By Melville Robertson Roberts

We either practice Democracy as it is or discard it and practice our own system of governance patterned according to our belief and value system and what we understand as a people and country.

The Right to association is a fundamental constitutional right that is equally guaranteed under the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia. The APRC and the NPP as a political entity have absolute constitutional rights to align with whomever they wish both singularlyand collectively.

I believe that if there are any genuine objections, it would have been for the protest of critical and pivotal ministerial positions being given to individuals who served the former government of President Jammeh who was labeled a dictator and ran a dictatorship government. You cannot have an individual who served as Minister of state robustly defend the fight and struggle of the so called dictatorship and then have that same individual now selling the agenda of a seemingly new democracy in one breath. What has changed? Did this individual encounter Christ on his way to Damascus and is now a “born again”?

The fight against any association and the hatred for Jammeh and the APRC and any objections therein should have manifested itself in 2016 and early 2017 but if it was okay to work with an individual who sold Jammeh’s agenda and sought his interests passionately and even refer to him as your colleague minister and or your colleague in government how can you then now begin to frown against an alliance with a party militant who, maybe, only saw former President Jammeh in pictures but never met him in real life. What then is your value as a human being?

If Ebrima Sillah and Sankareh can work amicably with Tangara and Mamburay who they spent the latter part of their lives fighting against and even refer to each other as colleague Ministers and brothers who then now can authoritatively stand to frown upon an APRC- NPP alliance?

If former Vice President Tambajang and former Vice President Darboe can embrace Hon. Tangara who passionately sold Jammehs agenda to the outside world how can you detest the coming together of two individuals who only supported a cause but was not part of its governance structure.

The rank of a Foreign Minister bears greater responsibility in International Law than that of even the Vice presidency. If Dr. Tangara can sell Barrows interest to the world after selling and defending Jammeh’s interest to the world, who you once referred to as the worst dictator, and you accept this, then you choose now to frown upon an political alliance of APRC and NPP, you are sick in the head and need mental evaluation.

Every political party in The Gambia will welcome any defection of APRC militants to its fold unconditionally and with absolute joy and glee. What then is the difference when collectively an entire body of militants in the name of the APRC party decides to form an alliance with another party?

Political Parties must survive. The basis of every one of these institutions is to win an election and get a chance in taking the helm of governance. A lawyer who has never won a case in court cannot be deemed to be an erudite lawyer. A doctor who has never performed any medical work cannot be deemed to be an acclaimed physician. An architect whose drawings have not been tested cannot boldly say am the best. Thus, a politician that has never handled the mantle of leadership cannot beat his chest to say am the best irrespective of how long you have been in politics or have headed a political party.

The aim is to take control of the governance structure of the nation and thereby roll out your agenda and ideas of how to make it a more progressive and prosperous nation. This is the fundamental objective of every politician.

Therefore the reason why parties sell their manifestos and go on campaigns is not to win over its members and supporters; they are already part and parcel of the party. The aim therfore is to win political souls, be it APRC, UDP, NPP XYZ or WQQ. It does not matter. Millions are spent to win and attract souls who can then translate their support into votes to usher politicians into the corridors of powers and position of leadership of the country. You need the votes of APRC militants so don’t pretend as if you don’t because that will be false.

Stop calling APRC militants supporting their beliefs for former President Jammeh spineless and evil. You support your thieving father and mother who are stealing government funds to fund your lifestyle. You support your cousin who embezzled millions because he or she is family and family will stand by family. You support your son who married a white woman and swindle her off her life savings to take you to mecca and build you a house in Brusubi. You support and pray for your daughter who had no gainful employment but goes out every night and returns with chicken and chips. You support your son who traveled through the back way and within a year built mansions and sent luxury cars to Gambia. You call it ” suma dorm teki na”.

What moral yardstick do you have to call anyone who believes and supports President Jammeh evil? Live it yourself. It starts in your homes. It starts in your offices. It starts with you halting how you abusing your maids at home and treating them like slaves and even owing them their meager salaries.

Did Jammeh do it alone? As seen from the TRRC, if the records are anything to go by, that the murderers, rapists, thieves, idol worshippers and satanic worshipers were not President Jammeh alone. They were are mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters and neighbors. They were those we referred to as successful and productive sons of society.

Your energy is being misdirected and misplaced. If you wish not to see an NPP- APRC alliance, form your own alliances. Refuse to vote for the alliance if you may, but respect their constitutional right of association. That is the democray that you preach. That is what allows for the useless and senseless protests you embark on. The same democracy that gives you a right to talk a lot of trash, the same democracy that allows for you to hold up placards and even insult the President, is the same democracy that gives absolute right to any formation of whatever political alliance between APRC and NPP.

If you are not selfish, if you are not egocentric, if you are not hungry for power and position, form your own alliances. Give rings and exchange political vows, leave your father and mother and be joined in holy matrimony with whom you will and whom you wish for this is the democracy that you claimed to have fought for and sacrificed your life for. It does not matter if you are chosen to lead the alliance or not, if truly, yours is a sincere and honest fight to free the soul of Gambia from the clutches of hell, form your own and come together as a formidable force but one advise: respect the terms of your agreement and the basis of your alliance. It’s called INTEGRITY!

Live and allow others to live!

By Madi Jobarteh

The fence sitters and the cheerers of poor leadership and their anti-accountability desperados have started whining since September 5 trying to use democracy and human rights as a justification for this Evil Alliance of Betrayal. They claim the Gambia is a multiparty democracy and therefore political parties have a right to form alliances. They claim the right of freedom of association hence NPP and APRC have the right to associate. They even throw jabs at parties like UDP and others which have also shamelessly opened their arms to Enablers of the Tinpot Dictator. Pathetic.

Surely, this Evil Alliance of Betrayal has everything to do with democracy and human rights. But the honest and conscientious will not subvert or turn democracy upside down just to defend this alliance for impunity. The election of Adama Barrow as president has a definite background which cannot be changed, wiped out or ignored. That background is the fact that we had a dictatorship in this country led by Yaya Jammeh for 22 years, during which massive human rights violations were committed in all forms, while the wealth of the nation was plundered with impunity as he personalised the entire statecraft as his personal vehicle, and there has not been justice for that yet.

The machinery that served, promoted, defended and justified that autocracy was the APRC as a legally registered political party. That party was the one in charge of the Executive as the Tinpot Dictator won the presidency on their party ticket. APRC also was in charge of the Legislature as their NAMs all stood in the name of APRC and got elected. Hence APRC was the ruling government led by Yaya Jammeh, the party leader of APRC. Therefore, Yaya Jammeh and his autocracy are part and parcel of APRC and vice versa.

The Gambia is a democratic republic. In such a polity, power is accessed through elections where candidates come from political parties. When a party wins the presidential election, it is called the ruling party. When they form the majority in the National Assembly, they are called the majority side and provide the majority leader. Hence a political party is essentially a government, either in power or in opposition. Thus, the actions of a government cannot be separated from the ruling party from which the president and majority of NAMs come from.

The Gambia Constitution 1997 has provided enough checks and balances for the President to uphold the rule of law and be transparent and accountable in protecting human rights and managing public resources and delivering public services. This is why the President swears to an oath of office in which he proclaims to uphold and defend the Constitution. Failure to do so, is one of the grounds to impeach a President.

That same Constitution has given more than enough powers and tools to the National Assembly and its NAMs to check the President and his entire Executive institutions and officials to ensure that they abide by their oath of office, the rule of law and uphold and defend the Constitution. Therefore APRC NAMs, as the majority in the parliament from 1997 to January 2017 had enough powers to have stopped Yaya Jammeh and protect the Gambia if they wanted.

But they failed to do so because they loved what was going on. They were benefiting from the mayhem and misery meted out to Gambians by their party leader and his regime, and so they allowed it with all their strengthen and shameless souls. Hence for a President to have the ability to flout the Constitution, abuse rights, plunder public wealth and personalise state institutions, it must be with the acquiescence of the National Assembly. If that National Assembly is dominated by one party, in this case APRC, it is therefore obvious it was that party that allowed such abuse to prevail.

That failure to check and discipline the Executive for abuses means the NAMs have failed in their duties. But in this case, it was not only that the APRC NAMs merely failed in their duties. No. Rather they also actively strengthened, supported, defended and justified the atrocities and the pillage of that Tinpot Dictator. How many times have we seen the APRC NAMs support the creation or amendments of the Constitution or other laws just to undermine democracy and take power from the people and hand it over to Yaya Jammeh?
Didn’t the APRC NAMs pass the Indemnity Act in 2001 just to cover up the perpetrators of the April 2000 massacre of schoolchildren? Didn’t the APRC NAMs pass the unconstitutional state of emergency in January 2017 just to kill the verdict of the Gambia people in order to impose the Tinpot Dictator when they knew he had lost the December 2016 elections? Of all the cases of arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, rape, enforced disappearances, forced exiles and summary executions perpetrated under their watch, did the APRC NAMs or their party as a whole ever call for any inquiry and accountability? Never! Rather what we had witnessed is how the APRC party would organise massive solidarity marches and rallies to celebrate the Tinpot Dictator and all that he was doing!

What can be more unpatriotic and treasonous than these actions? Therefore, if one is indeed concerned about democracy and human rights, what one should call for is to bring the Tinpot Dictator and APRC as a legal entity to justice for their gross human rights violations and plunder. Otherwise, one is merely ranting because of selfishness and dishonesty.

APRC is a legally registered entity which had both legal and political obligation as a ruling party with majority in the National Assembly to defend the Constitution. They did not only fail to do that, but they also actively encouraged their party leader, the President to abuse rights, plunder public wealth, illegally seize private property, and ridicule the name of the Gambia all over the world, with impunity. Such a party should not be celebrated and embraced. Rather decent human beings who love their country and uphold the sanctity of human life and dignity would rather hold that party accountable. They will shun that party and its members and officers until there is justice and accountability.

It is so interesting and laughable to see how NPP and APRC members and surrogates and other people who are known to be abusers and fugitives from justice and accountability pontificating about democracy and human rights. What a shameless bunch!

For The Gambia Our Homeland

By Famara Fofana

Almost five years since Gambians saw the back of Yayha Jammeh, the initial optimism and euphoria that had swirled through the nation feels like a mirage today. For many Gambians, the election of President Adama Barrow did not only mark an end to tyranny and self-perpetuation , but also the beginning of a new dawn of freedom and economic prosperity. And as Gambians now prepare to decide whether the man who replaced Jammeh is worthy of another chance or not, here are few critical issues that had been dominating discourses in the public space and how they can

Vessel of change or a recycling bin? The former president’s men still rule supreme

The proverbial ‘old wine in a new bottle’ has become a recurring punchline for critics and even ordinary State House watchers. Yayha Jammeh might have left the Gambia all these years but some of the cobwebs that were symptomatic of his regime are still much visible within the Barrow government. For many Gambians, any post Jammeh-government serious about ushering a meaningful change would have started off on a clean slate with a view to remedying the malaise that for over two decades permeated the very soul of their country. But in one of those moves critics point to a lack of commitment to serious reforms, Barrow as did his predecessor, summoned the services of one Mambury Njie to take charge of the Gambia’s purse strings; this after letting go of Amadou Sanneh. The sacking of Sanneh, a man reputed for his fidelity to financial discipline and expertise, as interpreted by some observers, was down to the cost-saving measures, particularly the vehicle policy he had introduced. This is said to have rankled with the petit bourgeois Gambian civil servant who would rather go hungry than having his fuel coupon frozen.

It is not as if Mambury Njie, who, as evidenced by the Janneh commission, colluded with Yahya in making away taxpayer money, is the only high-profile figure sipping tea at State House. In the mix are a prominent few. Home Affairs Minister Yankuba Sonko, Defence Minister Sheikh Omar Faye, Foreign Affairs Minister Dr. Mamadou Tangara and Chief of Protocol Alagie Ceesay are all Jammeh-era personnel helming strategic posts under Barrow, with some of them having integrity questions hovering over their head. While it can be argued that all the afore-mentioned men are Gambians who are entitled to serve their country regardless of which government is in power, it can be strongly countered that there are a multitude of other Gambians out there that are equally deserving of those roles in deed, character, knowledge and experience under an administration that came in to right the wrongs of the past. Maybe, just maybe, the Gambian story was the one the French writer Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr had in mind when he coined the phrase “plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose, translating “the more things change, the more they remain the same.”

Draft constitution aborted; dreams torpedoed

In 2017, the National Assembly of The Gambia established the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) to facilitate the drafting of a new constitution. Disappointingly, after about two years of hard work, any hope of a new constitution that was to usher in the third republic suffered a premature death on the very floors of the same National Assembly. In hindsight, it was a national project that overwhelmingly involved the Gambian people as the CRC toured every region of the country to solicit the inputs of the citizenry. Community-level meetings and a series of engagements were held with the various civic and political actors as well as interest groups including faith-based organizations.
The exercise, albeit expensive, was inclusive. Unfortunately, when it was time for it to be midwifed by lawmakers, the bill hit a stone wall as it fell short of the required votes to pass. The major sticking point centered around what Barrow backers viewed as a discriminatory retroactive provision given that his soon-to-expire first five-year term would have counted as part and parcel of the two-term limit embedded in the draft. The rather dispirited stance of the executive on the Constitution Promulgation Bill at the time of its tabling also threw a spanner in the work of the CRC. Debates on the bill became the subject of a tetchy political bickering with one pro-Barrow lawmaker going as far as describing it as bogus among other unsavory adjectives. Meanwhile, at the corridors of power, the President himself wouldn’t be drawn into the issue – not even a word to his people – about a make-or-break moment that may define his legacy. Alas! months after, mediation efforts championed by former Nigerian President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan to resuscitate what was a comatose draft couldn’t yield any tangible outcome. As it stands, the draft constitution is temporarily dead in the water. A vanity project, at least for now.
Heightened internal safety and security concerns

To hear the average Gambian say “even under Jammeh these things weren’t happening” is both a mark of desperation and an increasingly diminishing confidence on the part of the populace in the government. Who would have thought that after all the Jammeh-linked killings and disappearances unearthed by the TRRC, a remark as salacious as such would be made by any? Well, in the face of a surge in banditry, frequent killings (discovery of dead bodies) even beyond urban Gambia, disturbing images of stabbings and rape across the metropolis, anyone can be forgiven for making utterances of that nature. Apparently, the wheels have come off the wagon in the most unexpected ways.

It is paradoxical that a government that came on the back of reforms, particularly in the security sector, is seemingly failing to provide a safe haven for its people. Despite the fact that under Barrow, political opponents aren’t knowingly going to bed with one eye open as it has been the case before him, the widespread occurrence of violent crimes will hardly pay him any political dividend. Meanwhile, in the grand scheme of things, a climate of fear where citizens risk being attacked or robbed in the full glare of the public will not dent the image of the country as a crime zone, but it is one thing that stands to erode investor confidence. A recent Old Jeshwang robbery incident where some 16 million dalasi was reportedly stolen from a private residence sounds like a well choreographed scene from a blockbuster crime movie. To the credit of the Gambia Police Force, the launch and moving into motion of the Operation Zero Crime has been yielding results as they take the offensive to thugs. However, combating the current spate of crime will require more than short-gap measures like time-bound codename operations. The underlying issues festering crime need addressing. As they say “kill the host, kill the virus”.

On the back of a mega seizure of about three tonnes of cocaine reportedly commanding a street value of $87 million at the Banjul seaport, there were genuine fears amongst Gambians that the country might not only be used as a transit point for the narco trade but could open the floodgates of organized crime in a country where a rise domestic crime is getting to worry the people. As has been the case with many other matters of public interest, investigations into that shipment from Ecuador and allegedly bound for Europe remain shrouded in mystery.

The hydra-headed monster that is corruption

If social media talk, word on the streets or even unascertained charges from other activists and politicians are anything to lean on, the appetitive desire for corruption under the Barrow administration is one that borders on recklessness on the part of the administration. Just as there is very little if any substantial evidence to support the claims that some ministers and or/ Barrow handlers are busy siphoning money to build houses that are way below their pay grade, there also appears to be nothing forthcoming from the government to either rebuff or substantiate the accusations. For a government that is wedded to media dispatches, it beggars belief that pressers or releases have not been made to react to claims of corruption making the rounds in the Gambia almost every other week.

Incredibly, even when the Health Minister himself showed macro-boldness by raising the alarm about the pandemic-triggered, epidemic nature of corruption in his own ministry before parliament, no publicly known official probe has been launched into the cries he made on the altar of the people’s house. And even where there was one, the public still remains in the dark thereof. Now, that also seems dead like a dodo. And while the authorities made several attempts to clear the mysterious circumstances surrounding the over 30 million dalasi equivalent ‘mistakenly’ wired into the coffers of the First Lady’s Foundation in 2017 allegedly by a Hong Kong private bank, their explanations tend to leave a curious public with more questions than answers.

Clearly, Gambians aren’t always up to speed with certain burning matters of huge national significance. These include findings of the Malagen investigation linking ‘suspended’ Fisheries Permanent Secretary Dr. Bamba Banja to an alleged bribery scandal as well as the fire incident at the Ministry of Fisheries, Water Resources and National Assembly Matters where some confidential files were said to have been burnt. As December 4 inches ever closer, the government’s handling of public contracts and procurement deals still sends ripples across town, with some intimating that whilst it was state capture by one man alone (Jammeh during his time), it is the case of everyone taking their cut in a now or never fashion. The government’s very reactionary mode of communication which heavily relies on high sounding, knee-jerk press releases is equally doing little in the area of accountability and transparency given that media dispatches either from the presidency or the office of the government spokesperson tend to come in the aftermath of public outcries over issues.

Tellingly, on the backdrop of the echo chamber of moanings and groanings over corruption in Banjul, what is most incomprehensible is the fact that almost half a decade – marking the expiry of a first term in office – the Barrow government couldn’t establish an anti-corruption outfit despite having in place other vital institutions like the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), TRRC, etc. If anything, an anti-corruption bureau will be indicative of the leadership’s preparedness to tackle head-on allegations of corrupt practices in the public sector and perhaps also provide answers to an information-starved public if and when talks of corruption arise.

Adding credence to charges of corruption in the country are recent findings released by the Afrobarometer, a pan-African, Independent, non-partisan research network. As reported in The Standard Newspaper, “a staggering 71 per cent of Gambians do not believe President Barrow is doing a ‘good job’ in fighting corruption in the country.” What further leaves a bad taste in the mouth is that “six in ten Gambians” as per the same survey findings , “say the overall level of corruption in the country increased ‘somewhat’ or ‘a lot’ during the past year, almost doubling the proportion recorded in 2018 (32 percent).” This menace could be Barrow’s own Frankestein monster.

Lingering doubts over the execution of truth commission recommendations

“Precedents are dangerous things; let the reins of government then be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended: If defective let it be amended, but not suffered to be trample upon whilst it has an existence.”
America’s first President George Washington said so, and speaking of being trampled upon, the experience with the Janneh Commission findings is that the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) could suffer the same fate. Having seen what became of the government’s handling of the final report from that hugely expensive process where some highly indicted individuals got a free ride as others were barred from re-entering public service, it is only understandable that any hope in TRRC outcomes may not be as high as the infant days of its establishment. The grumbles by sections of the public as to whether the government will prosecute those adversely mentioned or those that have committed heinous crimes are still rife. But the fact that the Lead Counsel Essa Faal qualified Jammeh-era atrocities mainly the killings of some two hundred people as crimes against humanity -which Karim Ahmad Khan, the new ICC chief prosecutor endorsed in a tweet – will naturally make any behind- the-curtain political machinations harder to smother the wheels of justice in that regard . Besides, crimes against humanity, we are told, cannot go unpunished.

Added to the worries of some people is that since his occupancy of no1. Marina Parade, President Adama Barrow or the presidency itself has hardly shown any assurances that victims of rights abuses will get the justice they deserve. Bizarrely too, in all these close to five years of his presidency, Mr Barrow seemed to have lashed at his opposition leaders more than the man whose refusal to cede power saw him airlifted to Senegal, where he would eventually take the sacred oaths of his office. Aside from his frequent comparing of the total number of kilometers of road works executed under the Jammeh and Jawara administrations, one memorable mentioning of Yahya Jammeh by Barrow was his infamous ‘N’na systemo balanta’ – a Mandinka referencing of how he felt an anomaly in his system on the day he shook hands with his predecessor at one gathering. Also, Barrow’s refusal to publicly condemn the deeds of Yahya Jammeh in recent times and ongoing overtures between his National People’s Party (NPP) and the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) could somehow bolster his political base within the ranks of the Green party but might potentially lose him significant political support amongst neutrals and persons who are still scarred by the APRC stewardship. But if the most recent developments are anything to go by, that now signed and sealed alliance itself could be a potential power keg for Barrow as divisions mount within the former ruling party faithful who have been vehemently vocal against any such marriage of convenience. Critics from within the APRC itself have been crying foul over the arrangements, with some branding the long-drawn political covenant as a well calculated move designed to replenish the pockets of the Tombong Jatta led executive at the expense of their party. More alarmingly though are widespread concerns that the just announced APRC-NPP Memorandum of Understanding would once and for all jeopardize the quest to bring Jammeh to book – at least under a Barrow presidency – thereby deny thousands of people the justice they yearn for. How the deal pans out in the end will definitely be answered by the passage of time.

Economic hardship (Hike in food prices, youth unemployment)

Rising food prices may be nothing new in the Gambia but in the past few months or better part of the year, the problem, based on the moanings of the poor – a reflection of the reality on the ground- is appearing to be having a chilling effect on every Gambian. It is commonplace to hear people say that “I would rather not complain about anything else as long as the price of a bag of rice is reduced”. Curiously, the cost of basic consumables in our country hardly goes down the moment they increase, regardless of what economic factors are at play. The over dependence on imported rice, the nation’s staple, continues to spell economic worries for a lot of households in a society where extended families are the most prevalent. Despite being blessed with large swathes of arable land and fresh water, both the Jammeh and Barrow administrations seem to have run out of ideas when it came to industrializing rice cultivation in the Gambia. The rice production hotbed of Jahally-Pacharr – once the success story of our agricultural sector – appears to be in a moribund state.

Notwithstanding this, there still exists massive potential for the Gambia government to invest in large scale nationalized rice schemes that cater for the consumption needs of the populace at a reasonable rate. In fact, as of 2015, figures from the national agricultural sample survey pegged the total production output/volume of paddy rice in the country at 53,309 metric tons. Also, it would also appear that the Barrow government missed an opportunity by not utilizing the large arable rice field ex-President Jammeh had been putting under cultivation in Pacharr, Central River Region. As it were the case, threshing, bagging and selling of produce from the massive field were all possible and could have been leveraged upon by the new dispensation with a touch of innovation that could compete against imported rice in the country. Additionally, the large volumes of onion that are locally produced by rural women continue to face their fair share of challenges. Chief among these is the lack of a readily available market which often compels the helpless growers to sell their produce at give-away prices to (bana-banas) middlemen. Import substitution which could have helped the cause of women during the peak of the harvest season for whatever reason hasn’t been fully explored by the government.

Of all the economic issues bedeviling Gambia, unemployment accounts for a major source of frustration for the country’s youthful population. According to the Gambia Labor Force Survey of 2018 conducted by Gambia Bureau of Statistics (GBoS), there were 377, 326 youth actively participating in the labor force, of which 54.4 percent were male and 45.6 percent female. Youth unemployment rate, as per the same study by GBoS was at 41. 5 percent as of 2018. The proportion of youth unemployment-to-population ratio in urban Gambia was 54.7 percent while the rural areas constituted 45. 3 percent based on the figures revealed by the Gambia Labor Force Analytical Report 2018.

On the face of it, the government can single out the European Union funded Youth Enterprise Project (YEP) as a success story in creating economic opportunities for Gambia’s youth as a way of stemming the tide of irregular migration. Between 2017 and 2020, YEP reveals that it has created some 2661 jobs and projects the number of young people it trained on technical/vocational training or apprenticeship at 2789. Similarly, young people that benefited from entrepreneurship and business development services, according to the data released by the project, stand at 3698 whilst access to finance(grants) make up 41 percent for women and 59 percent for men within the same period. Despite these efforts in the informal economic sector, there still are gaping holes that need filling, especially if one considers the thousands of students that graduate from the University of The Gambia, Gambia College and other higher institutions of learning every year.

Alarmingly, the not-so-hopeful state of our youth always manifests itself in flashpoint situations where they tend to get turbocharged and fall for mob justice. Faraba: a few years ago and most recently Sanyang are cases in point. For context purposes, it will be imperative to note that the Covid-19 pandemic as well has had a domino effect even on the biggest economies in the world, and in the case of the Gambia, the tourism sector which is a significant employer of our youth took a nosedive for the worst as it also impacted on remittances that are the lifeblood of hundreds of families/households in the country. In fairness, no one expects a post-Jammeh Gambia to be any cloud cuckoo land, but in all honesty also, there is nothing much to write home about as far as poverty alleviation is concerned.

Wanton environmental destruction

In a country where plastic bags were deemed environmentally destructive, carcinogenic and therefore eventually banned, what no one did see coming was that in a span of a few years, some of the Gambia’s most beautiful beaches would turn into a wasteland. Parts of the country’s most alluring coastal belt, which for decades was prime touristic attraction, are now in the sorry state of an eye-sore. Gunjur, Sanyang, Tanji – all in Kombo South- are some of the communities bearing the brunt of industrial fishing plants polluting their waters, marine resources and immediate surroundings. Despite rallying calls by pro-environmental groups, individual activists and community members who are at the mercy of the chemical emissions from these Chinese-owned plants, the deafening silence and inaction from the government raises head-scratching suspicions for anyone who cares. Whatever the arguments and counter arguments, the government owes the people in that part of the country a duty of care. Lives and livelihoods cannot be traded for anything!

A health sector in need of surgical operation

As per the 2019-2020 Health and Demographic Survey, 84 percent of births in the Gambia are assisted by a skilled medical professional with assistance at delivery by a skilled provider far higher in urban (88%) than (75%) in rural Gambia. Regardless of these figures, incidents of maternal deaths at health facilities in recent times have been sending ripples across the country. Out of concerns for what trended online as a dizzying problem, women from different walks of life in late 2020 staged a peaceful march under the catchphrase Gambian Women’s Lives Matter. It was a headlined event meant to spotlight not just the alarming deaths of young women at healthcare centers, but the not-so-impressive state of affairs of the country’s health infrastructure itself, where patients are often compelled to acquire drugs from private pharmacies or better still part away a king’s ransom if one decides to opt for private clinics. Further choking the populace’s confidence in the health sector were the recent revelations by a certain female nurse that even gloves had to be used multiple times in patient care as she detailed among other things the prevalence of special treatments to supposed VIPs and those in their circles at the Edward Francis Small Teaching Hospital (EFSTH) – the country’s number one referral center.

The reforms agenda

Whatever has happened to some of the major promises that the coalition government rode on as they first assumed the reins. For starters, calls for electoral reforms which jolted the late Solo Sandeng and others into action and which played a major role in the ouster of Jammeh never came to fruition almost five years on. On the contrary, the changing of the age limit for the vice presidency was one of the first acts engineered by the government with Hon.Fatoumatta Tambang as the beneficiary of that early move. And since then, most of what happens in the reforms zone tends to be more piecemeal than wholesome.
The Gambia’s civil service and state-owned enterprises in the Jammeh-era were largely at the beck and call of the ex-president. He could fire and hire willy-nilly. Key government parastatals would do as he asked without batting an eyelid. To think that our state institutions will to this day dance to the whims and caprices of the presidency post-Jammeh is something few would have predicted when the coalition government took over the reins. Under President Barrow, the sackings and/or deployments of key government mandarins to totally new professional ecosystems have become a familiar pattern.

In today’s Gambia, civil or public servants may not be going through the nagging fear of being picked up and intimidated by state agents as it were the case but the all too familiar expectation of showing loyalty to the President is still much alive. That loyalty question is in fact a serious issue that compromises professional independence and integrity. Apparently, the nuances in state-government dichotomy aren’t very much grasped by our people, more so heads of key government agencies who see their appointments or elevations to top jobs as some kind of favor/debt that must be repaid to the appointing authority in the form of political heavy lifting – the President in most cases.

Of course, there were rare cases when a few notable persons who got axed without any plausible justifications turned down offers of redeployment to completely new surroundings. Muhammed Manjang, a former Managing Director of the Social Security and Housing Finance Corporation (SSHFC) and Bakary Jammeh, the man heading the Central Bank of The Gambia (CBG) are too big guns whose dismissals left jaws on the floor and who declined new offers they argued had no bearing on their professional background/expertise. Mr. Jammeh’s case sparked even a bigger stir after describing his removal by the President as illegal. Not even the public outcry and bullish determination by the top economist to seek legal redress could make Barrow change course. Overall, there are genuine concerns that much has not been achieved in the area of institutional reforms, not least the security services which as argued by some are mortgaged to Senegal due to the notable presence of Dakar’s forces in Banjul.

From ‘Barrow is our Barrow’ to a rumble in the jungle

The polarized nature of Gambian politics today cannot be discussed without foraying into the fallout between Adama Barrow and his former party leader Ousainou Darboe, whom the former name-dropped to good effect as he sought the mandate of the Gambian people under the now decimated coalition banner. Until the sacking of UDP leader Mr. Darboe as Vice President, it was no secret that Mr. Barrow was largely provided a shield of protection against criticism by most of those that now are putting him in the doghouse these days, mainly UDP supporters who once shared with him the same political home. Matter of fact, up until that fateful Friday when Mr. Darboe was relieved of his duties, talks of simmering tension between Head of State and his number two had been rife even whereas the duo and their handlers attempted to rubbish those talks. From the moment things came full circle leading to the sackings of other UDP heavyweights from within the government, relations between Barrow and his erstwhile party turned sour . And with Barrow reneging on his three-year campaign promise sold to Gambians, he rubbed more salt into the wounds he created in the UDP camp and also angered other neutrals along the way.
Seemingly emboldened by the power of incumbency and basking in ‘folkloric lionization’ of himself , the leader of the coalition went about throwing barbs and along the way, making decisions that jarred with the hopes of a ‘New Gambia’. Against this backdrop, rumors of a new political party began to swell, and as time also proved with rumors the President’s National People’s Party (NPP) was born. Months after its registration, NPP would replace APRC as UDP’s biggest rival. Like some power game that showed no sign of abating, a handful of renegade UDP lawmakers that were openly cozying up to Barrow including Talinding’s Fatoumatta Jawara got their marching orders from the party. Then came Sherrifo Sonko, who got the chairmanship of Brikama Area Council under the UDP ticket only for him also to jump into the NPP bandwagon to the chagrin of his parent party. Efforts by the UDP who got him sacked for ‘non-compliance with rules’ to have him lose his seat at arguably the country’s biggest local government didn’t materialize after the Supreme Court ruled in his favor. For most of 2020 to date, it was like a political version of the football transfer window during which rival teams prey upon each other’s star players. As it stands, most of the incomings and outgoings revolve around UDP and NPP, two parties that are determined to land the other a knockout punch in an already crowded field.

Famara Fofana is a freelance journalist and public affairs analyst. He is based in Turkey, where he is pursuing a master’s degree in Media and Communications Studies at the Graduate School of Social Sciences, Ankara University.

In the course of my interactions with some non-UDP supporters, a disturbing pattern has emerged which could potentially be a decisive factor in December elections that may ultimately upend the party’s chances to form the next government in our country.

There are certain people out there who feel strongly that a Lawyer Darboe -led UDP government will have no place for them, that it will be tribally or ethnically skewed and its pursuit and administration of justice and accountability will be about retribution and vengeance and not necessarily about deterrence. I have been examining this mushrooming political fear in relation to UDP’s records, policies and structure as a political party and as well professional and personal testimonials of the party’s fagbearer but can’t find any plausible, persuasive and concrete evidence that supports such toxic apprehension.

This delusional political handiwork and dangerous foundation to brand UDP as a tribal grouping – specifically as a Mandinka Party – was conceived, midwifed and christened by Yahya Jammeh in his desperate, despicable and divisive ploy to pit Gambians against each other. It was a disgusting playbook he’d found both usable and useful to consolidate his power very early on and went on to benefit parts of it throughout his presidency. I was under the impression that Jammeh’s downfall in December 2016 was a culmination of our collective total rejection and absolute repudiation of his divisiveness, enslavement, murder and demagoguery. Realizing that some folks are still beholden to this notion – more than four (4) years after the chief architect has gone – underscores the sustained depravity of Jammeh’s legacy and the lasting psychological effect it has in our country. It is even more alarming that these people are ready to vote for Barrow in spite of their own admission of the President’s litany of failures, incompetence and inadequacies than contending with a UDP government is a damning indictment on the future of our country.

As a Lawyer in private practice in 80s and 90s, Ousainou Darboe was reputed for and dedicated his career in defense of the the marginalized, the poor and the vulnerable members of our society. These people come from every background in our diverse society. He did not choose who to defend or fought for based on their ethnicity or their region. As a politician, he took the painful stand and confronted one of the most oppressive and repressive regimes of our generation. He did so not because he had any particular problem with Yahya Jammeh’s tribe or region but like fellow politicians of his time, he was irked by Jammeh’s wanton disrespect for Gambians of all walks of life, his poor governance and his bloody crackdown on his own people. He decided that if he could defend Gambians in Courts and value their dignity as a lawyer and succeeded, he could champion their course and protect their rights better as their president..

Darboe has also built a very progressive and diverse family for himself by marrying dignified women outside of his ethnicity and embracing their culture. In his family, we see a common Gambian story – a respect for and appreciation of our strong multicultural bonds.

In Leading one of the largest political establishments in our country, Darboe’s stewardship witnesses and boasts of a rapidly growing movement with support base, structures and presence in communities, villages and towns across the country. The party’s core values, principles and clarion calls appeal to people’s unalienable rights to self worth, dignity, justice, freedom and prosperity – something every tribe and every individual in every part of our country is entitled to. UDP’s policies on justice and accountability is in line with our country’s best interests. If there is any important lessons from dictatorship is the fact that impunity engenders decadence, bitterness and violence and destroys nations and for our country to move forward and attain its development metrics in all key spheres, issues of the past must be adequately addressed through fair and proportionate dispensation of justice and accountability. Those running away from facing accountability and attempting to hoodwink people into some untenable reconciliation arrangement have either something to hide or are in support of murder and pillaging that marred our country for over two decades..

Thus, I have reached a sobering conclusion that those who are opposed to Darboe’s Presidency – not because of policy disagreements or a dislike for him as a person/politician but based on the fallacious notion that a UDP government would promote a Mandinka tribe at the expense of the rest of our fellow citizens – are in fact showcasing their own dangerous tribal prejudice and consuming insecurities. These emerging prejudices, naked paranoia and baseless insecurities pose a real and imminent threat to our nascent democracy and prosperity of our country. Re-electing President Barrow on that pretext accomplishes nothing for our country other than further erosion of our national pride, sheer madness in our public institutions and widening polarization in our society.

It is my candid view/assessment that Gambia is at a crossroad and its rescue should be above and beyond petty sentiments, hollow fear-mongering and narrow-minded tribal prejudice of any kind. We owe it to Gambia, to our generation, to our children and their children. To achieve this and to correct the mistakes of the past, Let’s make President Barrow a One Term President!

How logical is Alagie Sanyang, Rambo Jatta’s accuser of bribery to tell the police that after the APRC 1st Deputy party leader paid him the D30,000.00 bribery money Rambo immediately seized his phone and deleted all his numbers used to call him before their meeting at Lamin? Really Alagie? How stupid does he think his police interrogators were?

But as important and rather arrogant as the behavior of Rambo was I think that part of his story should have featured clearly in his first video and not to wait until the Police cornered him with producing the evidence of his phone records. Hey, was the unorthodox behavior of Rambo not in contradiction with his boastful remarks that he had before their nightly meeting at a gas station in Lamin adequately prepared himself for any kind of confrontation with “Rambo, the so-called Jatto Jatta” as he put it? That he was never scared of Rambo in anyway and form. Wasn’t he instead a classic weakling to allow Rambo to confiscation his phone and delete all incriminating numbers?

I am sure that unsophisticated Alagie doesn’t know that once a call is placed from one phone to another the evidence is instantly recorded and printable by the server. No amount of “fitti-fitti or fatta fatta”-stealing Essa Faal’s warnings to witnesses at the TRRC-will make those phone records and the times they were placed disappear in thin air. In my view it is fair to conclude that the whole thing was a cheap conspiracy against Rambo and the APRC executive funded by bunch of low IQ folks and a very dumb one for that matter.

Samsudeen Sarr.
Banjul, The Gambia.

By Cherno Baba Jallow

As Adama Barrow began his presidency almost five years ago, one wondered what kind of a leader would he turn out to be. His lack of experience was already baked in the national consciousness. It was a given that he was always going to struggle to find a foothold in the complex world of governance.

But on a broader canvass, Barrow’s presidency, as is the wont with any incoming leader, was going to be put on a comparative test: How he measured up against his two predecessors —- Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara and Yahya Jammeh. The two predecessors turned out to be markedly different in their governing styles and in their approaches to constituent matters.

Jawara was a democrat, a paragon of soft power, a consensus moulder. He was a first-rate politician with first-rate oratorical skills. He ruled, not with an iron-first, but with a conciliatory tone, a tone moored in tolerance for dissent, in multiparty politics, in the rule of law, and all in a country which was enjoying, except for a few snags in its political life, sustained boom times of peace and tranquility.

But Jawara wasn’t spotless. With him, and particularly in the dying days of his presidency, you got the impression that the man was short on impetus, the ability to make things happen or happen quickly. Essential things weren’t done or done at a glacial speed. He failed to bring university education, a national TV. He failed to modernize the country with roads, bridges and other infrastructural necessities. He failed to go big on the national question. That Singapore Dream of his turned out to be just that: a mere dream with neither the ideas nor the energy to implement it.

Mired in inertia, and a presidency reduced to vanishing lengths, Jawara’s last days helped usher in his successor Yahya Jammeh, a man with an oceanic plenitude of energy and courage and determination, a welcome departure from the laggard ways of yore.

Unlike Jawara, Jammeh was a ruthless dictator who didn’t believe in democracy. He crushed dissent. He sent his opponents to the slammer. Or worse. He orchestrated chaos and induced permanent fear in the hearts of the citizenry.

But where Jammeh impressed, and performed better than Jawara, was in the arena of presidential ardor, the drive and motivation for the consequential, the steady resolve to break things up and start all over again. With Jammeh you got the full portraiture: a leader convinced of his smarts, bold in his decision-making and colossal in his ambitions to transform the country even as he consolidated his grip on power.

With their former presidents ——Jawara and Jammeh —— Gambians weren’t in any doubt about what each one of them epitomized: one was a democrat, a believer in a free civil society, but limited in drive and inventiveness. The other was a tyrant who killed his people but nonetheless had lots of push in him to reshape his country.

If only we could have a leader who combined the best of what both Jawara and Jammeh possessed: a democrat with the vigor and the courage and the audacity to bring genuine changes to our politics and governance.

The Gambia needs such a leader. President Adama Barrow has had the chance to be such a leader. He has the temperament of a democrat, in the cast of Jawara, but he still lacks the adrenaline and the pluckiness of Jammeh. We can’t afford to have one without the other.

Coming out of a long-term dictatorship as we did, The Gambia needed a leader with a tolerant disposition to work in synch with and not get in the way of, our revived democracy. We’ve gotten that in Barrow. But we also needed a leader who wasn’t afraid to blow everything up and rebuild from the ground up, who would publicly rebuke the inefficiencies of government, demand excellence from and punish the malfeasance of, public officials. We’ve not gotten that from Barrow. Yet.

The Gambia has had three leaders in its 56 years of nationhood. The ideal one is still yet to come.

About the author: Cherno Baba Jallow, a native of Basse, lives in New York City. You can personally write to him at: [email protected]

By Basidia M Drammeh

For months, rumours have been swirling around that the TRRC Lead Counsel, Essa Faal, will join the political fray, but the internationally acclaimed lawyer kept mute about it. In an appearance on Fatu Network’s For The People By The People Show, he was questioned whether he would contest the presidential election; Mr. Faal cunningly dodged the question retorting that only a lawyer would ask a Yes or No question.

Well, on Friday, Mr. Faal decided, in a fanfare, to break his long silence declaring his long-awaited decision to throw his hat into the ring.

Counsel Faal, now a presidential aspirant, has split public opinion in the Gambia since reports have emerged that he was eyeing the highest office, with some critics labelling him as an elitist and an opportunist who took advantage of his fame at TRRC to seek the presidency, even though the TRRC has not yet submitted its final report. On the other hand, his avid supporters hold a different opinion, insisting that Mr. Faal is the right person to take the country out of its woes and predicaments through his vast experience and undiluted love for the country. His defenders refer to his track record as an accomplished civil servant and an acclaimed international lawyer involved in high-profile prosecutions at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Addressing the criticism levelled him that he took advantage of his public popularity stemming from his rigorous and robust line of questioning his witnesses before TRRC, Faal brushed aside the notion but was quick to add that he is the right person to seek justice for the victims, bring Jammeh to book and fully implement the recommendations to be made by TRRC.

Meanwhile, Mr. Faal confidently touted his credentials which make him stand out from an already crowded political arena, stating that he is a person who registers success in everything he does. He went as far as unreservedly saying: “I am the best to lead the country.”

In a marathon speech, Mr. Faal, a lawyer cum politician, spoke about plans to revitalize the economy, reform the education and health sectors. He emotionally recalled how his father died of a possibly avoidable illness due to a lack of proper health infrastructure. The newest politician in town also vowed to create employment opportunities and fight rampant corruption. Mr. Faal was also keen to highlight the role of the Gambian diaspora describing the constituency as an essential segment of society that sustains many families.

Though he is yet to launch is a political manifesto, Mr. Faal told his keenly attentive audience that his foremost priority would be to unite a deeply polarized country.

The elections are three months away, so it remains to be seen how Mr. Faal will fare in an uncharted territory though he sounded very confident that the people will be surprised come December 4.

For the moment, it’s hard to predict how the political landscape will ultimately shape up with about 20 political parties and a handful of independent candidates, all eyeing the 1 Marine Parade.

By Musa Bah, The Watchman

I have learnt from a very reliable source that a faceoff between the State (through the Ministry of Health) and the National Association of Gambian Nurses and Midwives is imminent. This cannot augur well for the population, especially at this challenging time of COVID-19 pandemic. Therefore, every effort must be made to avert it. What is the genesis of this problem and how can it be resolved?

In May of this year, the National Association of Gambian Nurses and Midwives held a series of negotiations with the Office of the Secretary General and Head of the Civil Service on the issue of the payment of their allowances (risk allowance, on-call allowance, special allowance).

The meetings bore fruit when the nurses were told to give the government time to complete computations of these allowances so it could be done properly. All parties agreed that the payments would commence in August 2021.

The Office of the Secretary General then wrote a letter to both the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Finance authorizing them to begin paying these allowances by August 2021. In June, an email was sent to the Permanent Secretary Ministry of Health to remind them of the agreement. He replied the next day to say that they (MoH) were working on it.

On 24 August 2021, the Ministry of Health sent a letter to the National Association of Gambian Nurses and Midwives requesting another grace period of one month to complete the computations and pay the allowances.

I have seen a letter, which replied to that plea of MoH, rejecting this request. The reply of the nurses further pointed out that between May 11 and August 24 is 100 days, enough to do any computations had they been serious and concerned about the health of the population and welfare of the nurses.

The National Association of Gambian Nurses and Midwives is threatening to go on a sit-down strike from 1 September 2021 if their allowances are not paid by 31 August. It is fair to say that the nurses have been patient and steadfast enough and that the Ministry of Health should have made serious efforts to pay these allowances by now.

If therefore their demands are not met and they go on a strike the consequences thereof will squarely be on the shoulders of the Ministry of Health.

It is difficult, if not impossible, to justify the lack of payment of the allowances of the nurses considering the important role nurses play in the healthcare sector of the country. In fact, nurses are indispensable and anyone who has even a rudimentary understanding of healthcare delivery can understand that without nurses the entire sector will collapse leading to devastating consequences.

It has now emerged that the top echelon at the Ministry of Health seem to more concerned with how much they can earn for themselves than the welfare of nurses and the health of the population.

A report of the Malagen online newspaper published on August 27 alleges that, “… the ministry made reported excess expenditure of at least $1.2m (approx. D62.7m) and $565, 827 (approx. D28m) from the purchase and transportation of the medical items, respectively. This totals up to D90m, more than the annual budgetary allocation of ministries of information and tourism combined.”

It is not clear what really went on in that saga – or what the State will do about it -but it is evident that had the ministry been serious about the welfare of the nurses, and concerned about the Gambian population they would not have been unable to take care of these allowances. I tried reaching officials at the ministry via email but could not get any response until at the time of going to press.

That is another problem at this particular ministry, they hardly reply to email enquiries.

It will be devastating if, during these times of rising coronavirus transmissions and the alarming increase in the number of deaths being reported, the healthcare sector were to be shut down for that is what a general sit-down of the nurses will cause. Both parties are therefore urged to return to the negotiating table so that we can avoid the unnecessary loss of lives.

How riveting can it get with less than 100 days to election?

Essa Faal said he felt great when I asked him how he felt as he entered through the back door of the American International University lobby on Friday evening. It looked so.

It will take some time before some Gambians fully get what this man is trying to do here. Essa wanting to run for president is one thing that has divided opinion. The people I saw him with last night think he is the deal but one critic told me he is an opportunist. There are many more who believe he used the TRRC to launch himself to fame.

The last few months and weeks have seen a lot of Gambians express interest in becoming the country’s next leader in December but I don’t really remember anyone who has done so with so much style. But that’s typical Essa.

Yet, Essa took to that podium and declared he will win. With his expensive car collection on display and saying with confidence that he is the best out of the lot, Essa’s entrance into the political fold borders on bravado.

On Friday evening, Essa began his speech by first thanking God. He then turned to man. That is his deceased parents whom he said approved of his political endeavour and his friend James Bahoum who was initially chosen to introduce him to the nation.

But while Essa has not officially unveiled his manifesto, only the not-so-smart will not know this man’s campaign will largely be about victims of former President Yahya Jammeh.

“There is one very important issue that is very dear to my heart. For 22 years, from 1994 to 2017, Gambians suffered. There are too many victims. I would make it a crusade to ensure justice for the victims. I know it would come with a price but justice would be done,” Essa said about the victims.

Jammeh did a lot of bad things and if there is one person who can truly bring him to account, it’s Essa. I want the victims to know this.

And if APRC contingent are jittery about UDP going after Jammeh, they should reconsider their stance. Essa is the man to be worried about.

Lamin Njie is the editor-in-chief of The Fatu Network. The views expressed in this opinion piece do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Fatu Network.

By Madi Jobarteh

The passing of the Access to Information Bill by the National Assembly and its signing into law by the President marks one of the most significant democratic gains registered by the new Government since 2017. With this law, the Gambia has now joined 10 other west African countries that have all created this law. This is indeed a significant democratic achievement for which the National Assembly and the President deserve the utmost commendation. I hope the Government will waste no time but to go ahead to urgently establish the Information Commission and ensure the full implementation of the Act.

Access to Information (ATI) or Freedom Information (FOI) law, also called Sunshine Law, is one of the most instrumental tools necessary to strengthen democracy, good governance and development. It is a law that recognizes and guarantees the right of citizens to access information that is in the custody of public institutions or even private companies or entities which utilize public resources or deliver public services.

To ensure public access to information, the law requires either that public authorities proactively publish information about their activities or members of the public can request information from public authorities, or both. It is pertinent that citizens and the Government bear in mind the issue of proactive disclosure by public authorities to highlight the obligation of public institutions to share information even before citizens request such information. This is provided for in the Act.

It is important to also bear in mind that the law does not state that every information shall be disclosed or provided to citizens. Rather, it has indeed exempted certain information from disclosure so as to protect the privacy of individuals as well as protect information whose disclosure may undermine the country’s security, economy and other vital interests. The procedure for the request and disclosure of information is however quite explicit as to prevent any doubts.

Public officials particularly must be educated to better understand and appreciate the value of freedom of information law as a tool that can only enhance their professionalism, efficiency and effectiveness in delivering public services. Therefore, public officials must recognize first and foremost, that the sovereignty of the Gambia resides in the people of the Gambia; that public institutions derive their authority from the people and perform their duty for the people. This is the language of the Constitution which provides the rationale and the obligation for public institutions to enforce this law.

Secondly, public officials must know that the Government receives public resources from the taxes that citizens pay and the loans and grants it receives on behalf of the people. The Government engages with other countries in the name of, and on behalf of the people. Citizens, businesses, organizations and institutions register, apply and share information with public officials every day. From birth to death, a citizen gives a lot of personal information to public institutions. Hence public officials must know that the information generated in the course of their work does not belong to them, rather these pieces of information are public properties that must be protected, and shared with the public according to the law.

Now that there is the Access to Information Act, let all citizens familiarize themselves with the provisions of the Act, and make use of it in their own interest. The benefits of this law are that it sheds light on the work of the Government hence it is useful in preventing and combating corruption, abuse of office and poor performance by public institutions and officials. Without citizens making use of the law, it will be rendered useless.

The Act has provided for the creation of an Information Commission to oversee the enforcement of this law. It has provided that within 18 months of the coming into force of this law, public institutions should provide an operational plan to the Commission stating how they will implement this law. From the President’s Facebook page, this law came into being on 25 August 2021, hence on or before 25 February 2023, all public institutions should provide their operational plans to the Information Commission. Let’s track and monitor them.

The Access to Information Act is not for only journalists and civil society. This law is for all Gambian citizens. Let us utilize this law and make sure that the Gambia Government is open. Freedom of information is a fundamental human right that is guaranteed by the Constitution. It is one of the first rights expressed by the UN General Assembly in 1946 as necessary and instrumental for all other rights.

While we commend the Gambia Government and the National Assembly, it is now incumbent on each and every citizen to make use of the law as well as demand that public institutions re-organize themselves in order to better and fully implement this law.

For The Gambia Our Homeland

By Sariang Marong

Corruption as the name implies is an enormous obstacle to the realization of human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural, as well as the right to development. Corruption violates the core human rights principles of transparency, accountability, non-discrimination and meaningful participation in every aspect of the life of the community. Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, or any other status.

For the past two years, Gambians have sounded the alarm of corruption and ineffectiveness of their government led by President Adama Barrow. Conversely an incompetent government who time over time failed to deliver on its basic obligation should be a concern to all citizens. We have seen major projects which cost taxpayers millions of dalasi’s just to find out the architecture was poorly planned as well as executed. The government procurement process was full of kickbacks and back door deals which breeds inefficient execution of project management methodology.

Corruption affects human rights both directly and indirectly, for example corruption in our government can impact the proper and efficient execution of public policy initiatives. But also contributes to an environment in which our government cannot function in carrying out its basic mandate. When many of us decided to join the fight to uproot dictatorship in the Gambia, we want a better and a prosperous Gambia where its citizens will enjoy twenty first century amenities. In hindsight, who could have thought our current situation will threaten our peace and security? Who would have thought those who have given all to salvage our country from the brink of civil war will be forgotten too soon? Who would have thought President Barrow will continue to appoint his friends and close allies who lacked the experience to function in key positions in our government? Who would have thought President Barrow will appoint four presidential advisers who lacked the necessary requisite to be advisors?

Our country needs reforms for our government to function properly, the notion that we need to proof that there is corruption in Barrow administration is laughable. The proof is in the projects they have undertaken so far; check the quality of work on the end product after millions of dalasi are spent. The upcoming Presidential elections should be an indictment of Barrow administration; from millions of taxpayer money spent on the various commissions without implementing the commission’s report! Can we ask ourselves are we better off now than four years ago? These elections should be about the future versus the status quo; a more transparent and efficient government that will serve the interest of all Gambians versus a government that serves the interest of few individuals. The elections should be about recruiting technocrats and experience professionals who understand the function of a government against an administration who filled key positions with friends and allies who cannot deliver on key government functions.

I will urge all Gambians to look beyond the idiosyncrasy of their political beliefs and vote with their conscience to effect change. Our people, our country need all of us to create a path for equality and economic prosperity. We have few months before Gambians cast their votes, reflect on those shared values; the right to a better healthcare, the right to cleaned water, the right to stable electricity, the right to better education system, and the right to equality and good governance. As I conclude this writeup; can we collectively effect change come December and fundamentally change the direction of our country for good. I believe we can for a path forward.

May God bless the Gambia and her people.

The writer, Sariang Marong (pictured below), is based in the United States. 

It’s a good day out in the political field for UDP. Getting Ramou from NPP is big, as big as Suku Singhateh leaving the party and heading the other way.

UDP have taken their revenge on NPP. And with style. Having hundreds of UDP supporters gather at Ramou’s house to escort her to Manjai just goes to show how much this means for UDP. NPP took Suku from them and they responded in kind by taking Ramou. A tit-for-tat.

The last time I spoke to Ramou, there was nothing that suggested she was having issues in the party. She only spoke about how much President Barrow respected her. The president always called her ‘sister’ – and she was even planning a big rally for the president in Sabach Sanjal. But when I listened to her swear on her deceased parents, I realised how complicated this really was.

Momodou Sabally is happy. He has been bringing a lot of people to UDP but getting his own sister onboard is perhaps his greatest contribution to this party. That’s my man, there.

Ramou joining UDP has filled UDP folks with renewed confidence. Darboe speaking at his meeting with Ramou said UDP was winning by 55% but with Ramou coming, he has just taken that up to 66%.

But while NPP is poor for Ramou’s departure, it is not big enough to deny an NPP victory. My view of this election remains the same. Even if I will be accused of being bought by NPP.

By Zakaria Kemo Konteh

Oftentimes, we call out the President for his manifest betrayal of our trust, for glaring incompetence of his administration and for his gleefully naked political ambition to seek another term in office. We do so without malice but out of concern for the country and people we love dearly. We have been short-changed big time in ways unimaginable and this makes the betrayal all the more tragic, sad and unforgivable.

The collective euphoria, hope and optimism that buoyed Barrow’s campaign and paved the way for the ouster of Yahya Jammeh, in 2016, was painfully short-lived as it dissipated under the ignominious weight of greed and hunger for power. The ensuing five (5) years has been nothing short of chaotic governance, corruption on steroid in public institutions, impunity on methamphetamine, general freezing of life-changing developments, increased wasteful spending of public resources, high cost of living and an emboldened criminal activities. Arguably, these are as a result of a President consumed in power consolidation, incapable of understanding the awesome responsibilities of the office he occupies and presiding over a government lost in its track with little or no direction, all of which come with enormous cost for Gambians.

Through various decisions, we could understand the mindset of a President solely focused on political survival even when these decisions are tangential or in direct conflict with the overwhelming national interests.

Barrow’s decision on the Janneh Commission’s Report was a text book definition of how he intended to fight corruption and mismanagement: rehire, retain, reward and elevate indicted financial criminals who have remorselessly, dishonestly shamelessly demonstrated political, ethical, legall and moral malleability.

The President’s covert collusion with some members of the National Assembly in the form of financial inducement and other underhanded political maneuvering to torpedo the people-endorsed Draft Constitution is a testament of Barrow’s zero commitment to get rid of both the colonial-era and Jammeh-era anti-democracy and anti-Gambians laws.

Through Mamburay Njie and his Supplementary Appropriation Bills, we could understand the nefarious and wasteful schemes of the sitting President to defraud Gambians in broad daylight for political purposes.

Through Bai Lamin Jobe, we could discern the willingness of President Barrow to award shady government contracts and kickback to his donors.

Through Dr. Lamin Samateh, we understand the President’s absolute lack of care and diminishing priorities for our healthcare systems which has seen recent spike of maternal and infant mortalities our hospitals.

When Gache company imported hundreds of lethal weapons into our country for private use, we realized that Barrow would go to any length to compromise National Security in order to satisfy any compensate his financiers..

And Barrow’s non-commitment towards justice and victims of the former regime’s decades long terror campaign is on full display when his NPP, in an act of political desperation, has turned to APRC for possible alliance the cornerstone of which will all but certain be about shredding of the TRRC’s findings and the potential criminal indictment of Yahya Jammeh for mass murder, torture and crime against humanity.

Thus, with these and so many other examples out there of tragic political, legal, economical and governance failures that have defined Barrow’s Presidency in the last five years, it would be a betrayal of conscience, delusional naivety, rewarding and immunization of wholesale incompetence to give him another chance in office. We should have the presence of the mind and care for the future to recognize critical danger zones and red flags in Barrow’s leadership and commit to ending it on December 4th, 2021.

Making Barrow a one termer would place him in the categories of fellow failed leaders in other nations around the world who have placed personal interests above their people’s, who have squandered historic opportunities, who have shattered the optimism of their constituents and who have failed to deliver for their country. Time to send clear, unmistakable message to our non-performing Commander-in-chief that his days in the State House are ending faster than he’d bargained for, that betraying Gambians comes with a cost and that the only thing in store for him post election is to go back to climbing his 500m Kabaa Tree in Jimara…

By Madi Jobarteh

Look at these expensive vehicles posed in front of muddied lakes in our communities as if shooting of a Hollywood action movie is about to begin. These is how politicians hoodwink and exploit their people. They keep them so impoverished, uninformed and destitute and then appear before them in shiny hardwares and in immaculate dresses as if they are not from those people.

What is President Adama Barrow trying to prove here? For over one year, public announcements and advertisements are bombarded on our radios and television about OIC coming to build 20 new roads as if that will make The Gambia look like Dubai! Yet where are the workers and equipment to build the roads? OIC summit is in November 2022 yet the construction of 20 new roads, not to mention building hotels and hospitals, are yet to start. It is less than 20 months to November 2022. Is it that in every month a new road will be constructed?

What’s the value in visiting it these roads? Is it only to dirty expensive vehicles bought with poor people’s money? These pictures should make the President ashamed to realize that the masses of our people live in these communities thanks to Government failure.

People have to be jumping like frogs amidst these lakes of mud in our streets just to avoid being stained and dirtied. People have been struggling to get to and from home because of these muddied waters because they don’t have such vehicles that the President and entourage are brandishing here like movie stars in an action thriller.

To bring these vehicles here is utter mockery, insensitivity and blatant display of opulence! Utterly irresponsible and unnecessary! This is nothing but a show to wow the people into believing mere propaganda!

Instead, let the President respond to the leakage at the airport. To spend 14 million dollars on such a edifice only to have it leaking is unacceptable.

Let the President respond to the bad roads that are said to be newly constructed such as the Ice Man road or the road connecting LK Sabiji market to Coastal Road in Wellingara or the never-ending construction of the road from that same market going into Sukuta.

The road from Jokor Westfield to Abuko via Talinding and Faji Kunda is horrible. These are among many public works that are substandard yet millions are spent on them. Let the President address that. All of these roads indicate bribery and corruption and inefficiency.

Finally before coming here, let the President address the poor drainage and sewage systems all over the greater Banjul area.

The Minister of Health has just announced a polio outbreak precisely because of poor drainage and sewage. The polio virus were discovered in Banjul and Kotu yet the President has not even talked about that!!!

Polio is a more dangerous situation than COVID because it targets children by making them physically disabled hence undermining their growth, denying them opportunities and equality in future!

Let the President stop the foolery and respond to urgent national issues. If you have already secured funding for 20 new roads, then let the work begin than taking expensive vehicles to dirty them in the mud for nothing. Stop playing with public resources!

For The Gambia ?? Our Homeland

By Cherno Baba Jallow

In the presidential elections of 2016, Gambians were presented with a Hobson’s choice: return an erratic dictator to power or hand the presidency to an inestimably inexperienced candidate.

Enter President Adama Barrow.

Gambians were never in doubt about Barrow, the man they were going to entrust with the custodianship of their national affairs. He was a complete greenhorn in statecraft. He knew nothing about governance, about government, this sprawling industry of institutions and personalities and policies and ideas.

Getting rid of Jammeh was key to the Gambian voters. It offered them a much-needed springboard for a fresh start, a new direction. Jammeh had to go. The country had to be pulled back from the looming possibilities of societal disintegration. But the voters were also hopeful that his replacement, though woefully ill-equipped, would do better at some point in the long-run.

How? First, by surrounding himself with the right people, the people with the ideas on the knots and bolts of governance. And second, by the gradual process of self-inculcation, learning on the job, immersing himself in the conceptual and deliberative processes of decision-making, understanding policies and messaging, presentational and aspirational leadership.

Gambian voters didn’t expect Barrow to be proficient in his job as soon as he entered the State House. But they expected him, and time permitting, to master, at least, the rudiments of leadership, and in consonance with the aspirations of the people who voted for a change.

But like a man caught in a quicksand, Barrow is either stuck or drowning. He has been unable to impress with any new-found skills. It’s not even the fact that he has been snail-slow in the leadership-learning process. It’s the fact that he hasn’t learned anything at all. There are many factors to account for that, but his failure to thrive is mainly because he has had advisers who don’t know anymore than he does. It’s the blind leading the blind.

Consider Barrow’s recent proclamation that he would stop political rallies if he won the forthcoming elections in December. No leader who had been well-served by his advisers and who understood the basics of electioneering, would reveal such a hostile mindset, and certainly not in an election year.

Barrow, in barricading himself and in a desperate attempt to mollify our fears over his recent faux pas, can’t do himself any good by hiding behind the recent press release of his spokesman or by expecting us to accept the famous quip that leaders should never be judged by what they say but rather by what they do. This is no waiting game.

This is a matter of immediacy. A leader threatening to end political campaigns —- the lifeblood of any democracy —- shouldn’t be ignored. He should be put under the microscope. All the way to Election Day. Gambian voters shouldn’t wait until Barrow acted on his threat before they took him seriously. They should. Now.

Banning political errands or speech is the legerdemain of dictators or leaders hankering after power, the concentration of its allocation and the pervasiveness of its reach. It is dictators like Saddam or Jammeh or Hoxha who show such perniciousness. Leaders, like Barrow, whose ascendancy arose out of the crucible of democracy, and who, in particular, defeated one of Africa’s last hold-outs of dictators, ought to know better. They are expected to be staunch allies of democracy, promoting and strengthening the ideals of free speech and association, the rule of law and citizen-sovereignty.

But Barrow has gone off-tangent. This is the first time he has shown flickers of arrogance of power. This is out of character. Until now, Barrow had carried himself well. He hadn’t cared publicly about the acerbic criticism, ridicule even, some in the citizenry had been throwing his way. He knew how to tune it out. He didn’t howl back. He didn’t arrest or detain journalists or opposition leaders. He just kept to himself, taking the vitriol on the chin and moving on and confounding his critics with his reticence.

Going into the elections later this year, Barrow’s strongest suit has been his tolerance for dissent. The Gambia is enjoying an unprecedented level of freedom of speech. Barrow isn’t the provider of this freedom. This was earned. But in Barrow, a man known for his humility and not easily thrown into irritability, The Gambia’s new-found and healthy expressiveness has found the right ally.

No longer? By his recent pronouncement, and which was, by no means, an unforced error in political speechifying (he was both blunt and precise), Barrow has begun squandering away his most substantial political capital. And on this issue, he has both shaken the confidence the people had in him and gifted the opposition a strong talking point going into the elections.

Should he lose in December, Barrow should look back on his recent speech as the catalyst for his political demise. We will find out in the coming months.

About the author: Cherno Baba Jallow is a native of Basse and currently lives in New York City. You can personally write to him at: [email protected]

By Basidia M Drammeh

A troubling image making rounds on social media of the Banjul International Airport inundated with water speak volumes of the country’s state of affairs. The reported leakage at a recently renovated airport to the tune of $14 million reflects the poor maintenance quality due to suspected corruption. Incidentally, a friend of mine who recently visited the Gambia relayed his impressions about the much-vaunted face-lift of the airport. He told me that the tiles are of poor quality, insisting that he would prosecute the tile layer for corruption if he were President Barrow!

Corruption is endemic and pervasive across all sectors in the Gambia in the form of bribes, kickbacks, favouritism, nepotism, and the embezzlement of public funds. No official has ever been charged or indicted for corruption despite reported corruption cases since the Barrow Administration came to power in 2017. A recent survey by Afro Barometer has found that the Majority of Gambians see corruption increasing and the government failing to fight it. According to the report: “Over the past three years, citizens’ perceptions of widespread corruption among public officials have increased significantly. It also noted that a substantial number of Gambians report having to pay bribes to obtain public services, and only half believe they can report corruption to the authorities without fear of retaliation.

Likewise, the United States has recently issued a scathing and damning report accusing the Gambian authorities of turning a blind eye to corruption, lamenting the Government’s inaction to combat graft.

In the same vein, the Kanifing Municipal Council has been mired in corruption allegations, with the CEO put on administrative leave as investigations proceed in financial misappropriation. The Deputy Mayor also resigned, citing family reasons following a report published by the Freedom newspaper alleging that the Deputy was caught on a leaked tape involved in a bribe of about one million dalasi. Observers believe that the alleged corruption at KMC only came to light because the Freedom newspaper decided to blow the whistle; otherwise, everything would have been normal.

To stem the cycle of rampant corruption in the Gambia, the long-awaited Anti-Corruption Bill should be passed by Parliament to ensure that alleged corruption cases are fully and thoroughly investigated and that those found wanting face the full force of the law.

Back to the airport saga, we don’t need another toothless and ineffective commission of inquiry. Instead, all the officials involved in the renovation project must be suspended immediately and questioned by the police. Anyone found guilty of dereliction of duty and corruption should be fired and prosecuted, and there must not be any sacred cows!

Until this Thursday morning of August 19, 2021following eleven hours of beautiful uninterrupted rain, I indeed tried to ignore the ongoing argument surrounding the controversial statement made by President Adama Barrow that he alone cannot grant former President Jammeh amnesty from his interview with Pa Nderry Touray of Paradise FM Radio.

In the first place, the idea of Jammeh yearning for amnesty as if he had already been convicted of committing any crime is a flawed notion entertained only by consumers of the Essa Faal Kool-Aid; and I believe Mr. Touray has proven his overdose from the concoction. As a matter of fact, nowhere in the interview did President Barrow say anything about granting amnesty to former President Jammeh after Mr. Pa Nderry Touray fired him the unfair question which he perfectly answered by clarifying how a democratic government and president function on the matter. By merely implying to Mr. Touray that his government is waiting for the TRRC report-that is yet to be completed and submitted for review-which will require comprehensive evaluation from all branches of government including expert appraisal and advice before he can finally do anything tells a different story from the misinterpreted words of the president. Barrow somehow indicated that the “White Paper” that will be produced after everything is said and done will ultimately reveal the position of his government hinged on a purely democratic process.

I don’t know how else President Barrow could have responded to Mr. Nderry’s question who in my view asked that unwarranted question to perhaps corner him in a tough spot in the middle of a prospective APRC-NPP coalition talks. No wonder the intellectual fraudsters and the low IQ analysts and activists grabbed the poisonous red meat for the hungry gullible wolves.

For the deceivers to say that the APRC executive were asking for Jammeh’s amnesty and Barrow saying that he alone cannot grant Jammeh one is both inaccurate and unconscionable.

What we need to teach the “Jammeh doctrinaires” is that Barrow cannot govern like Jammeh because the two systems of government they superintended are totally different in principle and style. Jammeh as a soldier had seized power by force of arms in 1994 while Barrow contested an election and won in 2016. I know that my good brother and wonderful friend Malick Mbye will argue based on my own previous revelations that Barrow had won an election rigged by the IEC which was illegal; but by the same token, my other friend and government spokesman Ebrima Sankareh still cannot be convinced of the legitimacy of Jammeh’s ascension to power by overthrowing the democratically elected PPP government in 1994. Who is right or wrong in this intriguing dilemma or squabble reminiscent of the age-defying altercation over whether the end justifies the means or vice-versa will in this case be argued by scholars up to the end of time.

From my understanding however, the APRC Executive is pursuing the same arrangement that during Jammeh’s era had facilitated and brought about the successful return of former President Sir Dawda Jawara back home following his voluntary or involuntary departure from the Gambia on the very day of the 1994 coup. Jawara was indeed accused by the Jammeh government of committing many crimes and gross abuse of power during his 32 years in power of which if a TRRC was commissioned to at least look into the atrocities of his government in 1981 with the involvement of Senegal it would have probably been characterized as genocide. Anyway after everything that had transpired Jawara was never convicted of any crimes although given the unceremonious way he had departed the country in 1994, his coming back home required an executive endorsement that also entailed an orderly process. By the way, how long did the APRC government take to finally see the need to allow Jawara to come back home in the orderly manner it was conducted? Besides, it had to be done contingent to the national security of the nation, a politically profitable outcome or both. Essentially if Jammeh hadn’t realized any political benefit in allowing Jawara to return home and instead saw it as an existential threat to the national security of the Gambia he definitely wouldn’t have agreed to the old man’s return. So the question is, will Barrow be that politically naive to disregard all unfavorable probabilities to his government by allowing Jammeh to come back home after the latter’s unceremonious departure in 2017? I don’t think so; nonetheless I can categorically say that if allowing Jammeh to come back home today adds to his vision of establishing and reinforcing a good and sustainable government in the country he will without hesitation do so. Courting the APRC for a coalition seems to be edging towards that expectation.

Notwithstanding, let us not behave too unsophisticated and expect Barrow to govern in the way Jammeh used to govern and expect him to survive in this modern era.

Because of his distinctive military orientation or style of governance Jammeh could wake up and say that he alone could bring back Jawara-not necessarily an amnesty-and make sure that he gets all his entitlements as a former president and nobody in the country would question or challenge it; Jammeh could wake up and declare the country an Islamic State without consulting any branch of government or anyone in the country and it will happen; Jammeh could disregard all medical ethics, risks, implications, rules and regulations, declare himself a bush-doctor, open his private clinic, manufacture his own drugs and start treating patients suffering from different ailments and no Gambian dared to challenge or question the logic; Jammeh could invite strange foreign sorcerers into the country and order them to hunt for witches and exorcise the compelling monster in them that makes them feed on human flesh and it happens only challenged by Halifa Sallah, Sam Sarr (PDOIS not me) and Sidia Jatta, three people in a population of 2 million inhabitants; yes, Jammeh could do a lot of normal and weird things without the endorsement of any Gambian, his cabinet, his judiciary and the parliament. Was that a proper way of governing a democratically elected president guided by a reasonable constitution? I will leave the readers and our hotheaded Jammeh Doctrinaires to toy with that answer. What is evident however is that most Gambians had lived through those events including the top critic of Jammeh Essa Faal and had behaved as everything was cool and dandy.

President Adama Barrow cannot and will not behave that way unless he wants the IEC Chairman Alieu Momar Njie to come up with two sets of results in the December 2021 presidential election declaring him loser in both. I don’t know about you guys but Samsudeen Sarr is not flying out of the Gambia with any ex-president going on exile to Equatorial Guinea or even China.

Samsudeen Sarr

Banjul, The Gambia.