical all over Africa, is the lack of well-established and strong institutions, made complex by a majority population that is either politically not inclined or not awareness of their civil rights and power as citizens or just focus on trivial matters and a pathetic situation of unreasonable selfishness.

The encouraging factor is the government of “New Gambia” through the Justice Ministry established the Financial Commission. They went on to table, and National Assembly ratified the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparation Commission (TRRC) Act. While the Financial / Janneh Commission submitted its report to the President on Friday 29^thMarch, the TRRC is just starting what will be a very long and tedious work to unearth the hitherto out-of-sight activities of Jammeh’s government 22.6 years reign over Gambia. The revelation so far are chilling. What is yet to come will not just shock us but has the potential to break some families and relationship.  Some will argue that it is not worthy – it is, we will get over it, reconcile and move ahead as greater people who will work together to avoid allowing a few mess up a whole country and its future. At this stage, the atmosphere is favorable and we must take this opportunity to correct what was wrong in our criminal justice system. The government, by all indication is committed to get to the bottom of what happened under Jammeh. Fact that it was done over two decades in a guileful manner explains why the financial commission took more time and resources than envisage.

Some Gambians have cause to complain about the money used, especially those cost relating to the venue, which could have been reduced if government had used its own facilities for the sittings. However I am of the believe that if one is to apply the principle of cost benefit analysis, the advantage far outweighs the bad – and this I say in full confidence that President Barrow’s government will implement the recommendations of the commissions – he cannot let us down and must not be selective or scapegoat some in implementation of the recommendations. This will also be the right time to remove from cabinet, in the security forces or other government departments anyone found to be adversely implicated in the wrongs of the pass. Doing it now as some people have called for President Barrow to do will be wrong and certainly not in line with due process – the foundation on which legal matters between people and state is premised. There is a reason why the law frowns at beating a thief who is not physically violent. Same reason why despite a thief admission of stealing at Police, he is still taken to court instead of incarcerated and the victim asked to stop work or other more important commitments to come to court and testify – failure which the thief will be let go. It is the law and must not be bypassed simply because we are sure someone did wrong. Patience and following the rule of law is demanding but we must not be pressured to act ultra vires. In the end, we will not just be recovering money, we will also move forward in creating institutions and setting up a system that will dictate how government business is done and not leave it to the whims of a person serving as leader at any level. We will also be sending a clear message to the international community that Gambia is serious about fighting corruption – but in the rightful manner.

By Sana Sarr

Prior to the beginning of sittings, there was much skepticism about the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC). Was it a good idea for our small Gambia? Would the revelations open old wounds that can’t be healed? Rather than reconciliation, would it lead to vengefulness and jeopardize the peace we enjoy? Were some of the employees the right people to steer its affairs given that they themselves had been victims of the former regime? Etc. However, since it began sittings, much of that noise has died down. Firsthand accounts of the horrific crimes and abuses perpetrated by our own Gambian brothers on their fellow citizens has shocked the nation. There have been revelations of great suffering, of deceit and of betrayal. The TRRC has been must-watch television, thanks in large part to those leading and working at the commission. The competence and professionalism of pretty much everyone there has been recognized and appreciated. The TRRC has been almost flawless…well, until March 28, 2019.

By hosting the awards ceremony of gifts to Mafuji Sonko, one of the witnesses who testified at the TRRC, leaders of the commission made an unforced error that was completely unnecessary and easily avoidable. I understand how and why such an error was easy to make. It’s unheard of to find a Jola who is honest, charismatic, strong or handsome. The fact that Mafuji, a Jola, combines all these admirable qualities makes him a miracle worthy of being made an honorary Serere! I mean, the boy (yes, all Jolas are BOYS) is dripping with sexiness and simply irresistible! This appeal makes it understandable that everyone wanted to show support for the kind gesture extended by Gambians putting funds together to support Mafuji. It was generous, it was kind and it was commendable. One can also make a good argument that the gesture aligns neatly with the spirit of compassion and support for victims that the TRRC is meant to bring. Despite all that, the ceremony was completely WRONG! Those leading an ongoing commission of inquiry to establish truth and justice should never have been seen participating in such theatrics on the national stage.

1. It was out of the TRRC’s mandate.
2. It blurs so many lines between reparations and private gifts.
3. It sends the wrong message to individuals that appearing at the TRRC will earn them sympathy and they can reap financial/material rewards.
4. It suggests that being dramatic, charming or charismatic while testifying is more important than simply telling the truth as you know it.
5. It suggests that the commission is not impartial and is taking sides with certain witnesses.
6. It suggests that Mafuji was either more honest, that his suffering was greater than the rest of the witnesses, or a combination of the two, and that he was being rewarded by the commission.

The TRRC “courtroom” should NOT have been used as the venue for such a ceremony. It should NOT have been held smack in between the morning and afternoon sessions of serious testimonies, like some halftime show at a football match.  There should NOT have been speeches by Deputy Chairman Adelaide Sosseh, Secretary Baba Galleh Jallow and lead counsel Essa Faal. At best, TRRC workers who are also Mafuji sympathizers could have attended, in their own private capacity as citizens, an award ceremony held at a different venue, away from the TRRC premises. The repeated disclaimers by both Secretary Baba Galleh Gallow and Lead Counsel Essa Faal, trying to reassure viewers that “this was not a TRRC event” tells me that they all knew something was not right about their participation and the chosen venue. Yet, they defied their better judgement and gave in to the sentimentality. They say actions speak louder than words, and no amount of reassurance by Baba Galleh or Essa Faal was enough to undo the damage that was being done. Ultimately, the images being broadcast around the world was that “Mafuji Sonko, a witness at the TRRC, was receiving gifts at the TRRC and with the participation of the TRRC Secretary General, Deputy Chairman and Lead Counsel.” The images are powerful and lasting. If you have doubts, just watch the ceremony with the sound muted. The photos will be circulated around the world and they’ll have no accompanying audios of what was being said. How will they be perceived? Think about that for a minute and you should understand what I mean!

From the testimonies, we have seen how deeply wounded our nation is. The TRRC is arguably the most important instrument for healing those wounds. At the end of the hearings, the commission will give a report and make recommendations on how we can move forward as a nation. The credibility of the commission must therefore be jealously guarded against any suggestion or appearance of impropriety. With their selfishness and greed, the political leaders have proven that material and partisan political interests, not national interests, are at the top of their agenda. Citizens have lost any and all confidence in trusting them to aid the healing process. This leaves the TRRC as one of very few institutions that still has public trust. It would be tragic if, due to negligence, the TRRC leadership loses the confidence of the people by making such unnecessary and avoidable mistakes.

For the assistance rendered to Mafuji Sonko, the performance was so beautiful, but the venue and participants made it oh so wrong!

Never Again!!!

The views and opinions expressed on here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of The Fatu Network.

Book Review 

Launching Ceremony Saturday 23 March 2019, Paradise Suites Hotel, Kololi

By: Madi Jobarteh

Salutations

It is said that a person, in writing about himself or herself, writes about his or her age, its trials and tribulations, triumphs and glories, and wishes and aspirations for the future. The book ‘A Date with Destiny’is therefore not only about the life of the author but also a reflection of our society and struggles within.

For that matter let me make an unsolicited disclaimer on behalf of the author. That is to say that, autobiographies are often blunt, uncharitable, revealing, disturbing, upsetting and unsettling. So is this autobiography. I can tell you that Demba has been mercilessly blunt, frank and unequivocal about himself, family, friends, colleagues and indeed anyone and everyone he has come to interact with over the course of his life including the President of the Republic and the issues that surround them. That notwithstanding this autobiography is devoid of pettiness or bitterness but hugely responsible, forward looking and mature as the author himself!

I have known Demba Ali Jawo for more than 20 years now, I can say, since I started as a cub reporter at Radio Gambia in 1992. I used to know him as an editor at the Daily Observer where I had my first journalist training in June/July 1994 before that 22nd day of infamy erupted to change our lives forever!

Since then until today he has earned my respect and admiration for his stance on fundamental issues in defence of his principles and the common good. It is therefore an immense honour and privilege that he has asked me to review his autobiography – how can a younger man review the life story of an older man, I asked myself when he handed me a copy of the book last week Friday! But this is from where the honour and respect came which has grown exponentially as I read through the pages of ‘A Date with Destiny’!

This book is more than an autobiography. It is a testimony of a man with a mission or should I say, a rebel with a cause! In this book DA, as we affectionately call him, did not only narrate, with so much imagery and metaphor, his birth and childhood as a young Gainako and the circumstances of his family and the Gambia of his youth to adulthood, but DA also gave us insight into his convictions and the trials and tribulations he encountered in the first and second republic to life as a minister. More than a life story ‘A Date with Destiny’is also about a public servant rendering account of his tenure; his performance and the management of affairs and resources entrusted to him as a Minster.

Rest assured that in this book you will notice the same DA as the author of the ‘Focus’column in the erstwhile Daily Observer – blunt, critical, direct but progressive! Let me give you a taste of this fact in few of the pages of this book as he talks about his stint as a Minister. In his final chapter entitled, ‘An Encounter with Reality’ DA acknowledged that while indeed the country suffered a longstanding period of dictatorship during which governance and life revolved around one person however two years is also enough time for a new government to find its footing right.

Unfortunately, his experience in the Cabinet points to a government that is in disarray where ministries and agencies work in parallel with little to no consultation among them – a situation that has constantly put him in embarrassing situations. As the Minister of Information and Government Spokesman then there was huge expectation that he would have had first-hand information on issues, or he could pull and make things happen such as arranging for a foreign television station to interview the President. But the reality was that he was actually hardly involved, consulted or given information!

On foreign travels, DA was honest that indeed given the previously pariah status of the Gambia there was need for ministers to travel to connect the country with the outside world. However, he also acknowledged that a lot of the travels by ministers were too many, unnecessary or could be delegated to other officials or even to embassies abroad so that those minsters could attend to issues at home. It was for this reason that he used to delegate or turn down a lot of the travels to which he was invited.

What he found even more perplexing was the frequency of the President’s travels with huge entourages and on chartered flights. DA has indeed given us an extensive information and analysis of his personal experience and perspectives as a Minister about the current dispensation, highlighting the challenges and missed opportunities. But more importantly he has also given lot of suggestions to the President and his Government including local governments in terms of how to better govern, build institutions and serve the people of the Gambia. At the same time the book has also offered invaluable advice and suggestions to public servants in general and especially to his immediate successor Ebrima Sillah and the current Government Spokesman Ebrima Sankareh while of course also appreciating them for their longstanding friendship.

‘A Date with Destiny’is a beautifully written piece of work; easy to read and understand that gives a very succinct analysis and contrast of many things in the Gambia – society, culture, history, religion, politics, leadership, the flora and fauna of the Gambia and even humour! For example, he lamented the fact that while as Minister scores of people had sought to engage him, befriend him and seek his support, at personal and professional levels, but he became quite shocked to notice how he was immediately abandoned by most of these people as soon as he received his marching orders!

Demba Ali Jawo was born in the village of Choya, a predominately Fula community in the Central River Region in the “beginning of the 1950s” as he said, to his father Ali Mawdo Jamanka and his mother Abbeh Baldeh, both of blessed memory.

DA comes from parents and a community that was traditional in form but liberal in substance. It is no wonder that this man here became a voice for all regardless of ethnicity, gender, nationality or vocation; which is why he can defend any issue or take any position without fear of contradiction because he was guided by universal principles that underpin humanity, learned from his father and mother.

The late Ali Jamanka was one person who would walk from his community to visit their Mandinka neighbours to share milk and pleasantries to discuss issues in order to ease tensions as the cattle of the Fula would encroach on the farms of the Mandinka, a scenario that could have potentially led to a Rwanda-type situation if not well managed. His father addressed that matter in those days.

In this book we therefore see the life of a village boy going to herd the cattle and even sleeping in the kraal when wild animals like hyenas lurk around. In the environs around Choya to the Sofanyama Bolong DA gave us an interesting insight about the fauna and flora of his childhood period when that stream was infested with crocodiles. He laments that due to climate change and human activity including his own, today there are no crocs in that bolong.

As a child DA and his fellow kids would go near the stream to steal crocodile eggs for the family’s evening meal. But the day that young boy, Demba saw a gigantic crocodile on the banks of the stream gaping its mouth wide open – its only when you read this book you will know that even the bravest men and women have something to fear! Yaya Jammeh could not get Demba to flee the Gambia, but a single resting crocodile made him take to his heels! Read the rest in the book!

Demba has been a rebellious type ever since. Anytime his mother placed jujus around his wrist, arms or waist, rest assured Demba will throw them off. When society considered women to be weak Demba, since as a child, believes in the equality of men and women. Like his father he has never raised his hand to hit his wife or children. Thanks to his upbringing around cattle and other animals Demba upholds animal rights. He strongly believes in one-man-one-wife and certainly not in favour of ‘wife inheritance’ as he turned down the offer when his late brother Ilo Sonko died, a man who was extremely instrumental in his education.

‘A Date with Destiny’is an insight into the life of a people, particularly young people in the provinces, a reality that still confronts them – i.e. the limited to lack of facilities and opportunities while beset by several sociocultural barriers. Demba would have never known how to read and write if not for some unpleasant events and the determination of others and of course because of the open-mindedness of his father. It was in 1961 that the catholic Bishop of Banjul visited Choya to hold a meeting with villagers for the possibility of setting up a school there given that the nearest school was in Sare Gainako, six kilometres away.

When the villagers agreed, the plan was each compound would send at least one child to school, and in the home of Ali Mawdo Jamanka, the lucky child was Yero, the younger brother of Demba Ali Jawo! But as fate would have it, Yero unfortunately got sick and therefore could not make it thereby creating the unpleasant opportunity for Demba to go to school. Happy that he was going to school, the story however nearly got sour because his father was adamant that Demba had enough schooling and should now go back to herd the cattle. If not for the determined intervention of Ilo of blessed memory, Demba would have been one of the world’s celebrated Gainako today!

From Mount Carmel School in Sare Gainako and then moving higher to Crab Island Modern Secondary School in Banjul, Demba recounts the people he met and impacted on his life until today. It was headmaster Jacob Baldeh in Mount Carmel who defended his right to put on a beret in class because of ringworms all over his head which embarrassed him in front of his peers. But more significantly thanks to Jacob, Demba was able to secure a guardian in Banjul with Jacob’s brother Pateh who worked in the then Cable and Wireless company so he could go to school. Pateh was unmarried then and despite his meagre income happily accommodated Demba and fellow provincial boys in a strange city with lot of people and cars whose hooting scare the hell out of him! But by then, as he recounts, Banjul was a very clean city with every street paved and people indeed looked after one another, a far cry from what we see today, not only the Banjul but in our entire society!

Demba lived a difficult life nonetheless in Banjul; hunger was his constant companion. Without parents around and with poor guardians, DA had to watch with watery mouth as richer schoolboys would buy ‘nyanbeh nyebeh’ while he gazes incessantly because he had no money to buy for himelf.

In exposing the life of DA, ‘A Date with Destiny’also gives an account of the story of a host of individuals in the 70s who would become the movers and shakers of the Gambia years to come. From Crab Island to Gambia College and eventually into the teaching field, DA built acquaintances with a myriad of folks who would become part of the future leaders of the Gambia. Some became comrades in the fight against dictatorship and others became targets of his resistance!

His college mates included former APRC Vice President Isatou Njie Saidy, former PPP Minister Alkali James Gaye and former IGP Pa Salah Jagne while former Cabinet colleague Badara Joof was not only a friend but was in fact part of his inner circle of friends known as ‘The Gang of Four’ whose other members were Abdou Rahman Sise and Momodou Lamin Faye. It is interesting to note that DA was also a student of the current TRRC Vice Chair Adelaide Sosseh at Gambia College and before that, at Crab Island. The late former Minister Omar Sey, the late Mrs. Belinda Bidwell former Speaker as well as the late Ralphina de Almeida all taught Demba at college! But also, during the first year in teaching practice in 1973, he also taught the current ambassador to the EU Tenengba Jaiteh. The Gang of Four of course expanded eventually to include Imam Baba Leigh, Samsudeen Sarr former deputy CDS under Jammeh and others!

An insight into the nature of the PPP Government came to light as the author moved out of the teaching field to pick up a job in the then GUC, Gambia Utilities Corporation. Not only did he encounter discrimination, favouritism and denial of opportunities but he also became a person of interest because of his writings in The Nation newspaper and his association with its publisher the late William Dixon Coley, the doyen of Gambian journalism! At GUC and living in Haddington Street in Banjul DA’s apartment became known as the ‘Temple’ – a meeting place of many young radicals and an avenue that saw him become hugely active in youth and sporting activities.

While serving as a staff of GUC the author continued to publish articles in The Nation until sometime in 1979 when he was arrested and detained by the police for publishing a very critical article about police administration. It was clear that indeed the time has come for him to abandon his Government job due to harassment and suppression and enter into the journalism field in full to pursue his convictions without fetters.

William Dixon Colley is undoubtedly one of the Gambia’s foremost and bravest, if not the leading human rights and democracy activist ever! It is no wonder therefore that the moment DA encountered this great man, he could never rest until today!

William had an immense impact on DA in every way imaginable and the author loved and respected and admired this patriot beyond measure. In fact many people even came to consider Dixon Colley as his father! It was his association with this great man, at whose office at No. 3 Box Bar Road in Banjul that DA would spend his entire time that he also came to meet many more young people as time went by who were also attached to the doyen!

Among these young people included current presidential adviser Mai Ahmad Fatty, current National Assembly Member Halifa Sallah, former ambassador Sarjo Jallow and former MOJA member Dumo Sarho. DA was scheduled to meet Koro Sallah eventually who was seeking to recruit him to join MOJA when the Kukoie Samba Sanyang insurrection took place in 1981 thus thwarting that meeting in Half Die. Consequently, DA could not become a member of the left-wing group as Koro himself was eventually implicated in that incident and had to flee the country.

Here is the bombshell: Demba Ali Jawo was a founder member of the People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS) and much more; it was DA who designed the PDOIS flag! Wow!

‘A Date with Destiny’is therefore not just a book about the life of Demba, it is a documentation of the socio-political history of the Gambia. Think of any Gambian of stature in government or business and society today and you will find his or her name in this book! However out of principles and dedication to service as a journalist. DA had abandoned all political affiliation to PDOIS and never to align himself ever again with any political party. This is a trait of all great journalists who wish to remain independent and credible in the eyes of the society that one cannot belong to any group, no matter how well meaning they are! Journalism is DA’s destiny and he has fixed a date with the profession for which he does not wish to betray!

‘A Date with Destiny’is hugely about journalism and one cannot find a more up to date account of the trials and tribulations of the Gambian media than what is provided in this book, particularly with the advent of the military coup in 1994. Not only is the account quite detailed but it is also glaring for the fact that DA was himself a key participant in all of the ups and downs that the media went through under the dictatorship.

In the first place DA described the emergence of the Daily Observer as the beginning of the golden era of Gambian journalism as we saw for the first time a newspaper printed on newsprint and not on an ordinary A3 size xerox paper! But also, in terms of content the earlier emergence of Topic magazine of Nana Grey-Johnson and The Point newspaper of the late Deyda Hydara, the late Baboucarr Gaye and Pap Saine all contributed, together with the Daily Observer, to witness a marked turning point for the Gambian media into modernity, professionalism and recognition!

The life of a journalist in the Gambia is a bitter-sweet story. While Daily Observer in practice also became a school of journalism as it massively churned out large numbers of smart young journalists, at the same time the Jammeh dictatorship ended becoming the beast that also nearly devoured the media to extinction! Yet it was the Gambian media that stood its ground, as a protagonist as well as a tool to be employed by many other forces, not least our political parties to fight that monster to extinction! In traversing the plains of journalism, the book gave an interesting account of the various actors, incidents and issues including the disappointments and threats in which we witnessed physical assaults, arson attacks, assassinations as well as closure of media houses and mass exodus of journalists!

Hence the killing of Deyda became a watershed moment in the life of the media and journalists. As the author narrated, that assassination generated fear, but DA refused to be silenced as he continued to write critical articles against the Government to the discomfort of his family and friends afraid for his safety. Even when DA had a very good paying job in Dakar, he insisted on coming to visit family in Kanifing periodically, against the wishes of his wife, just that Jammeh does not think that he had succeeded in banishing all journalists out of the Gambia.

DA joined the Gambia Press Union in 1980 when Dixon Colley was the Secretary General. DA himself became the Secretary General in 1992 and then president until 1998 when he stepped down. The story of GPU is intertwined with the life of the author who, together with Deyda had to seriously struggle in ensuring that the union survives when there was little support. Not only did the union face resource challenges but it also went through lot of turbulence as internal wranglings among members over benefits nearly derailed it. However, the book reveals that DA traversed a path that was laden with difficulties – from financial to security issues to social pressures and personal fears especially after the death of Deyda!

Life in exile in Senegal brought lot of gain and pain to DA. Not only did he gain a more rewarding job financially and built strong and lasting relationships with a myriad of people and institutions, but he also became a huge source of support to fellow Gambians in Dakar or those Gambians fleeing through Dakar or coming there to seek visas or medical attention. In fact, his kids would tease that their father’s house became a ‘Transit Hotel’ because of the numbers of people who would come by.

Like many Gambians DA joined the current Gambia Government not because he wanted to share in the spoils of war. His fight against the dictatorship was for nothing other than to salvage his country and secure the freedoms and progress of his people including himself, in any walk of life one might be. Hence, he never imagined becoming a minister such that when a request came for him to send his CV to the Government he flatly refused. Thanks to the intervention and encouragement of four remarkable fellow women fighters – Fatou Jagne Senghore, Aisha Dabo, Ndey Tapha Sosseh and Veronic Wright that DA eventually succumbed; and of course, because Pres. Barrow had expressed to him that he admired and also preferred DA to become the Minster of Information.

Life as a minister was indeed instructive for Demba. Instead of the environment becoming smooth and supportive rather DA actually became a victim as soon as he accepted the office of a minister. The book has given a rather vivid picture of the environment inside the Government. DA pointed to a situation of chaos, flaws, missed opportunities and unnecessary reactions. As the Minister of Information and the Spokesperson of the Government DA was not only side-lined on fundamental issues of the Government but was poorly or not consulted at all in many instances and even where he sought answers from even the top, he either gets no response or a very diluted explanation without head or tail!

Indeed, DA did not enjoy his time as a minister. Not only was he excluded and even labelled as ‘Mr. Complain’ because of his incessant demand for answers or explanations, but he became extremely disappointed at the amateurish manner of addressing issues and the failure of the Government to be transparent or accountable.

For example, the confusion about the Brussels roundtable that the Government was coming home with money when only pledges were made could have been better addressed if enough information and engagement was made. Amazingly DA was left out of that meeting. The immature reaction of the President towards Dr. Ismaila Ceesay of UTG or the question ‘where were you’ should not have come from a President. The donation of vehicles or the D11 million provided to pilgrims or the China money transferred into the First Lady’s foundation account are all incidents that were badly handled by State House simply because the necessary sharing of information, coordination and engagement were not taking place. Consequently, DA faced series of embarrassments when he faced local or foreign journalists asking about simple issues about which he had no idea because no one shared information or true information with him.

Not only was DA a victim of exclusion and non-cooperation from even inside the Cabinet, but he faced incessant interference in his ministry on issues such as the liberalization of the International Gateway or the granting of TV licenses to applicants such as the Ahmadiyya among others. DA was seriously committed to transforming the media landscape through legal and institutional reforms but unfortunately received little to no cooperation from Cabinet colleagues including the President except for the Minister of Justice who seemed to recognize and value his role as a fellow minster.

Above all the book gave us insight into the kind of leadership in the country where courtesy and the national interest do not seem to drive the agenda. For example, the author’s termination letter was handed over to him by the Secretary General and he wondered why the President could not have simply invited him to discuss why he was being sacked as a matter of courtesy and leadership. But as the book recounts nothing like that happened in the first place when VP Tambajang or Mai Fatty was sacked. Hence when it was his turn to be also fired unceremoniously, the author acknowledges that he and his Cabinet colleagues must also take blame for that because they also never stood up to enquire from the President why their former colleagues were being sacked. If they had demonstrated such responsibility probably, they would have seen a different and better show of leadership by Barrow next time he wanted to sack a minster. But since they never cared to ask the President, it means the President also considered that he is indeed the bus driver and he can onload and offload minsters as he likes!

DA is not a bitter man after all. Rather his stint in Government gave him a better understating of our society and its circumstances. He came to better understand where our troubles lie and how to solve them. While he seems concerned that there are some invisible forces and interests driving the agenda around Barrow, he however offers quite succinct pieces of advice and recommendations to the President, ministers, local government authorities, fellow journalists and indeed every citizen.

For example, he cited the various cabinet reshuffles as missed opportunities where Barrow could have re-branded himself by adding more women and young people or appoint someone from the other smaller ethnic groups into his Cabinet to reflect diversity and unity of our people. Furthermore, he cited the lack of a Christian in the National Assembly which could have also been addressed if the President had utilised his authority to nominate a Christian person. Rather we see how Barrow further closed his Cabinet to women and youth by appointing more elderly men! He reminded the President to stick to his words as a mark of honour and refuse ‘wakh wahet’ noting that even Abdoulaye Wade could not survive the trick!

In conclusion, I have never been prouder of DA after reading this book. It is rich, blunt and accurate in its information content, objectivity and user-friendly in its consumption! As he said, he and many Gambians supported the Coalition in 2016 to salvage the Gambia and not to seek power and privilege. He remained unflinchingly committed to that agenda as a minister even though he was frustrated and concerned at the limited support of this Government to empower Gambians by protecting fundamental freedoms.

On the Coalition – whether it exists or not, and the political future of the President and the risks and threats, and the intrigues of partisan politics and the rest – I won’t tell you. Read the book!

Thank you for your kind attention.

Hmm ?. Don’t think so. it could be a mirage. I remember OJ Garmeh Jallow being let go, NO crossroads! Tambajang Jallow, Same fate, NO crossroads! Super Interior Minister, Fatty, NO crossroads! Why are we then now scaring folks that Gambia will no longer develop because your corner got damp? Not trying to equate talents here but aren’t all coalition members created equal with the mighty #70Delegates? EXACTLY. True, the broom took some legends but hey, the former removed are legends in their own rights! We respect and salute them for standing tall when many cowered under some rocks! It’s POLITICS as one hot and cold dude laments on his “platform”, “in politics there are no permanent friends or foe but permanent interests”! I think that’s how he sings it! ?. Anywho, separate the men/women from the posts especially public posts!!!!!

That being the case, let all dress their wounds in their comfy corners and not proverbially “pee” in the public pool!!! Remember the kid in the movie that peed in the pool and it turned different color? Blue to green? Whether it was a chemical that did it or the compounds of the urine changing the pool color, the boy and parents dashed out with guilt and shame! So, it’s very advisable to NOT pee in the pool to safe your face!:)

There is no need to run around looking for “fence sitters” to win over or call for others to resign just because the birthday boy unvited you to the cake cutting! Hey, at your rehearsal cake cutting you chose your favorites di! Let Others be and if they are cutting cake, not frown as they revel in the creamy portion of the cake! Bear in mind, the presumed fence may only be an imagination. Politics is a spectator sport to some hence, not participating doesn’t mean “spectators” favor one over the other. They may just be waiting for half time to pick team or not at all. It ain’t that serious for some. Let people be and do YOU!! The marbles you lose may be your own!:) It’s sometimes repulsive to see how an issue gets sectionalized, it’s sad actually in National discussion ?. See the red white and blue as a uniting force and don’t further tatter our once unpatched social fabric! You’ll live to regret it after the dust settles!!!

Oh! Quit the guilt trips and fear mongering! The Gambia I see, is like the shark tasting blood! They believe in the strength of the teeth and speed to race to the source of food without miss. Removing Jamus with marbles empowered and will forever empower and embolden generations to come. #NeverAgain will my people take that for granted! Best believe! If anything, the biggest concern should be about anyone flamboyantly waltzing with what the majority fought against as in APRC. This however is sadly happening on both ends!!!

The bus driver may cross white line, in some areas the yellow line (pun intended) and get ticketed, but as long as the double yellow lines are unbothered, he may live to drive again! Crossing the double yellow line in this instance is the Gambian populace. They, at the end of the day, hold the final verdict with the beautiful shiny marbles!

God grant us the serenity to change the things we can, accept the ones we can’t and the wisdom to know the difference ??❤

Honourable Minister,

I am not a fan of Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Joseph Stiglitz. In fact, in the clash of the titans between him and then IMF Research Chief,  Kenneth Rogoff, I sided with Rogoff; but one thing Stiglitz said really resonated with me and I have since held it as a sacred natural truth. Stiglitz once asserted  that the word “self-regulation” is an oxymoron. And that is certainly true.

So when I started seeing claims and lobbying from professional groups in our own country trying to get government to endorse their proposals, or even to pass bills, aimed at entrenching self-regulation, I cringed…

I do know that you are a career journalist and you would naturally be inclined

to support your brethren in the media fraternity but the business of self-regulation should never be accepted by our government. For very obvious reasons, backed by tangible evidence, self-regulation should not be entertained in our system. The recent case of the brazen attack on an innocent journalist by the current GPU President and the GPU’s uncharacteristic silence on this matter is a serious signal.

It is true that the media is a critical element of democracy and the protection and empowerment of media practitioners is of critical significance; but where elected bodies and individuals are subjected to independent external oversight in our governance system, I see no reason why another arm of the same national structure should be treated as a sacred cow and allowed to be referee and player at the same time.

Therefore, it is urgent  that an independent body be set up for oversight of our media practitioners and the GPU’s overtures of self-regulation should be rejected in the interest of the public.

Our evolving democracy has had its ups and downs and the executive branch of government has (in the past) taken undue advantage of the media and other institutions due to the dominance handed over to them by our statutes but it is a fact that the conduct of some of these media personalities and institutions has also had adverse effects on other entities and persons weaker than the media behemoths in our state of affairs.

So while we labour to correct the errors of our past by empowering institutions like The Gambia Press Union, we must not make the mistake of rendering these institutions too powerful to the extent that they could become oppressors of the weak and meek.

Honourable Minister and my dear brother, beyond the potential effects of media malpractice on individuals and organisations, it is my conviction that the greatest threat to our new-found freedom and entrenched peace is the actions of some unregulated, untrained, misguided,  ill-intentioned operators in our media space. We still have competent and prudent journalists in this country doing a good job for the common good; but when the floodgates of press freedom were flung open with the advent of the current dispensation, the media waters became muddied by some dangerous elements.

Daily we witness insults, incitement of violence and tribal acrimony in our media space and nothing is being done to control this. As if the Rwanda’s tragedy is not enough of a lesson, we sit and fiddle in our cosy zones while our precious Pax Gambiana is slowly but surely being poisoned with insidious cinders.

Lest the charge comes against me of speaking against press freedom, let me categorically state here that I am all for press freedom and a highly conducive environment for the efficient operation of our fourth estate. But that does not obviate the need for reasonable and effective oversight in the Business of our fourth estate. It is fitting to pick an import quote from a brilliant article by the current Secretary General  of the GPU on the undesirable activities of some media outlets titled “The Gambia: Towards A One-Stop Media Regulator”: “Supporters of the press are reconsidering their position: well, I’m a believer of press freedom but how could they do that. Oh, no.”

The current Chief Justice of our country recently made a statement to the effect that

The Gambia is blessed with a unique opportunity hard to come by of in the evolution of many nations: The opportunity to change and virtually rewrite all our laws and transform our institutions of governance . If this opportunity must not be missed, or under-utilised,  then we must not be infected by the bug of irrational exuberance by trying to overcompensate institutions that were negatively affected by our past to the extent of creating new Frankenstein’s monsters in our governance process.

In conclusion, Honourable Minister, I respectfully submit the foregoing premises with a view to re-ignite a national conversation on the relevant subject matter. I am hoping this dialogue is not muted but promoted. We must never lose sight of the fact that democracy and its institutions are not meant to be ends in themselves but vehicles towards the attainment of optimal human welfare and progress. Therefore it behooves us to be objective in our quest to hold one another to account in the interest of our common welfare.

In the service of our dear nation,

Momodou Sabally

Former Presidential Affairs Minister and author, Momodou Sabally is the Former Director General of the state Broadcaster GRTS as well as Managing Director and Editor-In-Chief of the Observer Company, publishers of The Gambia’s erstwhile leading newspaper the Daily Observer.

Call it the absurdity of the year! The Gambia’s press corps has been yearning for freedom of operation for decades and one would only assume that once that freedom is finally earned, they would cherish and protect it like a piece of diamond or the first born child of a Kanyelengwoman and name it Maabally (untouchable).

Alas, Gambians are good at endangering their own good fortune. Indeed we have witnessed several cases of individuals and entities throwing their very own victory right into the jaws of defeat in New Gambia, but the press as a group should know better; and definitely a group that is well placed to enlighten the masses should never be in want of wisdom as a collective entity.

So what went wrong at the nation’s apex body responsible for the welfare and protection of Journalists in this country?

Those who are familiar with the set up at the executive committee of the GPU would not be too surprised. Their carefully choreographed election surely delivered for the wheelers and dealers of the GPU when close friends captured the key positions as the top guns of the media union.

As if that is not enough of a risk for the effective running of the affairs of this institution of the most crucial importance to our nation building process, executive members started showing their political colours way too soon. It is an open secret that Gambians know exactly which political party key members of the GPU executive dally with. Indeed the American philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson is right “What you do speaks so loudly that I cannot hear what you say.”

The recent verbal assault meted out to journalist Lamin Njie by the current President of The Gambia Press Union Sheriff Bojang Jr. on the sidelines of the Ya Kumba Jaiteh case at the Supreme Court revealed a lot. Why would an innocent request for an interview on a matter so critical evoke so much negative emotion and palpable sense of vengeance?

There are many cases exhibiting the inherent malaise within the top echelons of the GPU and the space here would not allow a full rendition but a recent case is worth a mention. A local journalist with close blood ties with the GPU leadership was caught trafficking drugs but once the incident happened there was a quick complot among the leading journalists to hush that news and indeed they succeeded in making sure that the case, that was dropped due to interference from relatives of that journalist in the government, was ‘silenced’. If this case involved a non-journalist, it would have been all over the Gambian news cycle and in search engines.

With all the whistle blowing about the abuse of human rights during the former regime, some major media houses played roles, active and tacit, in the suffering of certain victims but you can be rest assured that those matters regarding the press will be muted in our current TRRC process. The case of the late Ousman Koro Ceesay was ‘investigated’ by a particular newspaper and declared an accident at the time; but was this matter mentioned in the TRRC’s investigation of that particular incident so far? The late Famara Jatta was fried as Finance Minister thanks to a case of unprofessional journalistic conduct. Certain people fell victim to circumstances due to the unprofessional conduct of certain media houses; this is a known fact. But there was no admission of guilt or apology about such unfortunate incidents to date.

We must acknowledge that the President of the GPU did publicly apologise for his unwarranted toxic attack on a fellow journalist. Personally I am not calling for the GPU President to resign but the silence of the GPU as an institution in this matter is deafening.

If we must make genuine progress as a nation, those tasked with holding others to account must behave in ways above board by all means. I am hoping the GPU as an institution will rise up to the occasion and use this particular case as an opportunity for soul-searching and rectification.

We are all Gambians and we must nurture the spirit of magnanimity and empathy that is characteristic of us as a cultured nation. But truth must be told and accepted for what it is if our collective conscience should remain healthy and resilient.

Momodou Sabally

The Gambia’s Pen

It all had the ring of a soviet coup, political machinations of the Politburo, the death hand of courter comitas and perfect plot of backroom operators. If it was not true, it could have been taken straight from a non-fiction book on the wrangling and wrestling of power at the heart of the soviet union. Or from a highly sophisticated sci-fic novel. But it is true, and it is real: the sacking of Ousainou Darboe, the big beast of the UDP, with Amadou Sanneh and Lamin N Dibba from the government of Adama Barrow. The Gambian media, for once, like a thermostat, not a thermometer, was able to shape public opinion, not reflect it – a sign of how an independent media can inform the citizenry, keep the-powers-that-be accountable and strengthen democracy.

Last Monday, most of the newspapers splashed on rumours rumbling on social media: that President Barrow sacked his scared cow deputy Ousainou Darboe. Like Joseph Gobbles, the suave, savvy and smooth propagandist of Hitler, Ebrima Sankareh, Barrow’s spin doctor pirouetted: the story, he claimed, is “false”, cooked up from the figment of the overstretched imagination of people.

If it was an act of displacement activity, designed to distract his master’s prey from jumping the ship of state before being pushed, well he succeeded. And Darboe, his sharp political acumen betraying him, believed in the false sense of security he was lulled in. It is akin to having your lawn being packed with tanks pointed towards your direction for complete obliteration and annihilation, and being told “ hang on a minute, don’t read too much into it, because it is a simulation exercise, working out ways to rescue you when Armageddon struck.” For Barrow and his team, pulling this trick was a stroke of genius. For Darboe, it was political miscalculation over-masticated. How could he not see it coming?

For months relations between Barrow and Darboe were enveloped in envenoms chalice. As president and vice president, they cut an odd couple. That their bromance degenerated into such pitiful state was extraordinary. To Barrow, Darboe was a self-admitted political god-father. The latter saw the former as a protege who would parachute to the direction pushed towards. But power pinches a paroxysm of poison into what could have been a solid political partnership.

I used the cold war analogy in my previous article to put into sharp focus the power struggle going on between the two. Victory of the  first skirmish, no doubt after the successful putsch of Barrow’s team, belongs to them – yet. Brace yourself up Gambians, fastened your seatbelts and shot your heads towards the direction of travel, because the fight over who will control the wheels of state will drone on until 2021.

The starting pistol was fired after the firing of Darboe and his political chums. It might come as a surprise that Barrow wielded the political knife, and scalped the head of his political paterfamilias, rendering himself a political patricide. There will be howls of betrayal, cries of heresy and damnation of apostasy against him for doing so. But are they justified? Are they politically sound? Could he not live with the causation and forget about the consequences his frosty relationship with Darboe wrought? To the eye of the politically uninitiated, the simple and straightforward answer would be: cohabitation, not casus belli, should be the modus vevendi. How wrong! To come to such black and white conclusions, risks being wrapped and woofed, into – to use the former British Prime Minister who deftly lifted the political fortunes of the political left moulding “the white heat of technology” in its favor , Harold Wilson’s phrase – you are either a charlatan or a simpleton. The former is risible. But the latter is reprehensible.

In our presidential system of government, like any of its kind around the world, there should be complete confidence and trust between the president and his deputy. The vice president serves at the pleasure of the president, must command his/her full confidence and abide by collective cabinet responsibility. To have a rivaled power block within government shatters the authority of the president, fatally undermines the authority to get things done and paralyses the machine of state. The buck stops with the president. The clue is in the name: the president presides, and the government governs. The vice president is like the other half of the president, responsible for deputising where instructed and authorized to. That was precisely why Barrow’s decision to sack Darboe was as bold as it was bang on point. By doing so, he has signaled to Gambians and the wider world that, contrary to conventional wisdom, he is not a  touchy-feely headless chicken. He has shown that his famous death stare exudes determination, his sombre face seriousness, his slow purposeful steps practicality and his clip responses in conversations a solipsistic sphinx with a riddle.

He could have decided, as president, to turn a blind eye and deaf ear to his authority being shredded, but he acted decisively, putting paid to that. He proves that he is made of steel, had balls of steel and a ruthless streak to unleash when push comes too shove. For days – weeks, even, it seems – he has been wrestling with the Shakespearian dilemma: to be, or not to be? To fire Ousainou Darboe or not? The decision to get rid of Darboe was a difficult decision, hence, as he pondered about the enormity of it, he dithered, equivocated and tergiversated. Like a Trappist Monk used to paying homage to a useful God that has gone rogue, diminishing any lingering hope and decimating trust – cornerstone foundation for faith – he turned against a Jupitererain salvation. No one can accuse him of not reaching out: he did extend a hand of friendship and frisson to Darboe and other UDP officials jailed by former president Yahya Jammeh on frivolous charges, after taking over power, using his presidential prerogative of mercy.

One reality of leadership is to face up to opponents, faces them down and fences them off. Ducking or diving from it is irresponsible and could lit the chateau castle of political power in flames. Politicians are, should be, realist, not fantasist fitting their political aprons on fantastical fictions. Reality is the yin and yan. You have got to have your feet on the ground, ears in the air and eyes on the horizon to be in tuned, on time and on target. As the leading American 20th century philosophical science fiction writer, Philip K Dick, stirringly quipped: “Reality is that, which, when you stop believing in it, doesn’t go away.” That is the cue: if you believes in something, you have got to have the courage of your conviction, and do what is right, with the capacity to convince to hammer home your reasons to the people.

The tussle between Barrow and Darboe reflected a battle between two strands of the UDP: the purist and the pragmatist. The purist wants to detoxify the government, and its institutions, from anything reeking of Jammeh’s vestiges. While the pragmatist – and Barrow belongs to this camp, as inferred from his public stance and statements – wanted to bury the hatchet of the past, focuses on challenges of the here and now, and get on with the job. It is the right approach. Even though it exposes the pragmatist to flaks of renegade revolutionalits, they are the sensibles going with the wind of history. Because the mandate given to the president from Gambians in 2016, under a coalition ticket, was for him to be president for all Gambians, not a partisan person. In twisting the knife on Darboe and co. he fulfilled his duty and responsibility to Gambians.

There is no point having epicaricatic delectation over the political misfortune of the political dinosaur, Darboe. He has been in the political jungle long enough to see this as a blip, a flash in the pound that will come to pass.  Down but not yet out of the political game, history records that his party still commands majority support in the country post-Jammeh. If the country is to go for election tomorrow, he will be swept to power in a resounding victory.

It is a straight fight for the heart and soul of The Gambia between Barrow and Darboe. Forget about Barrow’s Youth Movement. It is a fig leaf for the political vehicle he will ride on to fight re-election. If proof was ever needed: his decision to fire Darboe, throwing caution out of the window. Battled-hardened, ready and willing: he has signaled readiness to  go mano-to-mano with his former party, with all the consequences that entails. Political spectators, the race bell for the 2021 presidential election has tolled: on you marks, get ready, go! To quote the former French king Louis XV ( 1710-1774), who, so cocksure about his indispensability, simpered: “Apres moi, le deluge (which roughly translates after him, the flood, meaning  France would plunge into chaos). After the Barrow v.s Darboe showdown, expect both flood and political earthquake!

Amadou Camara Studied Political Science at University of The Gambia, and Currently Resides in The United States

By: Ousainou Mbenga

From the Gambian front of the African revolution, we want to inform President Adama Barrow that his braggadocious claim of being more powerful than Jammeh because he has the Gambia National Army (GNA), Police Intervention Unit (PIU), State Intelligence Service (SIS) and ECOMIG behind him is a delusion of grandeur. It was the Gambian masses whovoted you into office and not your state instruments of repressionand you betrayed them.

The presence of ECOMIG with your previous ‘Jungler’ – NIA infested national security and even yourrecently exposed gun-slinging ‘sponsor’, Abdourahman Jawara can’t intimidate the increasingly disgusted and betrayed Gambian masses. If you really want to hear the masses views; you haven’t done anything. Yourincreasing exhibits of power drunktendencies comes asno surprise. It is typical of the treacherous African petit bourgeoisie and its aspirants such as yourself. In just two years, you and your hungry pack of “get rich quick” administration are undoubtedly inspired by the rabid aspirations to build individual wealth at the expense of our impoverished and crippled Gambia.

Many among us never expected your regime to “drain the swamp” that Jammeh had turned Gambia into. Instead you protected and continue to dirty up the swamp with your selective and disingenuous constitutional reforms such as the “age limit” for the presidency while the repressive “public order act” is entrenched. Furthermore, you expose our veins for anyone to draw and drink the blood of the suffering masses in the name of “foreign investments” with the deliberate exclusion of the sons and daughters of our beloved Gambia as “local initiatives” for genuine and sustainable development.

Consequently, the Chinese, Indians, “newLebanese”, Turkish and a host of other unscrupulous investors control the livelihood of our people with no relief in sight. Your belief that these unscrupulous “foreign investors” are the solution to our wretched social conditions exposes your gullibility and “leadership” of questionable integrity. And itconfirms your treacherous intentions to only accumulate personal wealth and further cripple our beloved Gambia. The environmental degradation on land, sea and air are of no concern to your mal-administration. You continue to call upon the “diaspora” including exiles to return and contribute their “quotas”. But what will they return to? The foul swamp you adopted from Jammeh? The “diaspora” is now aware of your game and finally realize their blunder in your rise to power.

        THE SCRIPT IS FLIPPED!

Now that the Barrow / UDP hegemony (regime) is in a state of dissension, whether perceived or that it’s just our imagination as some “militants” would want us to believe, we see it as a  vindication from our informed analysis of the inevitable implosion of the Barrow / United Democratic Party (UDP) regime following its “tactical betrayal” of Coalition 2016 and the subsequent flip — flopping on the 3 year or 5 year term limit for the Barrow presidency.  As the genuine struggle continues, it is imperative that we know who to form a coalition with the next time around.

The apparent divorce between the opportunist “tactical coalition”, the once upon a time Barrow / UDP regime, has rendered UDP a mere appendage of the Barrow administration. An appendage can serve a function when intact but can be excised without posing any imminent danger. This is what Barrow has relegated the UDP to, take it or leave it role. Both the Barrow administration and its UDP appendage are bursting at the seams in their own internal contradictions, a crisis of blatant mis-leadership which to this date have shown us no direction but to return us to the swamps of “business and politics as usual”.

The intent, if we allow it, is to hold the Gambia hostage to substandard performance while unscrupulous practices are on the rise with no relief in sight. We must demand the best for our beloved Gambia. Their contradictions are not the makings of the Gambian masses but that of the most unreliable sector of our society, the impotent self — acclaimed “intellectual elite”, known best for their ravaging consumerism under the most wretched and despicable conditions the length and breadth of the Gambia. Indeed, the bug has also bitten Barrow, which explains his increasing pompous behavior of entitlement to a wasteful life style at our expense. A trail of betrayal is what the neocolonial state (colonialists in black faces) paved in Africa. The Barrow mal-administration is blazing that trail of betrayal.

To put it fittingly, the Barrow administration and its UDP appendage is as chaotic as the traffic on the horrible roads in Banjul and other cities and towns in the Gambia. Our beloved Gambia is deliberately being crippled by:

. Thoughtless and horrible plans or no planning.

. Indiscipline from the top to the bottom and back.

. Corruptibility – FaBB, 57 vehicles, chartered flights, Mansions, NAM bribery,

  Supplemental Appropriation Bill (SAB), bloated bureaucracy of sycophants.

. Lack of foresight and hindsight.

. Normalizing the abnormal.

. Mediocrity.

. Feather your own nest, to hell with all else.

. Arrogance.

. Youth abandonment, secret deals of mass deportations of Gambian Youths.

. 17 empty promises.

.  Begging and the dependence on AID.

.  Insecurity of our “national security”.

    2019 UP FOR GRABS OR REVOLUTION?

Recently, Barrow declared 2019 to be the “turning point” for his unspecified plans despite the catastrophic dead end turns that he has repeatedly made in only two years. As the whole world witnessed, Barrow’s first opportunistic turn in 2019 was the calculated inauguration of the not fully complete “SeneGambia Bridge” to appease Macky Sall and honor one of the agreements following the impasse of 2016. Known for their “secret society” operations, such as the secret agreement to deport Gambians from Europe and America, Barrow and his enabling administration has equally vanished the discussions around FAR Limited (First Australian Resources) findings of oil and gas reserves in The Gambia, just as the $78,000 that crawled into the FaBB foundation went off the radar of inquiry (“FATOUMATA KODOO LEY”). Barrow’scurrent strategy is to win us to take his side in the ongoing “power struggle” between him and his “political father’s” party, UDP. The Barrow administration and its UDP appendage represent the neocolonial state, not the interest of the people who “voted” them into office. Both Barrow and UDP are fighting to survive the political catastrophe of their own making at our expense. National governance is being held hostage by the raging internal “party politics” which all indications suggest has degenerated to name calling at tit-for-tat rallies while we wallow in misery.

The vast majority of Gambians will take neither the side of the Barrowregimenor its appendage, UDP but would rather defend the national interest of our beloved Gambia at all cost. The Gambian masses are awaken from the nightmares of the Jammeh era and will not fall for your empty promised “dreams” that are turning into nightmares. In the two years since the Gambian “voters” entrusted you with the task for a 3 year transitional period into a “New Gambia”, you and your enablers have stayed on the same disastrous path as Jammeh.

All evidence shows that your ability to be corrupt will no doubt surpass that of Jammeh. The two sticking point examples that prove that you can be worsethan Jammeh are the $78.000 (D33, 000,000) that crawled into the bank account of your wife’s foundation (FaBB) and the cost of the chartered flight to attend the United NationsGeneral Assembly, which you defended as normal for a president to do.

  THE REVOLUTIONARY ALTERNATIVE

Emerging from 22 years of neocolonial terror in the Jammeh era, preceded by 32 years of suffering peacefully, a sum total of 54 years of “flag independence” punctuated by two coup d’etat and a miserable trail of mal-development, it is time for a revolutionary alternative to rise to the occasion and chart the revolutionary path for a genuine New Gambia.

We therefore, declare 2019 as the revolutionary turning pointfor our beloved Gambia away from the rudderless Barrow regime, its current appendage, UDP and all the enabling tapeworms, whether civilian, in the army and the incompetent “national security service” (PIU & SIS). This revolutionary turning point will present to the downtrodden masses the revolutionary alternative to “politics and business as usual”. We must reach and win the masses to revolutionary politics, the only politics that will change our lives fundamentally.

Following 22 years of terror, brutality and betrayal by the Jammeh regime and the deliberate continuation of that betrayal by the Barrow administration, the“New Gambia” is nothing but a mockery and an insult. With all the corruptible practices of the Jammeh era intact, such as the retention of the known killers, torturers and rapists from the army, junglers, police, NIA and civilian enablers, who would doubt that Barrow will unleash these gangs of thugs on us when we escalate our fight against his reactionary regime. We continue to witness the brutish arrogance of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and his thuggish Police Intervention Unit (PIU) making intimidating warnings against our rights to protest. All evidence and signs from the Barrow regime points to another disaster. Some of us will not idly sit by and watch the Barrow administration, its UDP appendage and its “tapeworm enablers” to drown us in the swamps.

Therefore,to what end we ask? Did we fight Jammeh for 22 damn years only to have the Barrow administration become another Jammeh in “sheep’s clothing”? The answer is a resounding, hell no! We fought the Jammeh regime and handed power to the most unreliable sector of our society. Our revolutionary turning point will be the “new beginning”in our beloved Gambia. This is the time to create a formidable and revolutionary opposition in the Gambia. The opposition that Jammeh said never existed — “I don’t have an opposition” Jammeh once said and to his credit, he was right. We must cultivate the conditions for revolutionary professionals to capture STATE POWER, nothing less. Anything short of capturing state power and the willingness to govern is a pipe dream and another betrayal of the aspirations of the Gambian masses for a better life with prosperity. The vast majority of our downtrodden people are fed up after 54 years of betrayal, we deserve the best our motherland has to offer. Let all the sons and daughters of our beloved Gambia rise up and join us in cultivating a revolutionary Gambian front for the African revolution.We will win!

WILL ALL THE DISCIPLINE SOLDIERS, POLICE AND INTELLIGENCE STAFF READY FOR REVOLUTIONARY CHANGE PLEASE STAND UP!

By Pa Louis Sambou     Sunday, 17^thMarch 2019

Since the coining of the phrase ‘New Gambia’ and its widespread use to reference this post Jammeh era, one could be forgiven for assuming that we are now a functioning democracy. Unfortunately we are anything but. The ‘Democracy Implementation Project’ (DIP) is not yet a foregone conclusion; in actual fact, it has not even commenced yet.

The existing state of affairs is a semblance of democracy which it can be argued is extremely volatile.

The Supreme Court of The Gambia (SCoTG) in the Case (Injunction application (SC Civil Court No: 001/2019)) concerning an interim application against an Executive act, in dismissing the application relied on the Public / Constitutional Law principle of ‘Presumption of Regularity’ (PoR). The PoR is a Common Law doctrine which it has to be said is widely used around the world. The effect of this legal principle is that the courts will presume that the official duties have been properly discharged (by the person / institution against whom legal action is taken) until such a time the challenger presents clear evidence to the contrary.

In this specific case the Justices of the SCoTG presume the revocation of Ya Kumba Jaiteh’s nomination by the President a lawful act until such a time (at the hearing of her petition) evidence is presented to suggest otherwise. I must state with some degree of reluctance that the reasoning behind such uncomfortable determination / judgment is very problematic: The application of the principle is deeply flawed and, the legal precedent it sets is very adverse to our democracy and a leap into the dark.

The Flawed Application of the ‘Presumption of Regularity’ (PoR)

‘Presumption of Regularity’ (PoR) is a deference doctrine. Its application is dependent on the existence of a functioning constitutional order, not a semblance of it. The existing constitutional order (the 1997 Constitution) is widely discredited. This is evidenced by the ongoing consultations to have it replaced, an exercise which commissioned by the current Attorney General, endorsed by Parliament (hence the Constitutional Review Commission Act (CRC) 2017) and spearheaded by a SCoTG Justice who ironically was a sitting Judge on this matter under review. Even more farcical, the Attorney General who on the 11^thDecember 2017 stood before Parliament (to present the CRC Bill) and denounced the existing Constitutional order as being unfit-for-purpose appeared as Defence Counsel defending the very constitutional order he already denounced and pretending that the respective denunciation (by him) on the 11^thDecember 2017 never even happened.

It is widely accepted that the existing constitutional order is unfit for purpose and, the current political state of affairs exceptionally extraordinary. Therefore the application of the PoR in circumstances which are anything but ‘Regular’ adversely narrows Judicial scrutiny and widens Executive indiscretion. Given what our country is reeling out of (30 years of terribly bad governance and a subsequent 22 years of bitter dictatorship) this is very worrying.

The remedy for our unworkable constitutional and political order is not the application of an off-the-shelve Constitutional Law principles as usual but the adaptation of such principles as dictated by circumstances.

Courts have in recent times departed from the PoR in key cases. In the case involving CNN and the White House (WH) (following the revocation of the WH press pass of CNN journalist Jim Acousta) the Court, departed from the PoR and ordered for the temporary reversal of the revocation as an interim measure. The same was the case in almost all of the 50 cases following the attempt by President Trump to implement an election manifesto pledge (the ‘Muslim ban’). The PoR is certainly not applicable in circumstances which are extraordinary or not the norm.

The SCoTG ought to have on this occasion adopted an implicit neutral approach in deciding the legal question before it rather than erroneously making a determination relying on the PoR which key precedent(s) from around the world suggests is inapplicable in extraordinary circumstances.

The Precedent is a Adverse to Democracy and a Leap into the Dark

Never mind the respective parties and the underlying politics behind this specific case (both of which are, as far as I am concerned wholly  irrelevant and insignificant in the public interest argument I put forward here), the effect of this ruling from the highest Court of the land presents very gloomy prospects for the future and until it is overturned it will have the adverse effect of frustrating (if not inhibiting altogether) future legal (interim) action(s) against ultra vires actions by state agents / agencies. This is most certainly the polar opposite of what is in the public interest.

From the ruling on the subject of the constitutionality of the Public Order Act (which the SCoTG endorsed as constitutional), then the riling on the issue of False Publication & Broadcasting (which the SCoTG also endorsed as constitutional) and now this unfortunate precedent. For a post dictatorship Supreme Court, this is a very uncomfortable trend and track record which must worry us all.

The SCoTG appears to be too Conservative, resistant to progressive change or, the Justices are simply too unduly hesitant to progressively develop logical Judicial precedent and caselaw consistent with 21^stCentury democratic society.

There is indeed  credence in the suggestion that the SCoTG is gradually and inadvertently opening Gambian society up to the very risks and excesses it is meant to protect it against. This must dread us all.

By Molefa Touray

Thousands of viewers at home and abroad were thrown into a major shock when Sheriff Junior, the president of Gambia Press Union verbally assaulted Lamin Njie, the editor of Fatu Network. The assault happened on a Facebook live video coverage when Lamin Njie appeared to ask the G.P.U president about his take on the outcome of the Kumba Jaiteh case before the Supreme Court.The award-winning journalist snapped and rained insults on the innocent reporter. Sheriff junior even went as far as telling the reporter to “fucking put the mic down”. The profanity laden video went viral with over twenty thousand viewers watching and many more sharing it on whatsapp .

Apologizing on his Facebook page sheriff junior wrote: “A video showing me snapping at Lamin Njie, a journalist with Fatu Network has been going viral on Facebook since early this afternoon. In the video, I got frustrated after he insisted on interviewing me about the Supreme Court ruling on Ya Kumba Jaiteh’s case earlier today, and I used profanity.From the bottom of my heart, I take full responsibility for my behavior and I want to unreservedly apologise to Mr. Njie and the management and staff of Fatu Network for my behavior”

Reacting to Sheriff Junior’s viral video Matthew K. Jallow, a Gambian writer and social critic wrote: “I find a rather disturbing video circulating in social media where the president of the Gambia Press Union, Sheriff Bojang Jr. used curse words in reaction to a journalist seeking his views on a salient subject matter. This is a serious breach of GPU’s unwritten moral & ethical codes. I think it’s in order for the GPU Executive to meet and censor Mr Bojang, and to ask him to desist from such very disrespectful behavior, as it will tarnish the good name of the GPU as a body”.

Also reacting to Sheriff junior tirade against a fellow journalist, Sainey Darboe the editor of Gunjur News Online called for the resignation of Sherriff junior as he has lost all moral grounding to lead the press body after attacking the very people, he is elected into office to protect. “The profanity-laden assault on Fatu Network editor, Lamin Njie, by no less than the president of Gambian journalists, Sheriff Bojang, defies conceptual grasp. To have a GPU president who didn’t have qualms about launching a vitriolic attack on a fellow journalist, memorialized in a viral video, is nothing short of an insult to the memories of slain Gambian journalists like Deyda Hydara and Chief Manneh.”

The furious former Editor-in-Chief of Standard newspaper- Gambia called for the resignation of Sheriff junior as GPU president:  “And let me put it better: If he cannot conduct himself with decorum at the point of supreme challenge he doesn’t deserve to represent Gambian journalists. It is high time for  Gambian journalists to put an end to his presidency because he has dishonored the position and profession by his contempt of all journalistic ethics and basic human decency.”

By Sana Sarr

Friday, March 15, will now be a memorable day in the history of Gambian politics. In Caesar’s Rome, it’s the day the soothsayer warned Julius Caesar to beware of. It’s also the day Caesar was literally stabbed in the back by his most trusted friend, Brutus.

President Barrow vs Vice President Ousainou Darboe and UDP – I don’t think anyone will accuse President Barrow of reading, much less of being a scholar of Shakespeare, but students of literature will appreciate the coincidence that he chose March 15 to finally fire his mentor, trusted “friend” and Vice President, Ousainou Darboe – the same man he once called his “Political Father” and the one who dubbed him the “Moses” that came to deliver Gambians from the clutches of tyranny. Social media went wild with many of Darboe’s UDP supporters calling Barrow a traitor and many UDP critics celebrating the president’s move. Some neutrals expressed concern at what impact such a fallout will have on the country. To the keen observer, this fallout could be seen from a million miles away. You cannot encourage me to cheat on my wife with you and then expect me to be faithful to you. After Barrow, with the encouragement and support of Darboe, broke away from the MOU and all his coalition allies including his campaign promise of a 3-year transition, we did not require a soothsayer to predict that Darboe himself would eventually be a casualty.

Personal and political party interests aside, I think the fallout is a net gain for Gambia. In my blog of February 27, I explained why Darboe continuing to serve as Vice President does not serve the best interest of the nation, so i won’t bore you with the same reasons. Proponents of democracy place great value in the existence of checks and balances. If a strong opposition is good for democracy, then this fallout is a huge push towards having a strong opposition. UDP supporters may be upset that they’ve lost a Vice President (and two ministers), but Gambia just gained more than UDP lost. The opposition has gained a strong voice – the leader of the majority party in parliament. Now out of government, Mr. Darboe is no longer restrained and is free to stand stronger and speak louder in holding the government accountable. His political experience and professional experience as a lawyer will be more useful to the nation as a critic, activist and political leader than as a mute yes man to President Barrow. He will no longer turn a blind eye to Barrow’s many transgressions, but will speak up and challenge him where necessary. If Barrow tries to bribe members of parliament with cars from “anonymous donors,” Darboe will be there to advise the majority UDP members to reject the “gifts” and call out the President. Now when Ya Kumba goes to court, she will have one of the veteran legal minds and prominent faces standing by her side. Now Mr. Darboe can spend more time organizing his political party in readiness to challenge Barrow and his big advantage of incumbency. A loss for UDP? Maybe. A loss for Barrow in the long run? Perhaps. A win for Gambia? Absolutely!

Ya Kumba vs President Barrow – The Supreme Court of The Gambia also made a ruling in the case of Ya Kumba Jaiteh, a nominated National Assembly member who is suing the President for revoking her nomination from the country’s legislative body. The court ruled that Ms. Jaiteh should abide by the President’s decision and that her newly nominated replacement can be sworn in to begin duties while the court makes a decision on whether the President has the power to revoke her nomination. To many, especially Ya Kumba’s supporters, the ruling is an indication that the court will side with the President. Many are angry and have started accusing the Supreme Court of aiding a Barrow Dictatorship. The topic has been one of great contention even among legal scholars. Many, including the President of the Gambia Bar Association, argue that the President does not have the right to revoke the nomination of a member of parliament once the individual has been sworn in. Many others argue that the same powers the president has to nominate a member give him the right to revoke the nomination. I’m no lawyer so I’ll trust the judiciary to do their job. My personal opinion though, is that since the elected members of parliament can be recalled by the constituents who sent them there in the first place, it only makes sense that the nominated members can be recalled by the constituent who sent them there – in this case, the President. Despite that opinion, I will respect whatever decision the Supreme Court makes. I hope other Gambians also learn to trust the process and respect the court. Storming the court to express one’s anger can be seen as an attempt to intimidate the judiciary and anti-democracy. We should also note that it’s not a dictatorship simply because you did not get your way. Is Barrow right? Maybe. Is Ya Kumba right? Perhaps. The court will decide. The good I hope will come out of this is that the biggest party, the UDP, will now join the rest Gambians to work on making constitutional changes so we no longer have any nominated members. The Parliament is supposed to hold check the powers of the President. It therefore makes no sense to allow a President to handpick 5 members, including the Speaker, to be in the body.
I hear some argue for the nominated members to represent certain minority groups who may otherwise not be represented in parliament. While i am all for inclusive representation, I don’t think the system as it currently is is the solution. For starters, at no point since Independence has the President ever filled those seats with minority groups. It’s always been privileged people or political carrots for the President’s political allies. Second and more importantly, if we want minority representation, then how about allow those minority groups to elect their own representatives? That’s a lot more empowering than giving the President powers to nominate. I hope this move by Barrow is a reminder and an inspiration for all of us to fight hard to stop allowing nominated members inside a body of elected representatives.

Gambia Press Union President vs Journalism – Finally, we saw the video of Sheriff Bojang Jr, the president of the Gambia Press Union, thrown F-bombs at a journalist who simply asked him for commentary on a case at the Supreme Court. Mr. Bojang screamed that the journalist was “reckless” for asking him to comment because he (Bojang) was not a lawyer…and then told the journalist to “f**king put the mic down.” Of all the day’s stories, this one was the most disappointing to me. Journalists around the world continue to face harassment and persecution, including death and imprisonment at the hands of authoritarian leaders. Gambian journalists in particular have been murdered, tortured and sent into exile over the past 2 decades. As the nation emerges from such times for journalism and freedom of the press, journalists need all the help they can get to build the confidence to do their jobs without fear. Nobody should understand this more than someone who assumes the position as leader of all the journalists, and the editor of his own paper, The Chronicle, in the country. It is therefore sad and shameful that Mr. Bojang, for whatever reason, acted in such a manner…and the calls for his resignation are highly justified!
To his credit though, Mr. Bojang was quick to issue an unreserved apology to the journalist he abused, all journalists and all Gambians. This apology supports the many who came out in his defense to attest to his character as a decent guy and argue that his resignation would be a loss to the Press Union. While i take their word for it and hope Mr. Bojang stays on, I must say that his actions are utterly disappointing and I hope he learns from the moment and uses the video to teach how not to treat a journalist. I hope he works extra hard to prove his supporters right through his work at both the Chronicle and at the Gambia Press Union.