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To Honour and Celebrate Dawda Kairaba Jawara is to Uphold and Live by his Principles in Practice!

“It is only when people are at peace with themselves that they can share it with their neighbours. One can certainly not give what one doesn’t have. One has to have peace to be able to give peace. One has to have a democratic spirit in order to live democracy”

 

This is what Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara believed. In reflecting on the Second Imperialist War aka WWII, the first president of the Gambia Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara said in his autobiography, Kairaba,

 

“I can never claim it was easy to sow democracy. People criticised me for having been too democratic, too soft and too ready to listen to the other side and to weigh their stories and their concerns. They castigated me, saying that a leader ought to be decisive. The chief has the last say. I insisted that power must be guided by law and society must be governed by conscience. Democracy is a culture that has to be learnt.”

 

He noted that this lesson will come handy in many of his political encounters in the course of his political life. Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara GCMG was the quintessential statesman, a true democrat and an unshakable believer in human rights. He said it and he practised it. Therefore, if the Gambia is to honour and celebrate Kairaba, it is not just to hold a state funeral and lower flags and run radio and television programs and display social media posts about him. That is not enough.

 

What should be done is to live, in practice the ideals and ideas that Kairaba believed and practiced. The life of this man has great lessons for not only our leaders in and outside of Government but also for each and every ordinary citizen of the Gambia. Jawara was a man of peace and freedom and he cherished these values until death. Do you believe in peace and freedom? Gambians need to ask themselves that question and honestly answer where we stand.

 

Jawara could have declared the Gambia a one-party state from the very beginning of the nation very simply because he had people around him who told him that he could and should. But the man resisted when he could have easily succumbed and turn the Gambia into a police state as was the case in many African countries in the 1970s and 80s until today. He rather chose to be tolerant and to allow dissenting opinion to prevail even if he felt offended. For example, he noted that in 1962,

 

“Even when I moved into the Prime Minister’s Residence at Number 1 Marina Parade, I could hear slander directed at us through the loudspeakers screaming through the night from three hundred metres away at Sam Jack Terrace or a little further away at Albion Place. Most of it was fallacious diatribe about my being of the lineage of leather smiths and too low in social rank to run government. It was also the irrational cause of arrogance among certain elements within the PPP who saw their chiefly lineage as their right to office and leadership in the party, no matter how crude their vision and unlearned methods.”

 

If it was some other leader Jawara could have clamped down on those people and dump them in prison. Very easily. But not only did Jawara strongly believed in democracy but in practice he also upheld the independence of the judiciary, respect for the rule of law and sanctity of life.

 

Another example; after the 1981 insurgency many Gambians were arrested and detained suspected of being conspirators with Kukoie Samba Sanyang and his band of insurgents. Among those arrested was the late NCP Leader Sheriff Mustapha Dibba who was the leading opposition figure against Jawara. While in Mile 2 the courts declared that Sheriff Dibba could still contest the 1982 presidential elections even in jail and this was how Jawara received that news.

 

“Indeed, we considered it of great credit to our government that Sheriff Dibba was able to contest the 1982 presidential election while he was still in detention. We were in effect grooming a civilised culture of governance and jurisprudence that allowed Dibba to walk out of prison a free man, after the public prosecutors failed to connect him beyond all reasonable doubt to aiding and abetting the coup leaders”

 

Most leaders would have rather concocted charges against Dibba and make the courts sentence him to life imprisonment or even death. In fact, Jawara himself acknowledged in his book that many people at home and abroad had thought that he would deviate from his traditional stance on human rights in dealing the alleged conspirations. But he did not. He allowed conscience and his believe in democracy to prevail.

 

In fact, following that 1981 insurgency Jawara noted that many of his party officials blamed the incident on too much political freedoms and argued that the incident was the opportune moment to introduce a one-party system of governance. But he said, fortunately most of them believed in democracy and vowed not have dictatorship in the Gambia. Jawara had a vision of democracy and was committed to ensure that democracy prevailed in the Gambia. He demonstrated this belief while campaigning for a Republican status in 1970,

 

“In my Kombo constituency I drove the message home to the people that a one-party state was the antithesis of democracy, and to establish such a thing would be courting the sort of troubles that existed in certain other states. I told them: ‘In this country, democracy is the watchword!”

 

In the draft 1970 constitution that he promoted he ensured that fundamental rights and freedoms were guaranteed, the judiciary is independent and there is clear separation of powers and adequate checks and balances such that the Executive is answerable to the Parliament and to the Courts and the decisions and actions of the Parliament could be challenged in the Courts.

 

Furthermore, it was because of his strong belief in human rights that Jawara accepted to host a meeting to review and approve the draft African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights in 1980. It was for this reason that this regional human rights instrument is nicknamed the Banjul Charter after it was adopted by the OAU (now AU) summit in Nairobi, Kenya in 1981 and then came into force on 21 October 1986. Without doubt Jawara again went ahead to offer the Gambia as the host of the Africa Commission on Human and Peoples Rights hence making the Gambia the human rights capital of Africa.

 

This is the vision of Jawara over the decades. What do we believe as Gambians of today?

 

In the first place our Government led by Adama Barrow does not believe in democracy and human rights unreservedly as they speak with two tongues when they speak about democracy and human rights. In one tongue they acknowledge fundamental rights and freedoms but, in another tongue, they do not only threaten citizens, but they also deny citizens their rights.

 

For example, not only does the police deny citizens the right to freedom of assembly but they also subject citizens to arbitrary arrest and impose on them trumped up charges before the courts. Not long ago not only were 15 Gambians unlawfully arrested and imposed with frivolous charges, but they were also subjected to harassment by making them report daily to a police station for weeks before dropping the charges. Why would a government that claims commitment to democracy unlawfully arrest citizens in the first place?

 

Today we also see the Government of Adama Barrow arrest and charge 36 people with the same multiple charges as if all of those people committed the same crimes. How can 36 people be charged for unlawful assembly when hundreds of others also took part in that same so-called unlawful assembly? Why not arrest the rest also? How could a person be charged with arson when he was not present at the scene of the arson?

 

If this Government, through its President and Minster of Information and Spokesman truly believes in Jawara and they are honest in their utterances to that effect then how come this same Government is threatening and ridiculing Gambians when they criticize them. Not long ago this Government issued a directive to its embassies around the world complaining about diaspora Gambians’ influence at home. Are diaspora Gambians not citizens who have the same right to express their opinions about issues at home? Why should any Government be concerned about that if that Government truly believes in democracy?

 

Above all why has this Government refused to repeal and reform all draconian laws such as the Public Order Act and multiple anti-democratic provisions in the Newspaper Act, Criminal Code, the Information and Communications Act, the Official Secrets Act as well as the NIA and Police acts? Until today this Government has failed to create new laws to further expand human rights such as a freedom of information law, whistleblowing law as well as anti-corruption law. How democratic is a government that fails to do these?

 

What about the political parties and their leaders? Do they truly believe in democracy when they refuse to build and enhance internal party democracy? It is not enough to hold congresses, rallies and create youth and women wings and hold press conferences incessantly when in fact their leadership remains unchanged while internal processes are controlled and limited thus stifling popular participation within the party. If our parties and their leaders wish to honour and celebrate Jawara then they must begin modernising and democratising their party instruments to introduce democratic processes and practices that will enhance internal governance.

 

What about you and me, the citizen? Do we truly believe in the vision and ideals of Jawara? If we do why insult fellow citizens just because you hold divergent and dissenting views? Why aid and abet poor leadership, bad governance and political patronage just because it is for or against the Government or your party or its leader? Why do we fail to hold our political parties and leaders accountable as we hold the Government accountable?

 

Jawara believed in democracy and human rights. When he speaks, he speaks with humility and dignity. He does not insult, nor does he threaten. He does not hold that he was infallible and the only person to have the final say. He considers the ideas and concerns of others and seeks to accommodate them. Do you practice these democratic norms and standards?

 

I beg, do not use the demise of Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara to legitimise yourself when you do not believe in the vision and ideals of the Kairaba! Let’s be honest to ourselves!

 

For the Gambia Our Homeland

 

In multiple Addresses at Youth Events, Sabally Buttresses the need to Maintain Peace

Former S.G and International Speaker Momodou Sabally has reiterated his message to Gambian youths to ensure that peace and stability prevail in the country at all times regardless of the circumstances and challenges at hand.

Sabally made these remarks at several events on Saturday August, 24 2019. The first event was a tree planting exercise organised by the youths of Gunjur, themed Greenup Gunjur. Speaking to the audience of youths he commended the young people of Gunjur for their sense of patriotism and foresight. He implored them to remain determined and focused on their noble objectives of ensuring a healthy environment for both the current and future generations.

Sabally later spoke about the need to ensure the prevalence of peace and tranquility in the country so that  young people could have the conducive environment to hone their talents and contribute effectively towards nation building, as he officially launched a book titled “The Oath (Fulfilled) authored by Aisha Jawara.

Later the same day, Sabally spoke as a panelist at a youth event organized by Eye Africa tv and other stakeholders on the way forward for the promotion of wrestling in The Gambia. He weighed in with a statement urging the Gambian Government to recognize the fact that there is more to sports than football and that resources dedicated to sports development should be directed to other sports as well.

He then seized the opportunity to remind he youths that development of their talents in sports or any other endeavoring can only be done in an atmosphere of peace and security. He therefore urged them to maintain peace and to respect the nation’s law enforcement officers as they do their jobs to protect the lives and properties of Gambians. 

Sabally reechoed similar sentiments on peaceful coexistence and national security as he addressed thousands of youths at the APRC Youth Rally held in Latrikunda German. “This country is ours and the maintenance of peace and stability is our collective duty. Let us maintain peace and treat our men and women in uniform with respect. They are our brothers and sisters who decided to join the security services for our safety so let us give them our moral support and teat them with respect” he concluded.

The Death of KAIRABA, The End of an ERA!

KAIRABA, Barajally Tenda’s most celebrated son, is no more! Man, it is practically impossible to conceptualize, or better still, to put anyone’s entire existence into a prose or a handful of stanzas, especially someone of Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara’s stature. Nevertheless, I will give it my best shot and try to synthesize a few eulogical words in this space.

 

Fittingly, my earliest memory of Kairaba came at an independence day celebration at the Bakau Stadium, his last independence celebration, I think, as President. I attended the event with my uncle, aunt, and cousins. We were seated right behind the president. It was a memorable and unforgettable day in the life of a first grader.

 

The West Baltimore born essayist — Ta-Nehisi Coates — eloquently noted in one of his essays  that when people write eulogies of their revered loved ones or public figures – they tend to strip them of their humanity; in that, they gloss over, erase their flaws, and sanitize their entire being – thereby –  elevating them to the perch of hagiography. As a result, wedding oneself to the ahistorical, mythical of humanity itself. But Coates is also acutely aware that people and nations, since time immemorial, require and thrive on myths and mythical beings.

 

Essentially, for a good many Gambians, President Jawara’s death would cast a shadow of loss that would and could not be justly captured in the traditional domains of Anglo-Saxon nomenclature, but one which would be best narrated by the Hosanna and paean melodies of the Jalis/Guewels (Griots) – culled from the eponymous song — D.K. Sabari.

 

Understandably, sentimentality is inherently human, and as such, a good many Gambians, on this somber and melancholic of days, would heap praises on the politician from Barajally Tenda who led an improbable country into a probable journey, and rightly so. I think Kairaba’s contribution to the formation of the Gambian state is worth memorializing, for which I, and many Gambians would be forever indebted to.

 

Furthermore, Jawara epitomized and embodied everything Gambian. His temperament and statesmanship shall be a barometer for scions of Gambians to come.

 

Albeit, Kairaba had his own shortcomings, mistakes, to wit,  staying too long in power, not developing the critical infrastructure of the country, among other things. In addition, there are many questions to ponder vis-a-vis the Jawara presidency and life – but some of these what ifs are forever going to be obscured by time and imagination and would require rigorous academic exercise.

 

Notwithstanding, the Kairaba years are a direct contrast to that of his heirlooms and barring a change of fortune, we shall one day look back at the Kairaba era nostalgically, and herald it as the Golden Age of the Gambian republic. I mean, let’s face it, his successors make him look like some kind of a Jeremiah.

 

In the end, we all know that the judgment of history depends on who writes it; thenceforth, Kairaba’s legacy shall be scripted by many different scribes. However, as the edifice of the Gambian state returns to his creator, we should all strive to maintain and live by the colloquial Mandinka adage – which fittingly syncs with his name — Kairaba (Abundant Tranquility).

 

In token, thereof, from the banks of the Allahein Bolongo in Kombo Kartong to the bluffs of the Sofaniama to Kairaba’s ancestral homeland in Barajally Tenda in the Gambian heartland — let the noise of a mourning nation sing the For The Gambia, Our Homeland, and with a nation’s lamentations — let us usher our dear Kairaba home to join the pantheon of “Great God of Nations.”

 

Unfortunately, time, man’s nemesis, takes its toll on us all — for we are only here to prolong the inevitable — death.

Godspeed, Kairaba!

By Sulayman Njie, PhD

08.27.2019

 

Former President and Independence hero Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara dies at 95

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By Lamin Njie

Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, the man who led the vast and complex job of making The Gambia an independent country in 1965 and went on to become the first president of The Gambia, has died. He was aged 95.

Jawara died less than an hour ago at his residence in Fajara, a family source has told The Fatu Network.

This story is developing…    

Court in Bangladesh asks country to remove ‘virgin’ from Muslim marriage certificates

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The word “virgin” must be removed from Muslim marriage certificates in Bangladesh, the country’s top court has said, a landmark verdict after campaigners challenged the “humiliating and discriminatory” term.

Under the South Asian country’s Muslim marriage laws, a bride has to select one of three options on the certificate – whether she is a Kumari (virgin), a widow or divorced.

In a brief verdict on Sunday, the nation’s High Court ordered the government to remove the term and replace it with “unmarried”, Deputy Attorney General Amit Talukder told AFP news agency.

The court is expected to publish its full verdict by October, with the changes to the certificate likely to come into effect then.

Rights groups had long criticised the term – used in marriage certificates since they were introduced in 1961 – saying it breaches the privacy of the woman getting married.

‘Against right to privacy’

“It is a landmark verdict,” Aynun Nahar Siddiqua, a lawyer for the groups which in 2014 filed the case challenging the term, told AFP on Monday.

Siddiqua said the case dated back to the 2014 filing of a writ petition to change in the form provided under the 1974 Bangladesh Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act.

“It’s a ruling that gives us the belief that we can fight and create more changes for women in the future,” Siddiqua, of Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), told Reuters news agency.

“We filed a writ petition because asking whether someone’s a virgin or not is against the person’s right to privacy.”

The judgment also ordered authorities to introduce the options “unmarried, widower or divorced” for the groom on the certificate.

No one from the government was available to comment about the change or when it was to take effect.

Mohammad Ali Akbar Sarker, a Muslim marriage registrar from Dhaka, told Reuters that registrars like him were waiting for the Ministry of Law and Justice to officially inform them about the changes in the form.

“I have conducted many marriages in Dhaka and I have often been asked why men have the liberty to not disclose their status but women don’t. I always told them this wasn’t in my hands. I guess I won’t be asked that question any more,” said Sarker.

Bangladesh is the world’s third-largest Muslim majority nation and nearly 90 percent of its 168 million population are Muslims. (Al Jazeera)

Breaking news: Two foreign ministry officials arrested over diplomatic passport fraud

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By Lamin Njie

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs Sunday confirmed that two of its officials have been arrested on suspicion of fraudulently helping individuals to hold Gambian diplomatic passport.

“Three officials were allegedly involved. The third suspect left the country about a forthnight ago,” Saikou Ceesay the communication officer at the foreign affairs ministry told The Fatu Network on Sunday adding the men were arrested on Friday. He declined to give their names.

A source told The Fatu Network all three officials started working at the ministry when Ousainou Darboe became foreign minister in 2017. The three officials are said to be protocols officers at the ministry.

 

Zoo Keeper

Written by Momodou Ndow
We didn’t have any pets at ‪64 Dubson street‬, when I lived in Banjul. In fact, not very many compounds there had pets because of the city setting I guess. Banjul dafa hatt and the compounds were generally “family compounds”, with everyone and their Mama living there – aunts, uncles, yumpanges, you name it. However, a good number of Kerr Aku yee had dogs purr sacha kat yee, so you better not jump over their fences trying to steal something! You will receive a good bite from Rocky, he’s brown and big.
What we had at ‪64 Dubson street were  stray cats, lots of them at times too! They would just show up out of nowhere, and if they found the women sleeping on the wheel while cleaning fish (wass jenn), they would snatch the fish and walk away – di yayngal genn nak dem sen yon! Every time you heard one of the women scream out “woye suma ndey, mussi domi haram bi yobu na suma jenn bi”, you knew exactly what happened! Depending on that family’s situation, they may not torga ange and will have to rely on neighbors that day, for when they call out “kai len nyu ange!”  ‬
That reality virtually changed when I moved to Bakau. The compounds were bigger, the place was much breezier, and we had pets/animals –  a few too. We had Jamba Jobe, Goloh, Kanara, Ganarr, Jaysit, Mbonatt, and some stray cats fofu tam. It was like a Zoo there! Somehow, I guess by default, I ended up being the Zoo Keeper. I used to clean the ponds that were constructed for the Kanaras and the Jaysit/Mbonatt, and refresh the water every so often. I don’t remember what the maintenance schedule was sah, it’s been so long. All I remember is that Papa (my uncle/torma..may his soul continue to rest in peace) would say “Modou Ndow clean ndohi Jaysit bi jotna deh.” I was also called upon when the Jamba Jobe and Goloh escaped and started terrorizing the neighborhood.
The Jamba Jobe would usually leave and hit the streets when the bunti kerr was open and start running after people, or people would start running for the hills when they see it approaching, di yuhu nak – woyaiyoye, woye suma ndey! For the most part, it generally stayed on our street and doesn’t go far. Occasionally, though, the Jamba Jobe would leave our street and venture into yoni marrseh. Now that’s a fun sight to see, especially if it happens to be sometime in the morning when women are on their way to marrseh or coming back from marrseh. They would all start jetting at the sight of the Jamba Jobe forcing it to react and chase them. With their panyeh marrseh in hand, they would be screaming and looking to run into the nearest compound and some would spill the contents of their panyeh marrseh in the process – my hahatie rek nak! Once I was able to compose myself, I would then guide the Jamba Jobe back  home. Also, since the Jamba Jobe was such an exotic bird, some Bakau bomsters used to bring their Toubab tourist friends to our compound and show them the Jamba Jobe purr nyu natal kor.
Goloh (aka Bubu), became my buddy and I used to prepared his chop for him, it was usually ndeysitti ange or ma hossal kor keme. We had banana trees in the compound, but that was for us, not for Bubu. Doff rek! Bubu and I bonded well, and every time he escaped and started di display in the neighborhood, they would send someone to go find me, where ever I was. I could be at Jaiteh Kunda (JK) hanging or at the park wala Bakau School playing World Cup, and all of a sudden would hear “Mod Ndow, Bubu raychana deh!”. That’s when I would drop everything and run home to save the day.
The scene was always chaotic upon arrival with people running, screaming and pointing me to where Bubu was or last seen. “Bubu mungsi kerr Njago yee”, “Bubu mungsi kaw guyi sorance bi” wala “Bubu mungee nangam kunda.” Once I was able to ascertain exactly where Bubu was, that’s when the negotiations will commence. One thing was certain, regardless of how naughty Bubu was acting, he would immediately chill when I show up. I would then start coaxing him to come to me, and depending on how agitated he was, it can take a while sometimes. But as soon as he gets close to me, I would grab his tail and spin him around until he became fully dizzy, then gently carry him over to his post and chain him up again. Then Bubu would just sit there as if nothing ever happened, feyka tass na dayka beh tork!
After several years with Bubu, he fell ill from a wound he suffered on the left side of his waist. I became his doctor and would treat his wound by cleaning it every few days and applied some medication. He was a good patient too. But because the wound was in a critical place at his waist and were it was constantly being irritated by the chain on his waist, the wound was never able to heal. Bubu eventually succumbed and took his last breath in my arms. If I remember correctly, this must have been around when I was in form one or form two, and it was emotional. Bubu was my Bubu!
The Jamba Jobe I believe lived for about 40 years or so, and died not too long ago. Kanara ak ganarr yee nyome chop neng len bu yaga! As for the Jaysit ak Mbonatt, I don’t know what happened to them, but I am counting on sunge wa kerr to tell me.
When Gambia was nice! Now what pets/animals did you have at home growing up?

‘Disappointing appointments:’ Basidia M Drammeh’s take on Barrow’s Thursday hiring and firing

President Adama Barrow’s decision and timing to effect a minor Cabinet reshuffle, which saw the appointment of Sheikh Omar Faye as Defense minister and the firing and replacement of his Interior Minister Ebrima Mballow, seem to reflect his desire to recalibrate the direction of his Cabinet, particularly with regard to security, as the country finds itself in the depths of an unprecedented crisis.

The Gambia needs to reassure its development partners that it is serious about security reform program amid growing frustration with the Government’s slow pace approach in implementing the program. The EU envoy to the Gambia has recently bemoaned the sluggish manner with which the security reform program is being carried out. Besides, Barrow is facing the biggest challenge to his authority with the 3Yeas Jotna Movement gearing up for a showdown in December with the aim of forcing Barrow out of the State House. To take on the Group that insists that the Gambian leader must fulfill his promise to step down after three years in power, Mr. Barrow is probably keen to put in place a strong security team to deal with the simmering tension over his tenure in office. Yielding to the public outcry over the outgoing Interior minister’s underperformance, Barrow has finally let go Mr. Mballow who has apparently become a liability to his Administration. Since his appointment early 2018, the Mballow has abysmally failed to stamp his authority amid a growing sense of insecurity in the country with crime rate astonishingly on the rise. He has failed to show leadership in dealing with major security crises such as the Faraba incident and the recent massive demonstrations. The public has equally decried police brutality and paranoia in handling demonstrations under Mballow’s stewardship. However, the straw that broke the camel’s back is the outgoing minister’s statement at a rally in Brikama that hot water will be poured on the demonstrators in December. The remarks have drawn the wrath of the public who demanded his apology while some have gone as far as calling on him to resign. In a recent interview, Mballow sounded to be downplaying his outrageous statement as merely political, but it was already too late.

In the meantime, the president’s choice for Mballow’s replacement triggered a widespread controversy on social media. Yankuba Sonko, Barrow’s fourth Interior Minister, was former President Jammeh’s longstanding Inspector General of Police under whose nose numerous unlawful arrests and detentions took place, prompting people to wonder whether the Gambia is bereft of competent individuals who can man the position. In the same vein, the appointment of Sheikh Omar Faye as defence minister is yet another example of recycling former Jammeh loyalists. The Defense portfolio has always been held by the President since 1997 so the decision to recall former army General and Consul General in Jeddah to appoint him to the post might signal a policy shift on the part of the President.

The replacement of the outgoing Secretary-General Ebrima Camara has long been expected in light of his ill health. Muhammed Jallow, who succeeded him, does not seem to be lasting in the job, considering his previous track record at the Ministry of Education where he previously served. An important post like Secretary-General and Head of Service should have been handed to a well-experienced technocrat with an unassailable track record. Jallow is the fourth to occupy the position since Barrow came to power.

One more last thing: The Gambia has a handful of diplomatic missions, yet anytime a minister is relieved, they get redeployed to foreign service! It simply does not make sense to me.

The writer, Basidia M Drammeh, is based in Canada.

On the P.R. Woes at State House: All the President’s Men

Facebook has a weird way of waking up sleeping dogs; and I found one moment this morning. After a few days of critiquing the Public Relations team at the Office of the President for the current waning of favourabilty confronting the Presidency, I decided to hit the pause botton last night.

But low and behold, Facebook popped up a memory on my timeline reminding me about a post I did on this very same subject last year in these very exact words: 

The President and his PR Team! They need the help of God Himself…

Am neither surprised not impressed by the lackluster performance of the Presidential Press and PR Team…

#GodBlessTheGambia

Excuse me for the error in the “nor” for those of you with discerning grammatical eyes. So I actually warned these people one year ago but they went ahead with business as usual and the results are not pretty, to say the least. This is definitely unconscionable. 

It was a friend who alerted me on Tobaski day telling me that my Eid pictures on my Facebook fan page attracted more likes than that of the President. I denied it but when he showed me the statistics and compared it to the soaring likes of UDP leader Lawyer Ousainou Darboe, I thought: something is wrong somewhere and my investigative lenses landed the spotlight at no other place but the directorate of Press and Public Relations at the office of the President. No matter how much you disagree with President Barrow, you must admit that he has is a like-able personality. 

So what has gone wrong with the President’s PR?

There came, with my critique of the Presidents men (and women) in charge of his image making, a lot of name calling but below is the post I made about the matter on my Facebook fan page; for I am not interested in any personal attacks:

And also we have to admit that the Presidents popularity is waning especially on social media…Barrow’s PR team should up their game pronto to help shore up some positive energy towards their principal…

But wait, does he even have a #Team @ his PR and communications department? 

A house divided shall not stand.

#Gambia #GodBlessThePresident

Instead of making subtle and effective moves to ameliorate this PR malaise, one member of the PR team at state house decided to make a vindictive social media post against those who criticised his office. What the post showed was that the directorate of PR at the Presidency is more focused on their own ego and haggling over privileges than projecting the good image of the President.

The above premise is further substantiated by the recent leaking of information about infighting at the directorate of PR to the media. So instead of working together to tell the good positive stories that abound at the Presidency, some of these people are so focused on their narrow personal interests that they can risk further muddying of the image of the Presidency in pursuit of settling scores among themselves.

If the this critique was just my personal views, not share by others, perhaps the President should not be alarmed. But many communication experts have weighed in on this matter asserting the same opinion of lackluster performance by the President’s men.

Even the most strident critics of this administration have praised it for several positive results ranging from macroeconomic stabilisation post-impasse, to diplomatic gains made since the change of government, leading to growing favourable views by our bilateral and multilateral development partners; but the question is: where is this story told/sold?

Even international observers like the Commonwealth have faulted the PR and Communications team of this government. Something needs to be done about this, sooner rather than later. The fact is that the consequences of a PR failure at the Office of the President will not be suffered by President Barrow alone, we all have a stake in this as a nation.

Public Relations is Human Relations 

It is a sad fact that the current negative news trends against the Presidency is partly the result of the sour relationship between some members of his PR team and the media fraternity. I have always said that Gambian journalists are quite affable and easy to deal with if you know how to approach them. And that mode is not rocket science – give them the respect they deserve and know that you do not own them. 

They will cooperate within all reasonable limits. This was my experience when I was Secretary General and Head of the civil service; a job that I did knowing pretty well that PR was a key part of my function at that most critical office. The media cooperated with me (including some international media outfits) and I had no complaints about them. They had their jobs to do and I was not interested in controlling them but when we had good stories I made sure those stories were told and sold well and wide.

But most of the men surrounding our President do not care about how the public views their boss; nor would they lift a finger to aid his popularity. Most of them are so self-conscious and self-serving that they have lost sight of the looming storms that (if unabated) will not effect the President alone. The Mandinka proverb comes to bear here “bungo la janoe wo buka for daba koe” (the burning of the house can never spare the bed bugs).

We hope that some critical steps would be made soonest to correct the current situation in the interest of the President and the nation.

God bless The Gambia.

Momodou Sabally

Former S.G, Head of the Civil Service 

LAMIN NJIE: African leaders are champions in pressing the self-destruct button but it will be foolish of Barrow to sign up to any self-destruction project

December is three months away and already the polity is heating up. I honestly do not know how it will all pan out.

I still stand by what I said in February. That is President Barrow should by rights step aside in December. He has proven to be not good enough for what is, quite frankly, one of the toughest jobs in the land. The only problem is that he won’t leave.

The issue of three years has come under greater focus these days. But what was I expecting especially when the stipulated time is drawing ever closer? And agonisingly?

Let’s face one thing at this juncture; Barrow is in his third year in office but this year has proven to be the most difficult year. It was early this year when he spectacularly donned the gloves to settle his differences with a party that has done so much for him. And if you’re looking for evidence in this settling-of-differences showdown, please do not go past the brutal preening of Ousainou Darboe, his once-upon-a-time political father.

My contention a few months back was that President Barrow’s critics base was only going to grow after his firing of Darboe. This has come to pass. President Barrow now has a tremendous amount of opponents. And sorry, it will continue to grow. Deep into the unknown future that is.

But what the three years jotna issue has done is that it has made some people jittery. It would appear President Barrow is part of those people. The other day, there was a letter that was leaked online. In the letter, the presidency was asking the foreign ministry to write to all Gambian embassies around the world to request them to meet with Gambians in the diaspora to discuss ways of them staying away from anything that would lead to civil unrest in the country. Who says the three years jotna people are not filling minds with panic?

I have never taken the three years jotna movement seriously until I asked a friend about them. He knows about their activities and he believes they will take to the streets come December. If this has some level of veracity, the president will be then right to be worried.

President Barrow claims Gambians voted for him for five years. But even if we give this to him, a small investigation will tell him Gambians will celebrate if he didn’t complete five years. The three years coalition agreement presented a chance but he has blown it.

But it is in my place to advise President Barrow against signing up to anything folly, anything that could ruin him in the end. Uprisings are often started by just one person and we have seen how African presidents humiliated themselves once they decide to stand up to them.

I was listening to Bakawsu the other time and it never for once occurred to me that the man is dumb. The guy knows what he was talking about and his letter as he himself would put it, should sure be forwarded to the president.

Lamin Njie, the writer, is the editor in chief of The Fatu Network. The views expressed are solely his person views and do not necessarily represent the editorial policy of The Fatu Network

GPA and The Gambia Police Force Should be Investigated

By Madi Jobarteh

Fatu Network. Kerr Fatou. Harona. EyeAfrica TV. The Trumpet. The Chronicle. Foroyaa. The Point. Standard. The Voice. GRTS. Gambia Daily. West Coast Radio. Star FM. DHK. Paradise FM. Hot FM. QTV. Gainako. All Radio and TV stations and newspapers and all Journalists! Hear me out!

Section 207 of the Constitution says you should hold The Gambia Government accountable on behalf of the people. Therefore fulfill your constitutional duty to let citizens know why is our public money being used to build a police station in the President’s village by a public enterprise that has no such mandate at all.

As a citizen I hereby demand that you all visit Mankamang Kunda immediately to find out how much public money has been spent on that village from January 2017 to date, legally or illegally.

GPA Managing Director Ousman Jobarteh’s press release raises so many questions even before one talks about its misleading content. Is Mr. Jobarteh trying to tell us that if the Chief Justice or the Governor of CRR or the Minister of Education etc also sent a request to build a courthouse or community market or classroom blocks respectively then GPA would fund that as well? And they would call such funding ‘corporate social responsibility?’

The MD said his institution is funding the building of 3 police stations but only a request for funds was shown for only Mankamang Kunda. So where are the funds request for the other 2 police stations? How much does this total project cost?

The MD either fails to realize or decides to ignore that GPA has no such mandate regardless of what they perceive to be ‘corporate social responsibility’. GPA is not a private company nor a government onto itself such that it can decide to spend public funds anyhow!

The Media needs to find out who decides the revenue raised by GPA and for all public enterprises for that matter. Is it that public enterprises could just decide how to use their revenue without the involvement of their line ministry and the National Assembly? What threshold of spending could the MD and the Board incur or not? We need to know this!

Also, why is the GPA spending millions of dalasi to build a police station in a tiny village that is not known for crime? There is no doubt that this a politically motivated project simply because it is the village of the President.

What makes this project even more perplexing is that ferry services are in dire infrastructural decay that one would expect that to be the topmost priority for GPA and not to build police stations. Why are they therefore building police stations? The media needs to interrogate the entire process of how this contract was awarded to ensure that it was transparent and clean.

Finally is the Office of the President aware of this project and what is their position? Last year we saw GPA pay only 5 million dalasi dividend to Government which they attribute to the new democratic dispensation hence the increased business environment.

The last time GPA paid a dividend to The Gambia Government was in 2014 amounting to 1.5 million dalasi. In 2013 there was zero dividend! We know that the leadership of GPA is notorious for funding events and projects associated with the President since the days of Dictator Yaya Jammeh. Hence it is no surprise that the leadership of the Authority has yet again got involved in a project that involves the President!

Therefore why is GPA spending millions on a police station when it is expected to pay a dividend to Government which that same Government would be using to fund The Gambia Police Force. Therefore one may ask, what is the Office of the President saying about this matter? Did they reach an agreement that this funding of police stations will be subtracted from the 2019 dividend or not? Our media should therefore pursue this matter.

If media fails to follow the GPA and The Gambia Police Force to determine the appropriateness of this project then the media are woefully failing in their duties.

One other reason why the media should follow on this is because of the failure of our political parties and the National Assembly to effectively hold the Government and its institutions to account. This matter should have seen our political parties jumping through the roof!!! Unfortunately and sadly they remain quiet!!

Similarly the National Assembly should have immediately summoned the MD GPA and the IGP and their line ministers to a public hearing. After that fact finding exercise the National Assembly should next impose sanctions on anyone who is found wanting. This is how abuse of office and plunder of public resources would stop. But certainly the National Assembly will also not do that. Sad and unfortunate.

Therefore fellow citizens, let us put pressure on our media to do their lawful job to actively and fully investigate and scrutinize the Gambian State! Let us support them in this endeavor knowing full well this is in our best interest. But also begin to engage your National Assembly Member to take action.

We cannot and must not allow another Kanilai scenario to be created in this Gambia ever again! The leadership of GPA must be told that they must stop propping up tyranny in our country. They have done enough of that in the past and we do not expect them to continue on this shameful path anymore. Why can’t the GPA leadership demonstrate professionalism and uphold patriotism and protect national interest?

No to another Kanilai. Mankamang Kunda is NOT SPECIAL!

#NeverAgain

For The Gambia Our Homeland

Why We Should Focus on Our Political Parties

How come The Gambia Ports Authority would have the audacity to spend one butut of our money to build a police station? GPA has no mandate to provide public goods and services directly. They are supposed to focus on their business according to its act and then pay dividend to the Government.

If that Government wants to use that dividend it must first report it to the National Assembly as part of its budget estimates so that the National Assembly could now approve an appropriation bill to allow the Government to use that money to provide public goods and services to citizens!

How therefore could a state enterprise like GPA have the temerity to directly build a police station? The fault is not with the Government and GPA but with our political parties and their representatives in the National Assembly!

Why? How? Let me explain!

The simple answer is that just as a political party runs the Government so also a political party is the major accountability tool to monitor and discipline that ruling party as Government. How?

Ultimately political parties run a democratic country because political parties produce the president, NAMs, mayors, councillors and chairpersons. These are the people who run our institutions of governance and development. Therefore, it is political parties who run our country.

If we ignore our political parties as we always do, then we are undermining national development. Since Independence the Gambia has been failing simply because our political parties have been failing to take up their rightful place in the governing and development of the country. They are only good at speaking about what their intentions are and what is not going right but they do not go further to take action to do what they should do to right things.

Our parties don’t speak to each other and the ordinary citizen does not consider political parties when we discuss the fundamental issues of the county. We only focus on and blame the President and his Government. Period. It appears we just hold that the parties don’t either exist or they are not important or necessary when in fact the alpha and omega of our governance and development rests with none other than with our political parties.

We are so partisan that we all fail to see the limitations of our parties much less hold them accountable. We are good at only praising our political leaders even when they make no sense at all! We see only the good things they do and not what they are not doing right!

So long as we remove political parties from the discussion about the state of affairs in the country then we are not going to get any progress. The Gambia has been a poor country and on top of that became a dictatorship thanks to our political parties who also helped by default to maintain that dictatorship for a generation!

For example, what prevented our parties from forming a coalition in 1996 or 2001 or 2006 or 2011? We can put the blame on one party or the other depending on which party we belong to since no one will be bold enough to scrutinize your party. But the fact remains our parties just failed to unite such that it created a fertile ground for tyranny to grow!

Just as our parties – as ruling and opposition parties – allowed the Jawara Government and then the Jammeh Regime to continue to rule or misrule for so long it is the same way today that our parties are also allowing the Barrow Government to continue to rule or misrule. This is because our parties pose no political threats or risks to the ruling Government.

Our parties don’t use their NAMs to put forward bills to change laws. Our parties don’t ask their NAMs to use their powers in the Constitution to impeach the President or pass a motion of no confidence in the Government. They do not ask their NAMs to pass a motion of censure against ministers for underperforming or misconduct or violations of the Constitution. These are all powers in the Constitution that NAMs have to discipline the Executive. But they don’t use them. Why?

Instead what we see is political parties and their NAMs waiting patiently for the Executive to bring bills, so they just pass them conveniently. Which means if the Executive did not bring any bill such law will not be created or amended or repealed. Even when the NAMs request information from Executive institutions in many cases these institutions fail to comply on time or in full or both without any consequences.

For example, we have seen how the Barrow Government have flatly refused to bring any bills to amend our Constitution or other laws in order to bring about system change! Barrow made only one constitutional change to suit his own political objective for which the NAMs supported him by passing it.

But then what prevented these political parties and their NAMs to bring those bills forward? We saw only one private member’s bill brought by NRP NAM to amend the provision that guarantees the tenure of NAMs if they are sacked by their parties and the NAMs quickly passed that for their selfish interest!

But then what about other provisions of the Constitution that the Coalition manifesto in fact listed as laws that must change. Just as Barrow failed to put forward bill to amend those provisions all of our political parties and their NAMs also failed to do so. But anytime Barrow brings any ridiculous bill intended to take more money or to impose more loans on us what we see is our National Assembly approves it!

There have been numerous unconstitutional and unlawful hence undemocratic decisions by the Barrow Government, yet it faced no consequences because our parties allowed it. Look at this GPA misconduct! One would imagine our parties to summon the Minister of Finance and the MD of GPA to a public hearing to smash them for such misconduct and get them sacked.

What about the 57 vehicles given to NAMs. While UDP and other NAMs shamelessly accepted it the PDOIS NAMs did well to refuse the vehicle. But both positions are not good enough. Clearly, we don’t expect anything better from UDP and other parties who already accepted the illegitimate and illegal gift.

But PDOIS also should have gone further to call on Gambians to protest and then as a party to go to court to seek an injunction to order to President to reveal the source or even seek an impeachment of the President for such act of corruption. This is what is called imposing political risks on the government hence tame them.

Apart from these unlawful acts we also saw many other Executive misconduct such as the unconstitutional sacking of nominated member Ya Kumba Jaiteh or the incidence of anonymous donors or the uncontrolled plundering of public resources through foreign travels and ceremonies and blatant violations of citizens right to protest among others. In all of these our political parties only stay mute or issue a delayed statement while their NAMs do nothing at all.

This means our political parties are aiding and abetting yet another bad government as they have always done since Independence. In every democracy in this world especially in Senegal or Ghana you will find their parties fighting with the government every day. The governments in those countries know that they face risks from their opposition parties if they misconduct.

The political parties in Senegal or Ghana do bring their supporters to protest on the streets. They take the government to court and they join civil society groups to support various causes such environment or disability or transparency. Do our parties do these things here? No way!

Even when civil society groups invite them to events or meetings hardly party leaders turn up unless if they are to sit on the high table to make statements. Otherwise these leaders do not solidarize with ordinary citizens to fight their causes! They just want to be honoured and applauded just like that. Why?

Don’t be obsessed with your party or your leaders until you undermine your country’s progress. Parties are tools of governance and development and not pictures to hang in your sitting room to adore! Political parties are the primary accountability mechanisms in a multiparty democratic society. This is what we see political parties do in every democracy except in The Gambia!

This is why I don’t belong to any political party! I have listened to and heard all these political parties and leaders over the years, and I have no doubts that they have good intentions for The Gambia. But they are not showing leadership and strategy to bring those good intentions into practice in order to salvage Mother Gambia! I hope they review their leadership system and strategies to bring about a final solution to our national malaise!

It is not enough to hold congresses or hold rallies or restructure your party and spread good talk and get new members or open new bureaus. This is what is expected of a political party anyway. Political Parties are expected to build themselves, of course.

But that is not what defines a political party as an instrument of national governance and development! What defines a political party is when you impact directly, effectively and visibly on the existing government and the entire governance and development process!

Political parties are watchdogs that scare a government from drifting into misconduct. In the Gambia our political parties do not pose any such threat to our Government unfortunately which is why our Government can decide to misbehave as it likes without any fear or shame! Therefore, our political parties have become liabilities instead of national assets!

For The Gambia ?? Our Homeland

 

……………………………………………..

Madi Jobarteh

Skype: madi.jobarteh

Twitter: @jobartehmadi

LinkedIn: Madi Jobarteh

Phone: +220 9995093

 

Man, 41, ‘chokes to death’ in the middle of eating contest

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A man in California died shortly after competing in a taco-eating contest at a minor league baseball game, authorities said Wednesday.

Dana Hutchings, 41, of Fresno, collapsed during a between-inning promotion of the Fresno Grizzlies game against the Memphis Redbirds at Chukchansi Park on Tuesday.

He hit his face on the table and fell to the ground about seven minutes into the contest and emergency responders tried to resuscitate him with the Heimlich maneuver and CPR.

Witness Matthew Boylan told the Fresno Bee around 40 fans watched: ‘He was eating so fast compared to the other two [contestants]. It was like he’d never eaten before. He was just shoving the tacos down his mouth without chewing.’

The cause of death is not official but it was reported emergency workers cleared food from his throat indicating that he choked.  (DailyMail)

Has our National Assembly failed to meet basic expectations?

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By Zakaria Kemo Konteh

‘Rubber Stamp’ National Assembly was among the most common phrases used by activists to describe Members of the National Assembly during Yahya Jammeh’s presidency. So, in effecting the peaceful change of government from dictatorship to democracy, we had hoped to usher in a different kind of People’s Assembly that is responsible, responsive and committed to the ideals of robust oversight functions and undoing all the non-entrenched Constitutional provisions inimical to a vibrantly functional democracy.

But it is becoming clear that the Executive arm of government led by President Barrow is not the only branch caught up or appearing unprepared for the post dictatorship challenges. Our National Assembly has so far demonstrated frustrating pattern of below-the-par performance in crucial areas of oversight and legislations.

Arguably, the only recorded time our National Assembly Members successfully introduced a Private bill was when in October of 2017, Minority Leader, Samba Jallow, tabled a motion for the amendment of section 91(d) of the Constitution that allows individual NAMs to still keep their elected seats after they cease to be members of the political of which they were a member at the time of their elections. The haste with which that was done was, among others, to protect their seats and to guarantee them a full five year uninterrupted tenure. None of them, to this day, made any similar move with regards to Public Order Act and many other draconian provisions still in effect. If anything, majority their activities is centered around what the Cabinet assigns them to do including loan ratification, budget approvals and select committee deliberations with little discernible results.

It is a common knowledge that the Barrow administration is replete with sectoral failures. From Agriculture to Health to Education, everything seems to be at a standstill. For example, our government’s glaring failure to incentivize Agriculture is reflected in our farmers’ inability to sell their Produce in a timely, profitable manner. In fact, the lack of availableforces our farmers to look for alternatives by selling their cash crops to petty traders across the border at huge loses. Apart from cosmetic question and answer sessions (mostly prepared in advance) during adjournment debates, our National Assembly Members fail to hold Agriculture authorities accountable for sub-standard results under their purview.

Our children and mothers continue to die from both preventable and treatable diseases at our health facilities due to shocking inadequacies . Yet, most of our National Assembly Members find it both inconvenient and a waste of time to tour these health facilities or to hold Ministry of health and government primarily responsible for the appallingly grim statistics.

I am also not aware of the the National Assembly select committee on education (if there is in fact any) conduct an expert review of our current education curriculum in response to failing grades at primary and secondary institutions.

We have had incidents of National Security implications none of which has attracted assuring, joint public statement or select-commitee investigations. Kanilai and Faraba Banta incidents resulted in the loss of lives of our fellow citizens and no parliamentary inquiry was launched to get us facts surrounding them. In the case of Kanilai deadly protest, Army had promised us thorough investigation but to this day, nothing is heard about it and National Assembly Select Committee on Defense and Security did not bother itself to follow up and hold GAF command accountable.

In a rare or unprecedented move, Gambia Police Force had issued a ballistic license to GACH private security firm leading to importation into our country of over 1,200 ‘hunting’ rifles. It is alleged that some of these guns have high velocity and long range capabilities. Again our National Assembly went radio silence over the matter. Neither IGP nor the Proprietor of GACH was summoned to give honest and verifiable accounts about these guns in reference to their registration, firepower, sales and tracking. It is safe to say that we have a proliferation of these weapons in our communities with secret buyers and users.

Thus, it is convenient to blame President Barrow for what I can best describe as National Quagmire, but it will be wholly unfair and irresponsible to exonerate those we elected and pay to hold him accountable on our behalf.

Our current National Assembly has so far failed the litmus tests in this important transition period and it is right that we take them to task individually and collectively. We should also be prepared to ‘drain the swamp’ by replacing them in 2022 on account of their unsatisfactory performance.

The writer, Zakaria Kemo Konteh, is a political commentator based in the United States.

Baa Tambadou And The Junglers – Court-Martial vs. Civilian Trial

Court-martial is governed by military law and meant to prosecute military personnel if they are found to have committed an offense contrary to military law while in army. In fact, court-martial is a different justice system. Court-martial is governed by a uniform code of justice system that lists criminal offenses under military law. In the Gambia, there is an Armed Forces Act that established the code of military discipline. When military personnel commit an offense while serving in the army, they are subjected to a court-martial which is usually decided by military officers.
On the other hand, a civilian trial is conducted using rights and laws established in the Constitution. Defendants in this case are judged by a jury of their peers or a Judge appointed to decide their faith. If a regular citizen commits a crime, they are subjected to a civilian trial. Although  the two (court-martial and civilian trail) are similar in the sense that there is a defendant is being tried for an offense, criminal or otherwise, but two different justice systems are being used.
Now that the difference between Court-Martial vs. Civilian Trial has been established, let’s explore Baa Tambedou’s decision to release the Junglers who were still in custody since their arrest by the military police in 2017. Here is the reasoning behind the Justice Ministry’s release of the Junglers, according to the letter that was sent to the army: “Following the appearance and the testimony at the TRRC of Malick Jatta, Omar Jallow and Amadou Badjie, all serving members of the Gambia National Army, during the week of 22-25 July 2019, and in view of their cooperation with the commission regarding several incidents of human rights violations and abuses under the previous administration, the Attorney General recommends that the said soldiers be immediately released from custody.” Then a set of conditions followed.
When these Junguler were arrested in 2017, they were still serving in the army and the arrest was effected by the military police. Since the offenses they committed were done while in uniform, it would be reasonable to assume that their prosecution would be handled through court-martial, right? If so, can Baa Tambadou as the Justice Minister override that? If an army officer is arrested because they have an offense contrary to military law while in the army, should the Minister of Justice be deciding their faith? Should these killers be released just because they told the commission who they killed, when they killed them and how? And if the argument is that these Jungler were held by the army without being charged, should that not be handled through the court-martial process and not a letter from the Ministry of Justice? I am just asking the questions.
Now, even in the event that Baa Tambadou as Justice Minister is able to override all the legal systems in the Gambia, including court-martial, he should not be releasing the Junglers in such a way. He should have sat down with the victim families and have a conversation with them and have their buy in, rather than doing it in such a unilateral manner. This is an abnormal situation and needs to be handled with absolute care and a high degree of empathy. The TRRC is here to seek the truth and make recommendations, but the truth has been elusive in many instances. Regardless of what the TRRC recommend, victims still have the right to seek justice as they see fit, and Baa Tambadou and his ministry cannot stop that. As Baa Tambadou himself has said, the TRRC is not a court of law and handling this entire delicate issue of reconciliation needs to be done with absolute care and caution.

On the Consequences of Fiscal Profligacy: Drama at the National Assembly

What happened in the chambers of our National Assembly last week was worthy of the box office. Our finance Minister appeared on set for an extraordinary session of the Assembly. The motion involved the reduction of excise taxes on alcoholic beverages after he made the unprecedented fiscal blunder of raising these taxes by 750 percent. The other matter at hand was the ratification of a loan agreement to the tune of 3 billion Dalasis earmarked for projects related to the government’s bid to host the OIC Summit for 2022.

 

The Finance Minister, who will surely be remembered for his shenanigans in the National Assembly during the debate on the Supplementary Appropriation Bill of 2018, might have pulled off a sequel of getting away with stuff but he lost the plot to some experienced members of the legislative chamber who upstaged him and stole the show.

 

The Oscar for the best performance in the drama went to Honourable Sidia Jatta of Wulli. Honourable  Jatta earned the award for some noble, dignified reasons. One of the reasons was his impassioned plea to the government to get its priorities right by treating real life issues of access to clean drinking water and the plight of victims of natural disasters, as opposed to the cosmetic projects associated with the OIC. Sidia’s submission on the above issue was highly dramatic and rightly so.

 

Unable to match this great caliber of clear-headedness, the Finance Minister bored the assembly (and by extension the entire nation) with lame comedy. Of all the reasons he could have advanced for his hiking of excise taxes on alcoholic beverages, our finance minister gave us the risible explanation that the move was meant to curb the rise of alcohol consumption by young people.

 

I was shocked and disappointed to have heard such a deceptive and amateur explanation advanced by someone who is supposed to be one of the most seasoned public finance experts in our country.It is not permissible in our culture to say that what an elderly person said is not true, but, to borrow from our high school literature classic “Gulliver’s Travels,” we can comfortably and euphemistically say that our Finance Minister “has said the thing which is not!”

 

The minister got the run for his money from the Honourable National Assembly member from Serekunda. The immutable Halifa Sallah challenged the minister’s reasoning, asking him why didn’t government simply ban the production of alcohol if the state believed that alcohol consumption is rising with deleterious effects on the youth.

 

Misplaced priorities and spurious, if not incredulous announcements seem to be reigning supreme at our Finance Ministry. Having brought us an 11th-hour supplementary appropriation bill last year, the ministry went further to propose and implement a most disingenuous 50 percent increase in salaries of civil servants.

 

When these fiscal and financial time bombs were being set, I weighed in with op-eds to raise alarms. My first essay, On the Proposed Salary Increment centered on the most crucial question: the where. Where would the Finance Minister find the resources needed to fund his planned quantum jump in salaries? Since no new sources of funds have been identified to pay for this immense spending, the obvious answer is that the Finance Minister banked his hopes on robbing Peter to pay Paul. He would simply take out more loans and incur more debts for the government to finance the salary increase. And tax hikes, too. This is bad economics.

 

My second op-ed, On The Audacity of Fiscal Profligacy, decried the way and manner in which the supplementary appropriation bill fiasco was handled by the finance ministry.

 

And when the matter of the most irresponsible and counterintuitive 750 percent tax hike came to pass with a most destabilising effect on our main national brewery, I had to come back with another op-ed, On the Consequences of Fiscal Profligacy.

 

A debate ensued on this matter that actually culminated in the presentation of a new proposal to the National Assembly by our finance minister. What bothers me is the Finance Minister’s audacity to come to the National Assembly with such a daring false premise of pronouncing that the initial hike in the tax on alcoholic beverages was motivated by the need to curb alcohol consumption? Does this man think that Gambians are fools or that we are all sleeping? Is it not down right disrespectful for him to advance such a laughable reason for what was nothing but a reckless tax hike based on nothing but the desire to fill the gaps created by his voracious fiscal binge in the 2019 budget?

 

And lest I forget, would the National Assembly ask the Finance Minister where is he going to get the extra resources that would be needed to compensate for the loss of revenue that would be occasioned by the revision of the tax rate approved during this particular extraordinary session of the Assembly.

 

Fasten Your Seatbelts 

 

Our fiscal spacecraft is flying on some turbulent path and Gambians must brace up for a bumpy ride in our macroeconomic trajectory for the rest of this year and beyond. Unless the authorities cook up the inflation numbers (and I believe they are capable of doing that given the daring overtures of our finance minister), we are sure to see a steady rise in inflation in the weeks and months to come. The potential cover-up should not come as a surprise since a supposedly autonomous institution like the Central Bank is bold enough to mask our fiscal numbers with intent to hoodwink the unsuspecting masses.

 

Why in the world would the Central Bank omit fiscal numbers from the press releases they issue after their Monetary Policy Committee Meetings? Fine, they backtracked on that and they have now included those numbers after an outcry. But then why are they publishing the budget balance “including grants” rather than the more transparent and more useful aggregate of budget deficit “excluding grants” which is a more useful indicator in the matter of fiscal sustainability.

 

If word on the street that the IMF and allied partners might withhold budget support this year turns out to the true, then my prediction of higher inflation would be outpaced by the actual outrun. The money market that has been unfairly and unreasonably ‘backstabbed’ by the monetary authorities in crushing the policy rate may go into turbulence as well if the government does the expected — shores up resources to finance the anticipated attendant fiscal gap.

 

Will our economy be able to weather the storm that is gathering this summer and beyond?

 

Under these circumstances, the least we deserve from our fiscal authorities is to tell us the truth so that together we can work out solutions for a problem THEY created but the effects of which are going to strike us all.

 

Momodou Sabally

 

Former Secretary General, National Budget Director, research economist.

 

Reaction to the Recommendation to Release the ‘Junglers’ Killers – Part II

In the Attorney General’s attempt to rationalize the recommendation to release confessed killers to the society, he gave the victims and Gambians a false choice between on the one hand releasing the killers or on the other hand keeping them in custody without trial in contravention of the laws of the country. He went further to suggest that people, including the victims, who do not agree with his decision to release the killers condone the violation of the human rights of the killers. Nothing could be further from the truth.

We respect the human rights of everyone, including confessed killers. Which is why I would submit that there is a third option the Attorney General should have pursued. The Attorney General should have charged these people a long time ago and sought guilty pleas from them. Even if that means they will not cooperate with the TRRC, so be it. We have to understand that the TRRC is not the ultimate goal here. Justice for the victims is the ultimate goal. Call it transitional justice or any other fancy characterization. The TRRC is just a mechanism for getting to justice. And in my opinion, it’s a poor mechanism compared to a functioning court system.

The Attorney General’s claim that the criminal justice system cannot run parallel with the TRRC is neither based on sound legal reasoning nor on solid strategic grounds.

Legally, the Constitution mandates the Attorney General, through the Director of Public Prosecutions, to charge people who violate our laws. The Constitution does not say that he should only bring charges when he gets a referral from a body such as the TRRC. Not even the TRRC Act contemplates that reading of the law. On the contrary, according to the Act the commission can only make recommendations and the Attorney General is free to ignore the recommendations. Judging by what they did to the recommendations from the Faraba Commission, it is highly likely that this government is not going to act on recommendations to prosecute from the TRRC if those recommendations do not align with their political benefits.

Strategically too, it takes nothing away from the TRRC process if witnesses such as the confessed killers under discussion are charged and punished before they appear at the commission. Matter of fact, their testimony before the commission will be more credible if they give it after they have been sentenced and without the expectation of leniency. But as things stand now, detractors of the TRRC can claim that these witnesses are being induced to give false testimony in exchange for amnesty. You avoid that accusation by sentencing them before they appear at the commission.

Finally, to show that not even the Attorney General believes in the notion that Gambians who committed crimes during the Jammeh dictatorship should not be charged while the TRRC is ongoing, just witness what the government did in the case of Yankuba Touray. Is Yankuba Touray not being charged with crimes committed during the dictatorship? Is this government telling us that it is more offensive to refuse to testify before the TRRC than to slaughter innocent Gambians? So if Yankuba Touray came to the commission and lie to the Gambian people, we should reward him by not holding him accountable? This is precisely why some of us have argued against commissions of inquiries for the past two decades. It doesn’t work. It’s a mockery to our African justice systems. I understand the Attorney General when he says that it’s practically impossible to charge everyone. True. But no one is asking him to charge everyone. We want him to charge confessed killers. It doesn’t get worse than these people. Or is the threshold that everyone below Yaya Jammeh should go free because they do not bear the ‘greatest responsibility?’ If the Attorney General is working on that premise, he needs to articulate that to the Gambian people and see if people buy that.

Muhamad Sosseh, Esq.
Washington DC

August 7, 2019

My Take on AG Tambadou’s Decision to Release the Jungulars

After carefully considering all the facts, I agree with the AG.
Going against the grain, and finding yourself on the opposite end with the people whose cause you are championing is the most difficult part of this decision. I have been pondering over this the last couple of days.

The victims and families can be rest assured; I will not shrink an inch from the responsibility to fully protect their interests and making sure justice is delivered. It is in fact to that end that I arrived at this decision. The Justice Minister and I had a very lengthy discussion on this matter and I trust he will do the right thing, I urge all of us to give him the benefit of the doubt.


At the end of the day – when the dust settles, the process is over, and the curtains have been drawn to clear the stage for the next chapter, everyone must be brought before a court of law whose case is a YES to any or all of the following criteria:
-Does the action meet the legal threshold of Looting of state resources?


-Does the action meet the legal threshold of Committing torture?


-Does the action meet the legal threshold of Committing murder?


There should be no Ifs or Buts about it. This is my position and I will join others to fight to make sure that is the case.
We could have done this differently, but since we have all decided to put our faiths in a Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission process – a process that is ongoing, with many perpetrators who committed some of the most evil crimes testifying and allowed to continue with their lives until the Commission finalizes its recommendations, I believe we should exercise patience while of course maintaining our vigilance.


The release of these evil murderers is a very controversial one, and after speaking to him, i have no doubt Tambadou is well aware of that. But let’s also remember that this is neither an amnesty nor a deal to let these men to go scotfree – it is geared towards consistency which is very crucial in all matters of justice and incentivizing truth telling. These men will have to be brought before a court of law where their fates will be ultimately decided. As long as that prospect is not compromised or should I say; as long as the Justice Ministry is not compromised on that prospect, I urge restraint on our part to see the process to its justice delivery conclusion. We shall overcome.

With Pain, I Agree with Minister Tambadou To Release Junglers

Let me go straight to the point: TRRC was set up simply because we endured an autocratic rule which was notorious for massive violations of human rights. The foremost instrument of violations was the Junglers. The Junglers were terrorists of the most notorious degree. Until now each and every Gambian feared that the Junglers posed a clear and present danger if they are not contained. While the Junglers must and will face justice the Government on its part must be seen to be in line with the idea, the process and the objective of the transitional justice process.

 

TRRC is the foremost institution at the top of the transitional justice process to ensure truth telling as a right of victims and the basis for justice. Therefore, so long as the TRRC is going on it means other inquiries, detentions and prosecutions of the human rights abuses between 1994 – 2017 would have to be suspended until the truth commission is done. If they are done, then they must be in support of the TRRC process. This is because the whole idea of the TRRC is to expose the truth about that Yaya Jammeh Regime as a first step in order to bring about justice, reparations and reconciliation. Hence so long as TRRC hearings are ongoing we cannot at the same time arrest, detain and prosecute people for the crimes they committed when those same crimes are the subject of the TRRC enquiry.

 

In light of this no one should have been arrested in the first place. Rather everyone should be encouraged to come forward to speak the truth about one’s experience, commissions and omissions. The TRRC Act has stated that it can even order any individual to testify and it is a criminal offense to refuse to testify or give false testimony for which one is liable for prosecution. Therefore, so long as one has not refused to testify or provided false testimony then it will be difficult to justify arresting or detaining such a person regardless of his crime.

 

From that perspective I think the Minster of Justice is right that these Junglers be released. Failure to release them means holding them beyond what the law provides which is 72 hours maximum. By holding them without trial for more than the constitutionally required time limit means the rights of these people are being violated. In that case we would have succeeded to make perpetrators become victims since their rights are damaged due to prolonged detention without trial. We should avoid such violation in the new Gambia ever again. Human rights must prevail at all times regardless of who is involved. We cannot do to Junglers what they did to us. We must only make them face justice.

 

Much as the Junglers had indeed committed heinous crimes it will be difficult to justify their continued detention unless if we can prove that they indeed pose actual danger to society. Therefore, where the authorities decide to keep them under custody then it means the Government should prosecute them since these people cannot be held under detention indefinitely. But then the Government cannot prosecute them at the same time as the TRRC process is also ongoing. We expect that at the end of the truth telling process the TRRC will make recommendations to determine the fate of all witnesses including the Junglers. If the TRRC came to recommend that Junglers be prosecuted when the Government had already prosecuted them then how will we address that situation? Remember that an individual cannot be prosecuted twice for the same crime.

 

In one sense, one may argue that if there was any error on the part of the Government was to have arrested these Junglers in the first place. But on the other hand, given the circumstances at the time one could also argue that it made sense to arrest these Junglers immediately because they could be considered ‘enemy combatants’ given nature and association with Jammeh. Secondly and very importantly it is because they were arrested first that we have succeeded to get some of them testify.

 

The question now is for how long will they be detained or will they be prosecuted before TRRC concludes. Certainly, since there is a TRRC process it will not make sense to prosecute them before that process is complete. Secondly given that the existing law in regard to detention, whether in the Constitution or the Army Forces Act is not favourable, it meant the only solution would have been to create a new piece of legislation to legalise and legitimise their continued detention. But could the creation of such a new law be legitimate and necessary?

 

Usually such piece of legislation is used in situations of warfare so that enemy combatants or prisoners of war could be detained for indefinite periods. The Geneva Conventions provide for such conditions of detention but even there prisoners of war have rights including fair trial. But we are not in a state of war. Secondly I do not think we should take the path of the US where they detain people at Guantanamo indefinitely without trial and defend that by claiming that they are ‘enemy combatants. We have seen how the US is under severe pressure for that action. It appears the continued detention of the Junglers would look like the Guantanamo situation. That is not a tenable position.

 

The part of the argument I do not buy is to say that by releasing these Junglers who testified will encourage others to also come forward. The testimony of Ismaila Jammeh clearly shows that not even all those under custody would testify the truth much less those who have never been captured. I think there are some Junglers who are prepared to face firing squad than to testify or testify truthfully. Hence what is important is for the Government to seek other means to get these Junglers to either testify or seek their capture and prosecution when the TRRC has finished its work.

 

While their arrest indeed turned out to be beneficial given their testimonies so far yet having kept them for almost three years also means Junglers posed no more threat to society. We are yet to see any assault on the Gambia by the Junglers at large. Furthermore, the testimonies of Malick Jatta, Omar Oya Jallow and Amadou Badji have in fact further weakened the Junglers and put more pressure on them. In that case releasing these Junglers becomes necessary and critical in obtaining more truth and closure.

 

I think what we need to monitor more closely is that the Government puts in place all necessary safeguards to ensure that these Junglers do not escape or pose any more danger to society when they are released. But even where they escape, we should bear in mind that there is no safe haven for international crimes such that anywhere they go in this world they will be on the run and hiding. In most countries of the world they will be arrested and extradited back to the Gambia or tried in that country as we see with Ousman Sonko in Switzerland. This is the obligation that international law imposes on all countries of the world. Therefore, in the final analysis Junglers will have to face justice.

 

Looking at this very sensitive issue from another perspective is that failure to release these Junglers means the Government will now have to justify why it should therefore not also arrest, detain and prosecute Alagie Kanyi, Pa Senghore, JCB or Alagie Martin among other torturers and killers who are free in their homes and offices when they have also testified in committing international crimes. Even though the Junglers had indeed tortured and killed many more people yet those who also killed even one life cannot be left off the hook.

 

In conclusion, I think citizens need to do lot of reflection and analysis of the big picture as to how to go forward. We must agree that so long as the TRRC process is unfolding there cannot be detention and prosecution of people for the same crimes they are confessing before the TRRC. It is either we stop the TRRC process and prosecute all perpetrators or we let all perpetrators first testify without detention so that TRRC determines, at the end of the day, who will be prosecuted or given amnesty among other forms of justice. But we cannot have both processes going on at the same time.

 

In that case I think we must all trust the TRRC to deliver as per the very objective of the transitional justice process. For that matter what is required of citizens is to become eternally vigilant to ensure that when the TRRC provides its recommendations to the Gambia Government those recommendations are implemented on time and in full. We must bear in mind that the very future of the Gambia rests on the TRRC process hence we must take a position that facilitates truth telling and prevents undermining the integrity and credibility of the process. Truth commissions are mechanisms of bringing out the truth in order to not only ensure justice but also restore rights and dignity of individuals and help a society to reform and rebuild after having undergone a violent conflict or authoritarian rule.

 

Victims and the rest of citizens must have confidence in TRRC and the transitional justice process. The fact that we have received such highly truthful testimonies from the first three Junglers at least should serve as a significant achievement for justice and closure. It is indeed a painful idea that angels of death such as these Junglers could live in our society freely and openly even for a short period while victims are crying and grieving. But if we recognise and appreciate where our society came from and what it needs to do in order to be better and ensure justice then we must massage our hearts and reflect deeply to realise that it will take lot of painful decisions before we reach the desired destination.

 

In light of these issues highlighted above I wish to stand with Minister Aboubacarr Tambadou that it is a right decision to release these Junglers now.

 

For the Gambia Our Homeland

……………………………………………..

Madi Jobarteh

Skype: madi.jobarteh

Twitter: @jobartehmadi

LinkedIn: Madi Jobarteh

Phone: +220 9995093

 

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