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Taboro Manneh Demands Transparency on Jammeh’s Seized Assets

By Michaella Faith Wright

Ebrima Taboro Manneh, leader of the People’s Alliance Party, has called out the government for its continued failure to disclose details about the sale of former President Yahya Jammeh’s seized assets, describing the situation as a betrayal of public trust.

Speaking in a WhatsApp audio message circulated on social media, Manneh said he was addressing the issue not as a politician but as a concerned citizen of The Gambia. He described the current political climate as a critical moment for every Gambian to stay informed and involved.

“These are interesting times to be a citizen of The Gambia, especially for those who are truly concerned about the direction of our beloved country,” he said. Manneh praised investigative journalist Mustapha K. Darboe for shedding light on the issue, saying his work has empowered citizens to demand accountability. “Mustapha has done a great job in uncovering facts that led to public demand for full disclosure on Jammeh’s assets,” he noted.

He criticised the government for not being transparent about how the assets were handled. “We all know the assets were seized, but who were they sold to? How much was recovered? Where did the money go?” he asked. “If this [were] an exam, the government has not even attempted to answer.”

Manneh emphasised that the youth are especially concerned and eager to know how public funds are used. “They want to understand where their taxes are going—your money and mine,” he said.

He concluded by urging the government to prioritise transparency and respond to the demands of citizens. “This is not about politics; it’s about national interest. The people deserve answers,” he said.

Darboe Calls on UDP NAMs to Reject Extra Ordinary Session Allowances

By Dawda Baldeh

As National Assembly Members (NAMs) prepare to meet for an extraordinary session on May 14 and 15, 2025, where they will deliberate on a significant motion to form a Special Select Committee to investigate the sales and disposal of assets and properties owned by former Gambian President Yahya Jammeh, opposition leader Ousainou Darboe has urged his party’s NAMs to refuse any sitting allowances.

Addressing party supporters at an event in Farafenni on Saturday night, Darboe stated that NAMs should not accept sitting allowances in this context.

“If you attend the parliament on Monday for the extraordinary session aimed at establishing a commission of inquiry into the sales of former President Jammeh’s assets, do not accept the sitting allowance,” he remarked.

Darboe further stated: “That money should be returned to the country.”

He called upon Alhagie S. Darboe, the minority leader, and encouraged him to persuade his fellow UDP lawmakers not to accept the funds.

“If other lawmakers accept it, you should refrain from doing so. This must be made very clear. This is not solely about the UDP; it concerns the Gambia, and we must hold the government accountable,” he stressed.

The opposition leader also praised the youth for their stand against injustice in their demand for the full disclosure of the list of buyers and sellers of former President Jammeh’s assets.

Additionally, he accused the government of persistently violating the law.

Frustrated but Hopeful: UK Visitor Criticizes Tourism Charges, Hospitality Woes in Gambia

By Michaella Wright

British national Mark Butterworth, a longtime admirer of The Gambia, has voiced concerns over deteriorating hospitality services and increasing travel costs, warning that the country risks losing loyal visitors due to what he describes as “exploitative treatment.”

Mark Butterworth, a seasoned traveller who has made annual visits to The Gambia for years, says rising frustrations are now testing his deep love for the country. In an interview, Butterworth described how the friendliness of Gambians, the relaxed lifestyle, and the beauty of the land once made him feel at home, so much so that he built a residence and offered part of his land for community farming.

However, recent experiences have left him disheartened. “The reception isn’t as it once was,” he remarked. “The service at the airport has become unreliable, and some staff members appear uninterested or unfriendly.” He expressed outrage over the nearly $60 he was charged in unexplained airport taxes and fees when departing the country.

“I felt exploited for being a regular visitor,” he said, adding that for a family of five, the additional travel cost can total up to £160—money that could deter repeat tourists.
Butterworth also faced issues upon arrival. “I was told to pay a Serco entry fee, but when I attempted to use my card as instructed online, I was told the machine wasn’t working.

When I refused to go to a cash machine, my passport was confiscated,” he recounted.
Despite these setbacks, Butterworth remains cautiously optimistic. “I still believe in The Gambia’s potential,” he said, but warned that excessive taxation and poor customer service could drive loyal visitors elsewhere.

From Democratic Symbol to Captured Institution: The NHRC and The Gambia’s Accountability Crisis

OPINION

By Dave Manneh – Research Lead, Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative
10th May 2025

In democracies, independent institutions guard against the concentration and abuse of power. When these bodies fail, or worse, actively undermine their mandates, they not only endanger democracy but imperil orderly society. The recent controversy involving the chair of The Gambia’s National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) exemplifies this danger, necessitating an intense and thorough public scrutiny.

Institutional Compromise in Plain Sight

The NHRC was initially welcomed as a symbol of democratic renewal following the collapse of Jammeh’s authoritarian regime. Established by an Act of Parliament in 2017 and operational by 2019, it represented a cornerstone of The Gambia’s post-dictatorship transition. It quickly gained recognition for its ambitious mandate, earning “A status” accreditation from the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI). This designation marked it as one of the first in the region to fully comply with the Paris Principles on independence, accountability, and pluralism. Abubacarr Tambadou, then Attorney General and Justice Minister, was widely credited as a driving force behind the NHRC’s creation during the early Barrow administration. His involvement was initially seen as instrumental to its legitimacy, cementing the NHRC as a flagship institution of the so-called New Gambia. But the very closeness between the NHRC and its political architects would soon emerge as its most profound vulnerability.

The troubling sequence began with The Republic’s investigative report on 30 April 2025. The report documented how assets seized from former dictator Yahya Jammeh, valued at approximately $362 million, were sold for merely $23.7 million, representing a staggering 93% loss of public value. More disturbingly, the report implicated former Justice Minister Abubacarr Tambadou in procedural irregularities surrounding these sales. Rather than defending press freedom and upholding public accountability, both core components of its human rights mandate, the NHRC acted in defence of Tambadou. On 6 May 2025, NHRC Chairperson Emmanuel Daniel Joof joined Media Council leaders in pressuring The Republic’s editor to issue a joint statement with Tambadou that would effectively exonerate him. Contextualising this alongside the NHRC’s public endorsement of Tambadou for the International Court of Justice reveals a profound institutional capture, directly threatening The Gambia’s democratic foundation.

The Founder’s Paradox

This controversy highlights the “founder’s paradox”: can institutions genuinely hold accountable those who created them? The NHRC’s statement supporting Tambadou’s ICJ nomination explicitly acknowledges his instrumental role in establishing the Commission. This creator-creation dynamic has transformed a potential independent guardian into a protective shield for its originator, illustrating a critical failure of oversight.
The NHRC’s behaviour embodies a corollary of elite capture: classic regulatory capture, where bodies of society set up to serve the public become instruments for protecting the powerful. When such watchdogs become complicit, the entire accountability ecosystem collapses, eroding public trust and enabling further abuses.

Beyond Individual Ethics: A Structural Problem

While focusing exclusively on individual ethical failures is tempting, the problem lies in systemic issues. The revolving door between government positions and oversight bodies generates conflicts that compromise institutional independence. In The Gambia, the transition from Jammeh’s authoritarianism has yielded formal democratic structures without the substantive application of democratic principles. The NHRC case underscores a critical failure of “horizontal accountability”, the system where state institutions are meant to scrutinise one another. This breakdown elevates the importance of “vertical accountability”, where citizens, through elections and civil society, hold power to account. As internal checks falter, “vertical mechanisms”, most notably a robust and independent press, engage in investigative journalism, and become the ultimate defence against impunity. This highlights the indispensable role of a free press when institutional oversight within the government weakens. And it is for this very reason that The Republic’s investigative report is such an honourable public service.

The Broader Pattern of Asset Mismanagement

The NHRC controversy is not an isolated incident, sadly, but rather part of a wider and systemic pattern of elite capture documented across Gambian governance. From the undervaluing and underselling of Jammeh’s assets to the dispossession of communal lands, arbitrarily changing the primary use of lands leased from communities without the communities’ consent, let alone awareness, a pattern emerges: connected elites systematically transfer public resources through opaque processes. When institutions meant to prevent such transfers instead obscure them, the issue transcends mere corruption, signifying systematic state capture, the repurposing of public institutions for private gain. This further entrenches elite power and undermines the principles of equitable governance.

Media Freedom Under Threat

Perhaps most worrying is the attempt to undermine journalistic integrity. By pressuring The Republic to issue a joint statement with Tambadou, effectively retracting their factual reporting, the NHRC and Media Council leadership demonstrated contempt for press freedom’s fundamental role in democratic governance. This action directly assaults a key pillar of vertical accountability. The implied threats of legal action, coupled with baseless insinuations that someone or some party bribed The Republic’s editor to produce the story, represent classic intimidation tactics on critical reporting. When human rights institutions themselves deploy such tactics, the democratic regression is particularly severe and signals a dangerous erosion of fundamental rights.

From Authoritarian Rule to Oligarchic Capture

The Gambia appears trapped in the “grey zone” between authoritarianism and democracy, a space where elections occur but elite networks obstruct genuine accountability. The formal trappings of democracy exist, yet power remains concentrated among those who can manipulate institutions for their own advantage, hindering true democratic consolidation. This situation represents not a clean break from Jammeh’s authoritarianism but its evolution into “competitive authoritarianism” or “electoral authoritarianism”: where democratic forms conceal essentially undemocratic substance. When human rights institutions protect the powerful rather than the vulnerable, this evolution accelerates, solidifying elite control.

A Crisis of Legitimacy

The chair of the NHRC has engulfed a profound crisis of legitimacy by his scandalous actions. How can an institution the state tasks with protecting human rights command public confidence when it actively undermines press freedom? How can it credibly investigate rights abuses when it demonstrates a willingness to shield powerful figures from accountability? This erosion of trust strikes at the heart of the institution’s mandate, rendering the position of its head untenable.

The Gambia Press Union’s call to remove the Media Council’s Executive Secretary is an important initial step, but more fundamental reforms are essential. The NHRC itself requires genuine structural independence, extending beyond its founding legislation, which Tambadou helped craft, to its operational reality. The resignation of the NHRC’s head would be a necessary first move towards rebuilding public trust.

Toward Genuine Institutional Independence

Recovering from this crisis demands several urgent interventions. The government must implement clear cooling-off periods to prevent revolving-door appointments between government positions and oversight bodies. Human rights institutions need independent funding mechanisms that shield them from financial leverage that might compromise their activities. Crucially, the NHRC currently appears to receive its funding primarily from the Government of The Gambia, alongside support from United Nations agencies and potentially other international partners; they need to structure this funding to guarantee the NHRC’s operational autonomy and prevent undue influence. Leadership positions within these institutions should be filled through transparent, merit-based selection processes rather than political appointments that create inherent conflicts of interest. Furthermore, The Gambia must substantively implement the Paris Principles, requiring independence of national human rights institutions, moving beyond mere rhetorical invocation. Finally, formal mechanisms should empower civil society to effectively monitor and evaluate the performance of human rights institutions themselves, creating an additional layer of accountability.

Conclusion: The Democratic Promise at Stake

The Gambia’s transition from Jammeh’s dictatorship initially inspired hope across Africa. However, this promise remains unfulfilled when institutions meant to safeguard democracy instead undermine it. The NHRC controversy reflects a broader crisis of post-authoritarian governance where formal institutions often serve to mask entrenched informal power networks.

As civil society organisations like the Gambia Press Union and Securing Futures continue to push for accountability, international partners must recognise that a functioning democracy requires more than elections and formal structures. It necessitates the substantive independence of its institutions and their consistent application of principles, irrespective of who stands accused. Ultimately, when human rights commissions act to shield the powerful rather than protect fundamental freedoms, democracy exists in name only, and the Gambian people deserve institutions that genuinely serve the public interest, not private ambitions.

Dave Manneh is Research Lead at Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative, a registered NGO-think tank hybrid based in The Gambia, committed to empowering Kombo’s dispossessed land-owning communities and advocating for equitable governance policies.

Dave Manneh
Research Lead
Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative

GCDA Plans Peaceful Protest Against Harsh Government Policies

By Alieu Jallow

The Gambia Car Dealership Association (GCDA) has officially written to the Inspector General of Police (IGP), seeking permission to hold a peaceful protest against government policies that it claims are crippling the country’s automotive sector trade.

In a letter dated 8th May 2025 and signed by GCDA President Mr. Kutubo Mboob, the association stated: “Car dealerships, comprising legitimate car dealers across the country, are facing severe hardship due to restrictive policies, including specific issues—e.g., land issues, high import taxes, unfair competition, and lack of support for local businesses, etc.”

The GCDA intends to hold the protest on 15th May 2025, from 11:00 a.m. to 12:00 p.m., along the route from Parliament House to the Arch in Banjul. According to the association, “The protest aims to express our grievances and seek government intervention to address these challenges.”

The letter also outlined key assurances to maintain order and public safety during the protest:

1. “The protest will remain non-violent and orderly.”
2. “We will cooperate fully with police directives to ensure public safety.”
3. “No destruction of property or obstruction of traffic beyond agreed parameters.”

The GCDA further requested the IGP’s office to provide “any necessary guidance to facilitate a lawful and peaceful demonstration,” and urged a timely response to allow for proper planning.

The request was acknowledged by an official from the Office of the Inspector General of Police, as confirmed by a handwritten note on the submitted letter.

The automotive industry in The Gambia has faced growing tension in recent years, with dealers lamenting steep import duties, regulatory uncertainty, and what they perceive as an uneven playing field that favours a select few.

Vehicles in The Gambia are predominantly imported second-hand, with many small- and medium-scale dealers relying on thin profit margins.

According to the Gambia Revenue Authority’s 2023 report, vehicle importation accounted for a significant share of customs revenue, but stakeholders say the increasing tax burden is unsustainable and risks forcing many out of business.

The GCDA’s decision to protest marks a rare but escalating form of advocacy from within the business community, signalling deeper frustration with a lack of dialogue and policy reform.

GAP Condemns Unauthorized Protest, Urges Unity and Lawful Reform

By Michaella Faith Wright

The Gambia Action Party (GAP) has condemned the recent unauthorised protest staged by a group identified as Gambians Against Looted Assets in Banjul, warning that such actions risk national peace and threaten democratic stability.

In a statement released by the Secretary General and Party Leader, Musa Ousainou Yali Batchilly, GAP emphasised that while public dissatisfaction is valid and reforms are needed, change must be pursued through legal and strategic means, not through force or unauthorised demonstrations.

“The method employed was not only unlawful but dangerously counterproductive,” Batchilly stated. He added that in a democratic society, the constitution remains the supreme guide, and any deviation from it invites chaos and instability.

Citing historical precedent, Batchilly reminded citizens of how former President Yahya Jammeh, despite ruling The Gambia for over two decades, was peacefully removed through the power of the ballot box. “There was no gunfire, no bloodshed, and no street war—only the collective will of a people exercising their democratic rights,” he said.

GAP has called on the youth and opposition members to resist calls for unauthorised protests, stressing that the cost of such recklessness is too high for a small nation like The Gambia. Instead, the party advocates for voter education, civic engagement, and national unity in the lead-up to the 2026 elections.

“What this country needs is not division or finger-pointing, but unity with a common goal,” the statement read. GAP also urged opposition leaders to set aside personal ambition for the greater national interest, noting that meaningful change is possible through lawful and organised action.

The party concluded its statement with a rallying call: “Let us organise, not agonise. Let us educate, not instigate. Let us vote, not vandalise.”

GAP reaffirmed its commitment to peace, progress, and the will of the Gambian people.

Sabally Slams NHRC Boss Over Alleged Media Comments

By Dawda Baldeh

Momodou Sabally has strongly criticised the Chair of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) following alleged comments made about an investigative report published by The Republic.

Describing the NHRC’s stance as “despicable and deplorable,” Sabally emphasised that his remarks reflect his personal views and not his official position.

In a Facebook post, Sabally expressed disappointment at the NHRC’s role in supporting press freedom, stating, “In an era where we are all trying to entrench press freedom and make sure the #truth and #justice guide our actions, it is sad to see those who are supposed to be the umpires and just referees for freedom of expression come on the side of the oppressors.”

He further asserted that the NHRC Chair is “on the wrong side of history” and noted that this is not the first time he has addressed concerns regarding the commission’s leadership.

Accompanying his post was a screenshot of a publication from The Standard Newspaper titled “GPU Condemns MCG, NHRC for Pressuring Journalists to Exonerate Tambadou.”
Sabally called for fairness and urged all branches of government to perform their duties without interference.

He concluded with a reference to the Holy Bible, stating, “You shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you free.”

Turo Darboe Claims Misleading Information Led to Purchase of Jammeh’s Planes

By Dawda Baldeh

In a recent interview with Eye Africa TV, Gambian businessman Modou Turo Darboe revealed that he was misled into purchasing aeroplanes previously owned by former President Yahya Jammeh.

His comments were in response to an investigative report by The Republic that scrutinised the sale of Jammeh’s properties.

Darboe stated that he had inquired about the ownership of the planes before making the purchase and was assured that they belonged to the government, not Jammeh. He expressed appreciation for the journalist’s efforts in uncovering the truth, emphasising that Gambians deserve transparency regarding the former president’s assets.

Regarding the Air Tractor, Darboe explained that he was initially unaware of its advertisement and learned about it through a partner who described it as a “small, scrapped plane” that no one wanted to buy.

After expressing interest in the aircraft, he later found out that his partner had lost interest, leaving him with no choice but to proceed with the purchase. Darboe denied any personal connections with Amadou Sanneh, the former finance minister, despite speculation to the contrary.

He recounted that he had sought confirmation about the ownership of the planes from airport staff, who reiterated that they were government property and not linked to Jammeh, which justified the finance minister’s decision to sell them. He mentioned that he placed a bid of $500,000 for the aircraft, which raised eyebrows among some observers.

Upon being informed that he was the highest bidder, he promptly completed the payment.
Darboe noted that the planes remain parked at the airport, and he had almost forgotten about the purchase.

Darboe expressed his motivation for buying the planes as a patriotic act, stating that he did not want foreigners to acquire Gambian assets. He confirmed that he purchased three planes for a total of $500,000.

In addition, Darboe voiced his frustration over The Republic’s continued use of his images, which he said have been distressing for his family and friends.

He indicated that he plans to hold a press conference upon his return to the country to present evidence regarding his claims and clarify his position on the matter. He reiterated that his decision to buy the planes was based on the belief that they were government property, not associated with Yahya Jammeh.

Gambia Avoids Total Blackout After Karpowership Exit, Says NAWEC MD

By Mama A. Touray

The Gambia has not experienced a total blackout since the termination of its contract with Karpowership on Friday, 2 May 2025, according to the Managing Director of the National Water and Electricity Company (NAWEC), Galo Saidy.

Saidy made the remarks during a press briefing in Jabang, where he addressed the country’s energy transition following the departure of the Turkish-operated power provider.

“Karpower leaving today is not the end of the world. We are okay now. We can see [there has been] no blackout since then. No total blackout since Karpower left. All the faults we are getting now are the normal faults that we get even when Karpower was here. I know some people will try to associate that with saying Karpower is gone, so we don’t have power, but it is not related at all,” said Saidy.

Karpowership began operations in The Gambia in 2018 under a temporary two-year agreement. Saidy acknowledged the company’s reliability during its tenure, calling it a “very good job” amid the nation’s energy challenges. However, he noted that repeated extensions of the contract were necessary due to delays in establishing alternative infrastructure.

“For seven years now, they have been here, but what I can say today is that the reality is we do not need Karpowership today because we have options. This business is just like a market where you have different salesmen selling the same commodity, so you buy from the cheapest commodity,” Saidy explained.

He outlined current energy sources, including imports from Conakry (Guinea) and Senegal, solar plants in Jabang and Jambur, and potential future imports from the Ivory Coast and Nigeria. Saidy also highlighted critical infrastructure upgrades, such as the new 225kv transmission line linking Brikama to Jabang, which enables efficient power distribution across the Greater Banjul Area (GBA).

“Before, four to five months ago, this 225 line was not here. We couldn’t evacuate power beyond Brikama to Banjul the way we wanted. Now, with the 225, we can,” he said.

Saidy defended the decision to end the Karpowership partnership, stressing alignment with The Gambia’s energy roadmap: “It was not easy to let go of a reliable partner, but we must make the right decision. The strategy is to buy from the cheapest source.”

The remarks come amid public scrutiny over the country’s energy stability, with Saidy urging citizens to view localised faults as routine rather than linked to Karpowership’s exit.

Moscow’s 80th Victory Day Celebration with Xi Jinping, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, and Other World Leaders as Key Guests

Written by: Seringe ST Touray; Reporting from Beijing, China.

Today, the Russian capital prepares for the country’s 80th Victory Day anniversary. Chinese President Xi Jinping leads the delegation of about thirty international leaders attending what is shaping up to be a significant military parade, traditionally held in Red Square – a landmark in central Moscow. Burkina Faso’s President, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, is also in attendance, which in particular highlights the deepening diplomatic engagement between Russia and Africa.

“There’s definitely a feeling of celebration in the air here in Moscow,” reports BBC producer Ben Tavern from the Russian capital on Thursday. “I think it’s fair to say that every single shop window in Moscow is plastered with something to do with the 80th anniversary of Victory Day.”

The Russian word ‘победа,’ which translates to ‘Victory,’ is prominently displayed across all of Russia’s major cities, appearing on public services like street sweepers, dust arts, metro carriages, and park benches. Also displayed throughout the city are historic photographs from 1945 Berlin, including the famous photo of Soviet soldiers raising the flag over the Moscow capital.

President Traoré, known across Africa for his political stance and leadership style, is joined by other African heads of state, including Zimbabwe’s Emmerson Mnangagwa and Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Their attendance is being interpreted by some analysts as part of a “broad coalition backing Moscow in defiance of the West.”

Russia’s growing diplomatic efforts in the Global South, which observers see as part of the country’s broader strategy to build new international partnerships, are on display through the presence of delegations from countries including Guinea-Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, as well as Ethiopia.

The parade also carries a political dimension. Reports suggest this year’s event is intended to send a clear message to Washington that Russia will not accept a Ukraine peace deal dictated by the US. With nearly thirty heads of state in attendance and a major military display underway, the event is being framed as a demonstration of Russia’s current international alignments.

The guest list appears carefully chosen to demonstrate that Russia can still keep strong ties with other countries, even under sanctions and international pressure. Some of the leaders attending include Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

More than 10,000 soldiers are taking part in the event, along with 125 pieces of military equipment. These include historic T-34 tanks and modern missile systems. Troops from 13 countries are also joining, including Azerbaijan, Belarus, China, Egypt, Laos, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Myanmar, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam.

Some political commentators are already calling today’s parade a bold show of Russia’s strength on the world stage. They say it sends a clear message against Western attempts to isolate the country.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has made a strong statement that many see as a warning. He says Ukraine “cannot guarantee the safety of attending leaders.” In response, Russia has increased its air defenses while also putting a no-fly zone in place.

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico has responded to Zelensky’s comments, saying: “This is unprecedented, that’s just too ridiculous for me… Don’t go there, watch out, because we will do something to you. This is not done. I reject such threats.” Fico confirmed his participation, adding: “They still haven’t convinced me not to go. It’s hard to get through to hard-headed people.”

The attendance of EU member Slovakia’s Fico and Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić is seen by some as an indication of divisions within NATO and the European Union. Their participation, despite criticism from Brussels, is being interpreted by analysts as reflecting “growing skepticism of US-led foreign policy across parts of Europe.” Serbia’s involvement, for instance, may complicate its EU candidacy, while Fico’s presence is being viewed as indicative of what some describe as “a broader regional trend – a pivot toward national sovereignty and away from Western alignment.”

Over the years, there has been a notable and steady increase in the number of world leaders attending the grand Victory Day event, in spite of the ongoing Ukraine conflict and its many global implications, including security concerns. According to BBC, no foreign leader participated in 2022, a number which rose to seven world leaders in 2023, and about thirty this year.

Leaders from Central Asia—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—are confirmed to be attending, along with those from Laos, Vietnam, and Mongolia. Analysts say this reflects Russia’s continuing diplomatic outreach to the Global South and Asia.

Victory Day commemorates the Soviet Union’s defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945, a milestone that claimed the lives of an estimated 27 million Soviet citizens. The event, originally focused on remembrance, is increasingly being framed by commentators as a statement of “Russia’s place as a great power.”

While North Korea is represented by its ambassador and speculation over US participation has been refuted, the scale of attendance is being characterized by some observers as “more than a commemoration” — suggesting a broader geopolitical messaging effort.

As final preparations end and security tightens following Ukraine’s warning, the 80th Victory Day is shaping up to be what some call “a calculated act of global defiance.” The presence of key figures such as Captain Traoré and President Xi is viewed by some analysts as a sign of Russia’s partial re-engagement on the global stage after a period of isolation. Ultimately, what is unfolding in Red Square this morning is expected to have implications for how Russia’s role in international affairs is perceived moving forward.

GPU Condemns Attempt to Pressure Journalist Over Ex-Minister Story

By Hadram Hydara

The Gambia Press Union (GPU) has accused leaders of the Media Council of The Gambia (MCG) and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of attempting to pressure The Republic newspaper into exonerating former justice minister Abubacarr Tambadou following an investigative report.

The outlet’s 30 April story, “The Assets of Gambia’s Former Dictator Go for a Song,” alleged corruption and lack of transparency in the sale of ex-president Yahya Jammeh’s assets.

According to the GPU, MCG Executive Secretary Bai Emil Touray, MCG Governing Council Chair Baboucarr Cham, and NHRC Chair Emmanuel Daniel Joof summoned The Republic’s Editor-in-Chief Mustapha K. Darboe to a meeting on 6 May, urging him to issue a joint statement declaring the story did not indict Tambadou.

The GPU stated the leaders claimed the report caused “confusion,” unfairly harmed Tambadou’s reputation amid his nomination for an International Court of Justice judgeship, and insinuated Darboe “was paid to do the story.” They allegedly warned of potential legal action if no statement was issued.

“What the MCG and NHRC leaders did amounts to intimidation of a journalist and is highly unacceptable,” said GPU Secretary General Modou S. Joof, calling the payment insinuation “preposterous.” GPU President Isatou Keita added that the proposal to “tweak the facts” would “breach journalism ethics [and] erode public trust.”

The GPU condemned the leaders’ actions as a “significant departure” from the institutions’ mandates, asserting that The Republic’s story adhered to ethical standards. It has called for Touray’s immediate removal as MCG Executive Secretary, stating he “no longer represents the values” of the council.

The Republic rejected the proposed joint statement. The GPU urged the MCG and NHRC to cease “acts of intimidation” and advised formal ethics complaints be filed through official channels.

Halifa Sallah to Dr. Janneh: “My Time for National Service Is Overdue”

By Michaella Faith Wright

Veteran politician Halifa Sallah has reaffirmed that his time in active national service is over, urging younger leaders like Dr. Ismaila Janneh to rise and carry the mantle of transformational leadership in The Gambia.

Former presidential candidate Halifa Sallah has made it clear that he is no longer interested in political power, stressing that his role in Gambian politics has come to a close.

Responding to a letter from Dr. Ismaila Ceesay Janneh, Sallah wrote, “You have addressed the right letter to the wrong man,” noting that his contribution peaked with the 2016 democratic transition.

In a detailed response, Sallah said he had already prepared his “handing over notes” and is now focused on identifying a team of honest, capable leaders with national interest at heart. He emphasised that his decision to run in 2021 was not driven by ambition but by duty, following what he described as the coalition government’s failure to fulfil its reform promises.

Sallah urged Dr. Janneh to be the alternative he is seeking, asking him to identify or become the kind of leader who possesses both knowledge and clean hands. “There can be no development without the know-how to manage resources and build systems,” he wrote.

He concluded with a symbolic message, saying he does not wish to be remembered through monuments or state funerals. “Let me now climb to the mountain top and rely on the thunder clap as my loud hailer… my time for national service is overdue.”

Sallah emphasised that the real divide in politics is not age, but integrity, calling for leaders willing to sacrifice for the common good.

Gambian Activist Urges Youth to ‘Occupy Westfield’ in Protest Over Detained Comrades

By Mama A. Touray

Prominent Gambian youth activist Kemo Fatty has called on young people to gather at Westfield in solidarity with members of the group Gambians Against Looted Assets (GALA), who were transferred from Banjul Police Headquarters to the Police Intervention Unit (PIU) in Kanifing.

Fatty’s appeal follows the arrest of several activists during a planned protest on Tuesday. Authorities claim the group lacked permits, but Fatty insists the detentions were unjust. In an impassioned address, Fatty urged supporters to “occupy” the Westfield.

“We call on all young people who believe in democracy and the rule of law to come to Westfield—the place they fear. Today, we will fill this space until these youths are released. We are not taking ‘no’ for an answer.”

He continued: “They have to understand that it is either they arrest all of us or let the arrested youths go. This is the bottom line. We are calling on Gambians wherever you are as a young person, close from work and come down to Westfield and let’s fill this place up.”

He linked the arrests to broader anti-corruption efforts, citing unresolved allegations against former Fisheries Minister Dr. Bamba Banja: “Dr. Banja sold the entire Gambia for D50,000 [£600]. They burned down the entire evidence at the Ministry of Fisheries, [yet] he is home enjoying. So, [when] young people stand against corruption, this is how [they’re] treated. If [there’s] nothing wrong, let the [government disclose] what they have demanded.”

The Gambia has seen rising youth-led protests over corruption and governance since the 2017 ousting of authoritarian leader Yahya Jammeh. While President Adama Barrow’s government pledges reform, activists accuse officials of shielding allies from accountability.

Gambian Migrants Detail ‘Brutal’ Detention in Mauritania, Urge Government Reforms

By Alieu Jallow

Three Gambian migrants recently repatriated from Mauritania have described enduring imprisonment and inhumane conditions during failed attempts to reach Europe, urging the Gambian government to address systemic unemployment driving youth to risk dangerous migration routes.

The Gambia’s government facilitated the return of 27 citizens from Mauritania last month, many of whom had been detained for months. In exclusive interviews with The Fatu Network, three returnees shared testimonies of abuse, neglect, and exploitation, renewing calls for economic reforms to curb irregular migration.

‘We Ate Dry Bread and Pee in Bottles’

Sulayman Jallow, 29, from Dippa Kunda, spent over D75,000 (£900) on two failed migration attempts. During his second journey, Mauritanian authorities intercepted his group and jailed them for 12 days.

“In prison, you only eat a quarter of dry bread a day until the next day. Even to relieve yourself, you are not given a chance—we peed in bottles and dumped them within the cells, which was so painful,” Jallow said. “We left because there are no opportunities here. If there were, we would not undergo such difficulties. We urge the government to help us.”

‘No Mercy for Undocumented Migrants’

Ebrima Freezer, 18, fled The Gambia in 2020 but was arrested at a Mauritanian checkpoint. “I was rejected, arrested, then transferred to border prisons,” he said. Despite being a minor, Freezer claims authorities showed no leniency.

‘They Disrespect Dark-Skinned People’

Lamin Fofana, 32, a labourer with legal documents, said he was still detained. “Mauritanian prisons are very harsh. They do not respect people with dark skin. They give no food or water. Even in prison, you have no control over your money,” he said. “If you ask a guard for a favour, he takes a cut. I call on the government to attract foreign investment, open factories, and create industries to stop us from suffering like this.”

Rising Calls for Action

The Gambia, where youth unemployment exceeds 40%, has long grappled with irregular migration. Over 35,000 Gambians—nearly 2% of the population—attempted the Mediterranean “Backway” route to Europe between 2014 and 2023, according to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM).

Mauritania, a transit hub, has faced repeated allegations of migrant abuse. Its government denies systemic mistreatment.

As migration season peaks, the returnees’ accounts underscore the urgent demand for solutions beyond deterrence.

Beyond Jammeh’s Shadow: Elite Capture, Land Dispossession, and State Assets Underselling in The Supposed New Gambia

By Dave Manneh – Research Lead
Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative

“In the aftermath of The Republic newspaper’s explosive investigative article, Gambians confront uncomfortable truths about the continuity of injustice across political transitions. This piece connects our specific land rights concerns to these broader patterns of asset mismanagement that continue to impoverish our country.”

Background to This Analysis

This opinion piece is a response to a segment on “Coffee Time with Peter Gomez,” broadcast on Wednesday, 29 April 2025, featuring Mustapha Taf Njie. During this interview, Njie addressed questions regarding controversial land acquisitions in Brufut and Yundum during Yahya Jammeh’s regime.

Securing Futures submitted several pre-broadcast questions to Mr Gomez, including: “Your company developed Brufut Gardens and AU Villas on land the Manneh and Sanneh clans formerly held. What compensation did you provide to the community, and what percentage of the developments’ current market value does this represent?”

In his response, Njie defended the acquisition process, essentially justifying what we characterise as state-sanctioned dispossession. He claimed he provided compensation through “government-stipulated methods” while suggesting the development positively affected the national housing sector.

Securing Futures subsequently recorded an audio rejoinder challenging these claims, documenting that the clan rejected compensation payments and Njie initially attempted to impose GMD250,000 (less than $6,000) for over 30 hectares of prime land – a figure the clan explicitly rejected.

This case exemplifies a broader pattern of asset mismanagement and undervalued transfers that characterised the Jammeh era and continues after his forced exile.

The groundbreaking investigative piece by The Republic titled “The Assets of Gambia’s Former Dictator Go for a Song” has sent shockwaves through Gambian society both at home and abroad. This documented exposé revealed state officials sold assets worth approximately $362 million for only $23.7 million – a recovery rate of less than 7%.

The investigation’s detailed documentation of specific transactions, complete with names, dates, and figures, has transformed what Gambians once whispered as suspicion into incontrovertible public record. This systematic undervaluation constitutes a significant depletion of national resources that demands not just forensic scrutiny but immediate accountability.

From Loss to Legacy: Why Misappropriated Land Still Matters

The Brufut case, viewed alongside The Republic’s exposé, exposes more than historical injustice. It underscores the state’s continued failure to pursue genuine accountability. These incidents show how elites exploit bureaucratic procedures and legal ambiguities to shield themselves from scrutiny. At the centre lies a pressing question: who bears responsibility when state-backed dispossession and asset undervaluation occur under the guise of legality?

The likes of Njie who profited from repression remain largely untouched in the Gambia’s post-authoritarian era. They engage in reputation laundering and deflect blame, when challenged.

Accountability vs. Evasion: Analysing Post-Authoritarian Responsibility

The radio program is a clear attempt to cleanse and enhance his public image. And his response reveals not only a lack of transparency regarding compensation but also shows what transitional justice scholars term “responsibility deflection.” He attempts to evade accountability for actions taken during a period of dictatorship by attributing them solely to the regime’s directives. Rather than addressing the clan’s dispossession directly, Njie resorts to vague references to “government-stipulated methods” while avoiding acknowledgment of the disparity between compensation offered and the land’s market value.

These evasions reflect a broader pattern of opacity that hampers Gambia’s recovery from authoritarian rule. As political scientist Kathryn Sikkink argues in her work on “cascades of justice,” sustainable democratisation requires addressing not only direct perpetrators of abuses but also the network of beneficiaries who profited from rights violations. For Sikkink, sustainable democracy requires dismantling the “political economy of repression” – holding both perpetrators and their enablers accountable through prosecutions, reparations, and systemic reforms.

The case of Jammeh’s seized assets, as documented in The Republic demonstrates how officials systematically undermine transparency mechanisms: they replace open auctions with closed bids, withhold valuation reports, and deny access to purchasing records despite formal requests from journalists, activists, and lawmakers.

The investigation revealed how Justice Amina Saho-Ceesay ruled against premature disposal of these assets, calling it a “travesty” of justice, yet then Minister of Justice Abubakarr Tambadou circumvented her decision through procedural manipulation – actions Justice Ebrima Jaiteh later acknowledged constituted an “abuse of process.”

While Tambadou has publicly denied wrongdoing in subsequent statements, the documentary evidence compiled by The Republic presents a damning chronology of procedural irregularities that he has yet to adequately address.

In the radio interview, Njie further attempts to deflect criticism through classical whataboutism argumentation, referencing “undeveloped land” opposite his Brufut development and citing an alleged post-Jammeh inquiry that purportedly not only vindicated him but resulted in compensation payments to him. Such rhetorical manoeuvres divert attention from the central issue: the Jammeh regime violated the constitutional rights of the clans through state-sanctioned land appropriation.

Thus, the documented facts remain: the state dispossessed the clans of their ancestral land, attempted to impose compensation the Manneh clan formally rejected as inadequate, and yet the first post-Jammeh administration purportedly compensated Njie. The nature of this compensation, the name, and the remit of this inquiry body; or the findings of the inquiry, he did not disclose. This highlights the persistence of non-transparency in post-authoritarian governance – if there is in fact any credibility to what Njie said.

Constitutional Violations: Accumulation by Dispossession

The dispossession of communal lands across Kombo represents a clear violation of constitutional rights. Section 22 of the Gambian Constitution explicitly protects property rights and mandates fair compensation for compulsory acquisition. Jammeh “gifted” ancestral lands to private developers without adequate compensation, exemplifying what political economist David Harvey terms “accumulation by dispossession” – the transfer of public or communal assets to private hands. As elsewhere, Accumulation By Dispossession (ABD) by Njie and others reveals capitalism’s reliance on coercion – from colonial exploitation to modern financial predation. It highlights how neoliberalism weaponised state power to enrich elites while eroding communal rights.

In this context, the recent remark by presidential aspirant Essa Faal – who described communal lands as “dead capital” in an interview on “Coffee Time with Peter Gomez,” – warrants scrutiny. This framing reflects a mercantilist and reductionist approach to land, one that prioritises market activation (i.e., demand creation, financialisation), and treats lands as idle unless commodified. But such language reinforces precisely the kind of extractive thinking that enabled Jammeh’s land grabs in the first place. It legitimises the transfer of land from communities to elites by painting customary ownership as inefficient. It specifically reflects deeper ideological assumptions about property, productivity, and legitimacy that are at the core of land commodification and accumulation by dispossession.

Through this theoretical lens, Njie’s case exemplifies a pattern of elite capture wherein select individuals accumulated extraordinary wealth through preferential access to resources – particularly land. Scholars of authoritarian political economy have documented how such “crony capitalism” creates distorted markets where connections rather than competition determine resource allocation.

Just as Gambia initiated processes to address Jammeh’s ill-gotten assets through the Janneh Commission, similar accountability mechanisms must extend to those who benefited from his unconstitutional actions. The dispossession of lands belonging to hundreds to enrich individual elites represents precisely the type of injustice the New Gambia’s democratisation processes should aim to remedy.

This pattern of grossly undervalued compensation defined standard practice under Jammeh. We find it both unfortunate and unacceptable to witness its continuation under the Barrow administration. In a case with notable parallels to the Brufut dispute, The Republic exposed how a connected individual resold a property worth approximately D8.5 million in Fajara to its original owner for merely D3.15 million. This is just D150,000 more than Jammeh paid 15 years earlier, despite the exponential increase in land values in that area.

Coercion, Rejection, and Legal Challenge: Documenting Resistance

This systemic pattern of dispossession not only underscores the ongoing erosion of constitutional protections but also highlights the critical need for continued reforms to prevent the perpetuation of unjust practices in the post-Jammeh era.

We must state that Njie’s much-touted compensation process bypassed normal administrative channels. With the apparent complicity of state security functionaries, he, and elements of the Jammeh regime entrusted the compensation payment to the late Darba Marenah (then Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency) and the late Baba Jobe (then Secretary to Jammeh). The use of security apparatus rather than standard civil procedures for property transactions represented a clear attempt at intimidation. It was a tactic the clan elders recognised and refused to succumb to, rejecting the compensation entirely.

In a tragic development that illustrates the regime’s brutality, the Jammeh government subsequently murdered both men.

Undeterred by these intimidation tactics, the Manneh clan initiated civil suit 44/03 (Brufut Manneh clan versus Taf Holdings Ltd), directly contradicting any implication that they accepted compensation. The legal record clearly establishes their unwillingness to part with their ancestral land. This legal challenge highlights that the transaction lacked mutual consent – a fundamental requirement for legitimate property transfers under both statutory and customary law.

Beyond False Binaries: Development Without Dispossession

The Brufut case exposes what development scholars term the “false binary” between development and rights.

Too often in The Gambia, we face artificial choices: development or tradition, investment or rights, progress, or justice. Applied development theorist Amartya Sen argues that genuine development enhances freedoms rather than restricting them, creating what game theorists call positive-sum rather than zero-sum outcomes. Sen argues that genuine development is fundamentally about expanding human freedoms. These include freedoms such as health, education, political participation, and economic opportunities – rather than the mere increase in GDP or material wealth.

When compensation amounts to less than $6,000 for land with an estimated market value of over $12 million, the transaction becomes exploitative and extractive rather than developmental. This represents less than 0.05% of the land’s value, demonstrating the egregious nature of the undervaluation. Economists term this “rent-seeking” rather than value creation.

True national progress requires development models that enhance community agency and capabilities. Political philosopher John Rawls’ “difference principle” suggests that inequalities justify themselves only when they benefit the least advantaged. By this standard, developments that generate enormous wealth for elites while providing minimal returns to communities fail the test of justice.

Drawing on Elinor Ostrom’s work on common-pool resources, we recognise that communal lands often operate under sophisticated Indigenous governance systems that predate colonial disruption. Rather than viewing these as obstacles to development, a more productive approach would integrate these governance mechanisms into contemporary development planning.

Post-Authoritarian Accountability: Addressing Beneficiary Networks

In line with this broader approach, it is crucial to not only recover assets directly linked to Jammeh’s regime but also to create structures that empower communities to reclaim their rights and restore the integrity of land ownership in the post-authoritarian Gambia.

Transitional justice scholars increasingly recognise that post-authoritarian accountability must address not only direct perpetrators but also beneficiary networks. Pablo de Greiff, former UN Special Rapporteur on transitional justice, argues that sustainable peace requires addressing the full spectrum of those who profited from rights violations.

The case of Njie and others who accumulated wealth through land dispossessions challenges us to expand our transitional justice framework beyond focusing on Jammeh alone. Drawing on “transitional justice from below,” framework, we might consider how communities dispossessed under Jammeh’s authoritarian rule can reclaim agency in the Barrow era.

Just as we pursue recovery of Jammeh’s direct assets, we must establish mechanisms to review and potentially reverse land acquisitions that occurred through constitutional violations. This approach aligns with “restorative justice” and focuses not on punishing wrongdoers but on restoring rights and relationships.

Healing Forward: A Framework for Equitable Land Governance

How might Gambia move forward from such disputes toward more equitable land governance?

Drawing on comparative experiences and theoretical frameworks:

First, we must establish transparent, participatory processes for development planning that recognise both statutory and customary rights—whilst prioritising customary rights. The Feedback and Recommendations Securing Futures provided to the Ministry of Lands on the draft National Land Policy (2026-2035) parallels internationally recognised standards that can inform land reforms.

Second, communities must have meaningful input before, not after, development decisions affect their lands. This embodies what planning theorist Sherry Arnstein terms “citizen power” rather than tokenistic consultation. When government officials communicate major decisions through notorious security agencies rather than proper administrative channels, as happened in Brufut, they erode public trust.

Third, the state should implement fair compensation standards based on market values when land acquisition genuinely serves the public good. This requires independent valuation by certified professionals with results made public. This embodies what transparency advocates call “radical transparency.”

Fourth, we need accessible dispute resolution mechanisms that balance power differentials between developers and communities, ensuring that financial resources do not determine judicial outcomes. “Legal empowerment approaches,” provide models for supporting communities in asserting their rights.

Fifth, our transitional justice mechanisms must extend beyond Jammeh himself to address the network of beneficiaries who profited from constitutional violations and excesses. This includes establishing an independent commission to review land acquisitions that occurred during the dictatorship. This should be like land commissions established in post-conflict settings like Rwanda and South Africa.

Finally, our country must establish robust safeguards against conflicts of interest in public asset management. As former Finance Minister Amadou Sanneh criticised regarding asset sales, when the same individuals act as “judge and jury” in transactions, they imperil public interest.

National Reckoning: A Moment for National Reflection

The Njie-Brufut case offers Gambians a moment for critical national reflection. Do we want development that empowers communities or elites? Do we want governance systems where intimidating security forces deliver “compensation,” or where communities participate as equals in development planning? Do we intend to hold accountable only Jammeh, or also those who built fortunes through his tyrannical rule?

The Manneh clan’s refusal to accept coerced compensation demonstrated moral courage that commands respect and merits emulation. Their stance challenges us to create a nation where such courage becomes unnecessary; where development enhances rather than dismisses community rights.

The path to social harmony lies not in suppressing difficult conversations but in conducting them openly, with mutual respect and commitment to equitable outcomes. Only then can we build developments on foundations solid enough to truly last.

Conclusion: Constitutional Values and National Integrity

The Brufut issue offers a mirror for a new democratic Gambia. It challenges us to choose between building a society where constitutional principles prevail, or one that allows legacies of dispossession and impunity to persist.

The revelations by The Republic that hundreds of millions in seized assets yielded only $23.7 million in recovery have catalysed unprecedented public discourse across Gambian society. The investigation’s digital dissemination – including through social media platforms like Facebook where activists like Ben Suwareh have embarked on detailed serialisations have elicited discussions and much soul searching. The investigative piece has created a watershed moment in post-Jammeh accountability politics.

Gambians-abroad, who often maintain financial connections to homeland development, have expressed particular outrage at these findings, with many questioning their continued investment in a system where public assets remain vulnerable to insider dealing. When officials conduct deals through closed bids, stonewall inquiries, and sideline court-appointed receivers, these actions threaten not only our democratic transition and constitutional governance but also the economic confidence necessary for national development.

Gambia’s national motto – “Progress, Peace, and Prosperity” – encapsulates our aspirations. These three values must proceed in tandem, for prosperity without justice brings neither progress nor peace. The Republic’s investigation has highlighted how the current distribution of wealth – particularly land and property – reflects not market efficiency but authoritarian patronage networks that persist beyond regime change.

This revelation has resonated with younger Gambians but particularly those of Kombo who face dispossessions and prohibitive barriers to expanding their families from the homesteads to their former farmyards now declared “state lands.” They watch helpless while well-connected elites control vast properties acquired through criminal means. When victims of human rights violations await reparations while these elites retain assets acquired through those violations, our society merely exchanges one form of injustice for another.

Let us be clear: the ownership of communal lands predates the Anglo-French Convention of 1889 that created the Gambia by centuries. These lands are not the nation-state’s to arbitrarily redistribute and reallocate. Just as we seek accountability from Jammeh himself, we must also address the enduring consequences of his unconstitutional “gifts” to those who profited from his regime.

In the words of political philosopher Hannah Arendt, reconciliation requires “facing reality, whatever it may be.” For Gambia, this means confronting not only the abuses of our authoritarian past but also their ongoing beneficiaries. It means creating a future where land rights and human dignity stand at the centre of our development vision.

The public conversation sparked by The Republic’s stellar journalism represents precisely the kind of reality-facing that Arendt envisioned – a collective reckoning that bridges domestic and emigrant and transnational communities in demanding protection of landed inheritance and a more just distribution of national resources. As that conversation continues in households, online forums, and community gatherings both in The Gambia and abroad, we must insist that it leads not to wringing arms in moral indignation as a collective sign of outrage but to concrete institutional reforms that finally deliver on the promise of democratic transition.

Authored by:
Dave Manneh – Research Lead
Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative
Kombo Gunjur
The Gambia

Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative (SFLRAC) is a registered NGO-think tank hybrid based in The Gambia. Committed to empowering Kombo’s dispossessed land-owning communities, SFLRAC combines participatory action with rigorous research to secure ancestral land rights, advocate for equitable governance policies, protect cultural heritage, and advance sustainable development.

Interior Ministry Warns: ‘Operating a Private Security Company Without a License is Illegal

By Mama A. Touray

The Ministry of Interior issued a press release on Wednesday, warning private security institutions operating without a license that doing so is illegal.

The release also quoted Section 5(b) of the Private Security Companies Act, which states that “as from the commencement of this act, a company shall not carry out a licensable conduct” unless it has been granted a license by the Minister in accordance with this Act.

“Furthermore, Section 13 of the same Act makes it mandatory for annual renewal of the license and failing to do so shall result in revocation of the license,” the release added.

The ministry, however, urged all private security companies to regularise their registration status as required by the law without further delay.

Meanwhile, the release also stated that the ministry has observed the engagement of certain groups of people in providing private security service on an ad-hoc basis – mostly for musical concerts.

“This act is not consistent with the law. Thus, all those offering such service without a license are encouraged to register or shall cease to operate immediately,” the ministry said.

The ministry further advised all establishments requiring private security services to request proof of registration before engaging a company.

“This standard due diligence is recommended to avoid the obvious inconvenience that might come with the closure of an unlicensed company. The Ministry of Interior remains committed to delivering policies and strategies that guarantee the safety and security of our communities”.

The Ministry of interior however assured to continue to partner with the private sector to improve the internal security measures and consolidate the gains.

‘I’m very emotional’: Physically Challenged Woman Overjoyed After Getting Wheelchair

By Dawda Baldeh

Kaddisa Colley, a physically challenged woman living in Abuko, expressed her immense joy after receiving a brand-new automatic wheelchair from the National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA) in partnership with the Qatar Charity Foundation as part of the Empowerment and Economic Development Project Support to The Gambia.

At the event, Kaddisa shared her mobility challenges and the importance of such support in her life.

Arriving with a damaged wheelchair, she was pleasantly surprised by the gift.

“Mobility is a big challenge…,” she explained, highlighting the financial burden she faced with transportation to manage her daily activities.

“I’m out of words to describe my happiness. It’s very exciting. Now I can use this wheelchair to go around for my daily activities without relying on anyone,” she said, her emotions evident as she spoke about the newfound independence the wheelchair would provide.

Kaddisa also shed light on the often-overlooked difficulties faced by individuals with physical disabilities.

“In my area, there is a lot of sand. Sometimes, it’s very difficult for me. My wheelchair was completely damaged,” she noted, emphasizing the obstacles she had to navigate daily.

With her new automatic wheelchair, Kaddisa will find it much easier to move around, significantly reducing the physical effort required to propel herself.

The wheelchair is designed for both manual and automatic use, allowing her to simply press a button to get from one point to another with ease. This new mobility aid promises to enhance her quality of life and empower her to engage more fully in her community.

U.S. Embassy in Banjul Denies Closure Speculation Amid Leaked Plans for Global Diplomatic Cuts

By Hadram Hydara

The U.S. Embassy in Banjul has dismissed rumours of its impending closure, even as a confidential State Department memo obtained by The New York Times reveals broader plans by the Trump administration to shutter 10 embassies and 17 consulates worldwide, including in six African nations, among them The Gambia.

According to the April 15 report, the undated proposal seeks to consolidate diplomatic operations in fragile regions like Africa, redirecting responsibilities to larger regional hubs. For The Gambia, this would mean closing its sole U.S. embassy in Banjul and merging services into a neighbouring mission, likely in Senegal. The memo frames the closures as cost-cutting measures, aligning with President Trump’s push to slash foreign aid and reduce America’s diplomatic footprint abroad.

Andrew Posner, the embassy’s Public Affairs Officer in Banjul, told The Fatu Network: “No embassy or consulate closures have been announced, and operations continue as normal,” adding that the State Department routinely evaluates its global posture to “address modern challenges on behalf of the American people.

The leaked document, however, has heightened anxieties about long-term U.S. disengagement. Hassan Hydara, an Italian-based Gambian with a Master’s degree in World Politics and International Relations, warned that closing the embassy would strain bilateral ties and empower rivals.

“The expense of visa applications for Gambians would rise as they would have to journey to Senegal or another country to apply for a U.S. visa,” Hydara told The Fatu Network. “It would restrict diplomatic interactions, collaborative efforts, and reform initiatives in security sector reforms, governance, and other key projects, including NGOs and civil society groups funded by the U.S. embassy in Banjul,” he added.

He warned that relocating services to Dakar—over 300 kilometres away—would burden U.S. citizens requiring consular assistance and erode Washington’s influence.

“The U.S. would jeopardise its considerable diplomatic influence in [The] Gambia to competing nations like China and Russia,” he said.

Hydara argued that The Gambia, unlike larger African economies, lacks the clout to resist consolidation. “Unfortunately, The Gambia lacks significant leverage or strategic benefit, aside from cultural connections as an English-speaking former British colony — [factors] largely unattractive to this economy-focused U.S. administration,” he said.

He suggested negotiating “a U.S. military base” to anchor American interests.

“I would encourage the authorities to consider difficult but prudent measures, such as strategically negotiating the establishment of a U.S. military base in The Gambia to reinforce U.S. interests in order to have U.S. embassy in Banjul remained open,” he added— a proposal likely to spark debate in a nation sensitive to foreign military presence.

Hydara noted the suggestion of a military base might be contentious, but said geopolitics relies on pragmatism, not idealism and without tangible leverage, such steps may be necessary to keep the embassy open.

Fatou Baldeh MBE, a prominent women’s and human rights activist, echoed concerns about the embassy’s strategic value. “I am very concerned about the speculation regarding the potential closure of the U.S. Embassy in The Gambia,” she told The Fatu Network. “The embassy is very significant here because we are a country with weak systems and institutions, particularly given our history of authoritarian rule.

Baldeh highlighted security risks, noting that while The Gambia is not part of the Sahel, its proximity to the region makes it vulnerable. “My fear is that the embassy’s closure could open space for extremism, affecting the region and, by extension, the U.S. itself. For example, without the embassy, The Gambia might become a training ground for extremists, with impacts reaching beyond our borders—even to the U.S.”

She also emphasized the embassy’s role in fostering cross-cultural ties. “It has enabled Gambians to participate in exchange programs to understand U.S. culture, while U.S. citizens have come here to learn about ours and take that back to their country. These programs, which we’ve greatly benefited from, risk disappearing if the embassy shuts down.”

When contacted by The Fatu Network about the potential closure and its implications for bilateral relations, Lang Yabou, Permanent Secretary at The Gambia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, declined to comment. “… At the moment, it would not be in order for me to say anything about this subject matter,” Yabou stated.

The State Department has also not addressed the memo’s specifics, and no final decisions have been announced. Analysts note the plan reflects a broader Trump-era shift toward austerity, despite bipartisan criticism that embassy closures weaken U.S. crisis response and cede ground to adversaries like Russia’s Wagner Group, active in nearby Mali and the Central African Republic.

The Gambia, under President Adama Barrow, has sought stronger Western ties since rejoining the Commonwealth in 2018 and pursuing democratic reforms post-dictatorship. The U.S. Embassy, established in 1965, has been pivotal, issuing visas to Gambians and supporting governance and security projects.

Yet the leaked memo underscores the vulnerability of smaller nations amid U.S. strategic recalibrations. “Consolidating missions risks leaving partners feeling abandoned,” said Morro Sillah. “It’s a gift to powers like China, who’ll gladly fill the void.”

For many Gambians, the embassy’s value is practical. “Speculation helps no one,” said Lamin Ceesay. “This mission’s presence matters greatly—not just for visas, but partnerships our communities rely on.”

Others rejected Hydara’s military base idea. “Inviting foreign troops would betray the whole idea of sovereignty,” said Ebrima Colley. “We can’t trade dignity for convenience.”

Introducing Max Sonko, an Aspiring Entrepreneur

SPOTLIGHT

By Dawda Baldeh

In the bustling heart of Serrekunda market, a symphony of emotions unfolds where the sharp sounds of frustration, stress, and anxiety mingle among the voices of eager buyers and determined sellers. Amid this cacophony, a subtle gleam of hope flickers, often overlooked yet persistently present.

As community members of all ages engage in earnest discussions about the myriad challenges plaguing society, a significant portion of the blame is directed toward the government. Many voice their concerns about the lack of job opportunities, casting a shadow over the aspirations of the youth.

Yet, within this landscape of discontent, innovative entrepreneurs are rising to the occasion, transforming adversity into opportunity.

Among these trailblazers is Buba Sonko, affectionately known as Max Sonko, a spirited young man from Serrekunda. With a vision to reshape societal perceptions that equate success solely with destinations abroad, he embodies a growing movement of youth venturing into business.

In an insightful interview with The Fatu Network, Buba recounted how his entrepreneurial journey ignited shortly after he graduated from high school, marking the beginning of his quest to redefine success on his own terms.

“I view business as the best means to achieve financial independence and support my family,” he stated.

A friend introduced him to the world of business.

“Once I started, I realized it was my calling,” he remarked, noting that although business growth is slow, he is steadily progressing.

Like many other young Gambians, Max initially aspired to work in an office after finishing high school.

He discussed the persistent challenges he faces as an aspiring entrepreneur.

“Some customers lack understanding,” he explained, adding that some will order clothing and then change their minds upon delivery.

“Some will request clothes, but when you deliver, they won’t pay, offering excuses like, ‘I don’t like this’ or ‘It’s not what I ordered…’” he continued.

Despite these ongoing difficulties, young Max remains dedicated to achieving his business goals.

“I am determined to ensure my success. It’s not easy, but with hard work and dedication, anything is possible. Allah can make it happen,” he stressed.

Known affectionately as Max Sonko, he is now attracting customers who appreciate his unique fashion offerings.

“I assist my clients in finding exactly what they desire. It’s a trust we build together,” he remarked.

He mentioned that his biggest clients include Bakary Mankajang (Mankajang Daily), Buba, Kaddijatou Jallow, a Gambian based in the US, Yusupha Jatta (360 Pluz), and one Gaddafi, among others.

His confidence in the business is bolstered by the consistent feedback he receives from his expanding clientele after they purchase the clothes he has ordered. Sonko aims to become a leading fashion store owner in the country to inspire others to pursue their dreams, regardless of the obstacles they encounter.

Annetta BV Mahoney: Gambian Civic Leader Championing Transparency and Democratic Engagement

By Michaella Faith Wright

Annetta BV Mahoney, a Gambian civic leader and Mandela Washington Fellow, stands at the forefront of efforts to combat corruption, reform governance, and promote active citizen participation in The Gambia.

As Programs Manager at Gambia Participates, Mahoney has emerged as a bold advocate for transparency and civic engagement. Raised in Bundung, her academic journey began at Nyakoi Nursery School and continued through Gambia Methodist Academy, culminating at the American International University West Africa (AIUWA), where she graduated Cum Laude in Politics, Philosophy, and Economics.

“I’ve always believed that citizens have the power to transform institutions,” Mahoney says. “That belief is what fuels my work every day.”

Her professional career began at the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), where she spent three years as a program assistant, focusing on peacebuilding and reconciliation initiatives—particularly those empowering women and youth affected by conflict.

At Gambia Participates, Mahoney leads several high-impact initiatives, including legislative advocacy for the 2019 Anti-Corruption Bill, civic education on electoral reform and constitutional rights, and regional campaigns addressing Illicit Financial Flows (IFFs). She also works to expand youth and women’s political participation, facilitates peace dialogues, and contributes to election observation missions both locally and internationally.

In 2024, her leadership was recognized on the global stage when she was selected as a Mandela Washington Fellow at Michigan State University. That same year, she was named a Young Global Changemaker.

“I am deeply passionate about fighting corruption and making sure every voice—especially those of marginalized groups—is heard in our democracy,” she adds.

Mahoney’s journey reflects an unyielding commitment to transparency, inclusion, and civic empowerment—principles she continues to champion both nationally and internationally.

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