By: The Fatu Network Editorial

President Adama Barrow officially inaugurated the National Muslim Elders Advisory Council (NMEAC) during a courtesy call at the State House in Banjul on Friday, further reinforcing the government’s commitment to fostering collaboration between religious bodies and the state.

The visit, which aimed to strengthen the cordial relationship between the government and religious entities, marked a significant step towards national development and unity. During his address, President Barrow expressed deep appreciation for the council members and their dedication to working alongside the government in promoting peace and unity throughout the nation.

“I extend profound gratitude to the council members for their commitment to working closely with my government in promoting peace and unity across the country,” President Barrow remarked. He emphasized the vital role that unity plays in the country’s development and stressed the importance of institutions like the NMEAC in fostering cooperation among communities.

President Barrow assured the council members of his government’s continued support to ensure the success and visibility of the council’s initiatives, both within The Gambia and beyond. “I pledge to donate a vehicle to NMEAC members to facilitate their outreach activities,” he said, highlighting the government’s investment in making the council’s work more effective and far-reaching.

Imam Lamin Touray, the President of the NMEAC, spoke on behalf of the council and expressed gratitude to President Barrow for his leadership. “We thank you, Mr. President, for being the most peaceful and harmonious president who is always putting The Gambia first,” Imam Touray said. He reaffirmed the council’s commitment to supporting the government in the national interest, noting that the NMEAC stands ready to contribute to the peace and stability of the country.

The NMEAC was established in September 2023 as a religious advisory body to the government. It consists of 17 executive members and 87 regional committee representatives, with a primary focus on collaborating with religious bodies such as the Supreme Islamic Council and the religious advisors to the President. The council aims to offer support and guidance to the President in his efforts to maintain peace and tranquility in The Gambia.

As part of its mandate, the NMEAC seeks to strengthen the relationship between religious communities and the government, playing a key role in advising on matters of national importance and contributing to the development of policies that promote unity and social cohesion.

The inauguration of the National Muslim Elders Advisory Council is seen as a crucial step in furthering dialogue between religious communities and the government, with hopes that it will help to enhance social harmony and national progress in The Gambia.

By Mariama Jobarteh

This month marks 25 years since The Gambia’s darkest hour for student activism, the April 10^th and 11^th, 2000, student protest. Sparked by the rape of a 13-year-old schoolgirl by security personnel and the brutal tortured of a schoolboy resulting to his death, the peaceful student-led demonstration tragically ended in bloodshed. Live ammunitions were used against unarmed young people, killing fourteen, permanently maiming dozens, and leaving countless others deeply scarred.

A quarter of a century today, justice remains elusive. While some survivors grew up with trauma, poverty, and invisibility, others have passed away without receiving an apology, let alone reparations. And for many female survivors, the wounds go far deeper that the physical manifestations. Sexual violence left a legacy of shame, silence, and reproductive health complications that still affect their ability to work, to parent, to heal, and to contribute fully to national life. While the expectation for a simple apology fades for many, others still wait and hope in silence for some miracle. For victims and survivors, the slogan “Never Again” sounds hollow – a betrayal of those whose only demand was and continues to be, justice and dignity.

At a systemic level, the same structural issues that ignited the 2000 protest persist in The Gambia. Torture remains a tool for intimidation. Sexual violence, especially against schoolgirls, continues to be underreported and rarely prosecuted. The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC)’s final Report highlights that youth were among the most targeted during former president Jammeh’s dictatorship regime. They faced torture, arbitrary detention, and sexual violence, especially within state institutions including the office of the President, prison and security services.

According to the 2019/20 Demographic Health Survey, only 9% of sexual violence cases experienced by women aged 15 to 49 in The Gambia were reported, reflecting the deep-rooted silence surrounding abuse. At Fantanka, the organisation I founded, we continue to see how girls are urged to stay quiet in the name of “family honour,” while schools and institutions prioritise reputations over protecting children, allowing perpetrators to go unpunished.

Anonymous reporting channels are virtually non-existent, and trusted guidance counsellors are rare. As a result, survivors face fear, retaliation, and stigma when speaking out. Without justice, women and girls carry compounded burdens. Survivors of April 10/11 who suffered sexual violence or trauma-related injuries face lifelong reproductive health challenges, including complications from untreated infections, pelvic damage, and PTSD-induced fertility issues. This directly limits their future economic potential, their ability to pursue education and become change makers.

Even in the post-Jammeh dispensation, The Gambia continues to see poor handling of youth-led protests that sends alarm bells only few in power seem to notice.

​In November 2017, a group of young activists gathered at Westfield, a central hub in the Kanifing municipality, for a peaceful protest over the country’s persistent electricity and water shortages. Their permit, initially granted was later revoked, the protesters were eventually dispersed by riot police.

In July 2024, young Gambians protested the Judicial Officers’ and National Assembly Members’ Remuneration Bills, in what they perceived as self-interest by lawmakers while youth unemployment and poor education persisted, demanding national priorities that reflect the people’s needs, instead of political privilege.

In December 2024, students at the University of The Gambia (UTG) protested the dismissal of two senior lecturers, Dr. Alieu Gibba and Prof. Matarr Njie, who were accused of misconduct after publicly criticising university governance. Over 400 students were directly affected, prompting mass demonstrations demanding academic freedom and transparency in university decision-making. Police responded with tear gas, resulting in student injuries and heightened tensions.

When youths begin to lose trust in a system, protests like the April 10/11 demonstrations becomes a norm. Over 60% of Gambia’s 2.2 million people are below 25 years with 18 to 35-year-olds making up 58% of the countries registered voters, yet they continue to cry out for inclusion in shaping decisions that affect their lives.

The Gambia should learn from the trend across Africa, as a failure to delicately address youth grievances have always led to unrest. Nigeria’s #EndSARS movement, originally a digital campaign against police brutality, escalated into nationwide protests, with over 50 deaths, with the government’s violent response worsen public trust in governance. In Senegal, the 2021–2023 youth-led protests, sparked by opposition leader Ousmane Sonko’s arrest and fuelled by economic inequality, paralysed major cities, resulting in deaths and internet blackouts to suppress dissent.

However, there are also positive examples to draw from. In Rwanda, youth were placed at the centre of national healing efforts through civic education and community programs. Sierra Leone introduced a reparations programme that included microfinance opportunities for survivors and young people, although, limited political commitment and weak follow-through undermined its sustainability. In contrast, Liberia, despite having a strong truth commission, failed to prosecute warlords or fund reparations adequately, leading to youth apathy and ongoing cycles of trauma and mistrust. These experiences show that post-conflict healing and justice require political will, institutional reform, and inclusive strategies that empower young people as co-builders of peace and accountability.

The Gambia already has tools to guide redress efforts. The TRRC outlined clear recommendations, calling for a formal acknowledgement and apology to the survivors of April 10/11, 2000 alongside reparations that include healthcare, psychosocial support, and economic assistance. It also strongly emphasised the urgent need to prosecute perpetrators of human rights violations and initiating security sector reform with robust accountability frameworks.

Thus, for the transitional justice efforts to matter, “Never Again” must move from banner to blueprint, aspiration to implementation. Until we centre youth voices in national healing and justice, the frustration of April 10/11, 2000, will grow louder with each passing year.

Twenty-five years is too long to wait for justice. We must take the bold steps repair the damage, and now.

Written by Mariama Jobarteh, CEO/Founder of Fantanka, a public health professional and advocate for gender justice, juvenile justice, mental health, and transitional justice in The Gambia

By: Dawda Baldeh

A 60-year-old woman in Sukuta-Salaji has become homeless after witnessing the Department of Physical Planning demolish her house recently. The woman, who spoke to The Fatu Network, stated that the house she lived in before its demolition belonged to her grandparents. “My parents settled on this land before I was born,” the 60-year-old woman mentioned, adding that she has been farming on this land for nearly 30 years. “This is heartbreaking,” she continued, “at my age, even if my children sold me, I couldn’t afford a new house in The Gambia.”

She explained that since she settled on the property years ago, no one had ever informed her that it was reserve land. “It was only recently that two masked men came to deliver a notice to us with paramilitary guards. The notice was delivered on the 25th, and on the 28th, we saw bulldozers demolishing our fences and houses,” she recounted. She stressed that they had been unjustly removed from their homes and that Allah is watching. “There is no truth in what physical planning did to us. Right now we don’t have any power, but the superior power (Allah) is watching, and He will deliver justice,” she stated.

Mariama Bojang, another middle-aged single mother affected by the ongoing demolition, described the act as unjustifiable. “I am a single mother of seven, and when I saw my house demolished, I nearly fainted. If I had high blood pressure, I would have died that day,” she said. Ms. Bojang, who is involved in petty trading, expressed that her life is now miserable. “I have been building this house for the past four years. I sell ice and other items to earn a living. That’s how I feed my kids,” she explained. Now that her house is demolished, the middle-aged single mother’s dream of building a home for her children has been shattered. She revealed that her seven children are now under the care of her elder sister. “As a single parent, where can I get money to buy a new house? My dreams have been crushed. My family is devastated,” she lamented.

The Fatu Network was able to view a notice served to the demolition victims from the Department of Physical Planning, which claimed the victims “encroached on public space and built houses and fences without permits.” This action has left hundreds of families devastated and displaced at a time when the country is facing increasing uncertainties such as unemployment, rising domestic violence, poverty, and elevated rates of murder and suicide, which are largely attributed to mental health issues due to the current hardships.