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“75 Percent Support My Leadership,” President Barrow Says at Women’s Rally in Janjanbureh

By: The Fatu Network News Desk

President Adama Barrow has claimed that 75 percent of Gambians support his leadership, citing a large turnout at a women’s political rally in the Central River Region as evidence of public backing for his government’s development agenda.

“The massive turnout at the Central River Region Women’s Rally held in Janjanbureh reflects strong support for my government’s development agenda,” Barrow said in a statement shared on Sunday. “I extend special gratitude to the NPP National Women’s Mobiliser, a native of the region, for organising this initiative.”

The rally, organised by Aja Maimuna Baldeh, brought together supporters from across the region. Barrow used the occasion to highlight his administration’s focus on public service delivery, especially in health and education.

“We are currently focused on building the capacity of our service providers in education, health, and other sectors,” the president said. “Significant improvements have been made in training health professionals at all levels, including nurses, doctors, and other specialists. Likewise, we have increased the number of certified personnel in education, enhancing their ability to deliver high-quality education.”

Barrow also reiterated his commitment to the empowerment of Gambian women, stating, “I appreciate the backing we have received and assure Gambian women of my commitment to their progress. We remain dedicated to advancing our country.”

The Central River Region is one of The Gambia’s most populous areas, and has historically played a key role in political mobilisation during election cycles.

From Rural Roots to Robotics Champions: How Kawsu Jabbi is Transforming STEM Education in The Gambia

By Michaella Faith Wright

In the heart of The Gambia, a quiet revolution is underway, one powered by passion, innovation, and children. At the heart of this transformation is Kawsu Jabbi, a man on a mission to prove that talent knows no boundaries—only opportunity does. His foundation, Kids in Technology, is turning rural Gambian students into tech pioneers, one robot at a time. 

“The inspiration came from a deep passion for challenging young minds in computer programming and robotics,” says Jabbi. “I believe children, with the right tools and mentorship, can build incredible things.”

Founded in 2015 and formally registered in 2019, Kids in Technology started with limited resources but boundless belief. With no proper space or consistent funding, Jabbi and his team improvised with local materials and sheer dedication. Their resilience paid off —winning first place at the Star League Robotics Competition in both 2022 and 2025, bringing home major trophies that placed The Gambia on the global tech map.

“Talent exists everywhere, but opportunity does not,” Jabbi explains. Through their STEM in Schools program, the organisation reaches underserved areas, identifies curious learners, and nurtures them into tech innovators. Some, who had never seen a computer before, now build robots and win international awards.

Beyond competitions, their impact is visible in real-life solutions like smart sticks for the visually impaired and automated irrigation systems.

Currently, Jabbi’s team is expanding mobile STEM labs, producing low-cost robotics kits, and strengthening mentorship programs. While not yet realised, they also hope to collaborate with the Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education to scale teacher training and digital literacy nationwide.

“Our journey is just beginning,” he says. “We’re not just building tech skills—we’re building changemakers.”

Mouride Gathering in Paris Sparks Debate Over Secularism

A gathering of Mourides, a Senegalese Muslim brotherhood, held at Place de la République in Paris on July 19 was intended to promote peace, forgiveness, tolerance, and coexistence. The event brought together members of the brotherhood and supporters for public prayers at one of France’s most symbolic squares.

However, the gathering sparked controversy in France, particularly among far-right figures and critics of Islam. The sight of prayer carpets spread across the square prompted some to describe the event as an “open-air mosque,” and questions were raised over why the authorities allowed it to proceed without intervention.

Several journalists and political commentators condemned the gathering as a violation of France’s secular ideals. They argued that it reflected a broader shift away from the country’s traditional commitment to laïcité (the French principle of strict separation between religion and state).

Others expressed concern over who had authorised the religious assembly to take place at the foot of the Marianne statue, a symbol of the French Republic. The debate has reignited wider discussions about religion, identity, and public space in a secular France.

Beyond Juridical Fiat: Contesting Elite Capture within The Gambia’s Land Governance Framework

By Dave Manneh – Research Lead
Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative

In my capacity as a Brufut indigene, with deep connections to the customary landowners of the land the state calls the Tanji Bird Reserve, and as Research Lead for SFLRAC, I feel it necessary to offer a critical perspective on the recent investigative report by Malagen. This report transcends mere journalistic exposé; it represents a crucial empirical document shedding light on the systemic inefficiencies of The Gambia’s land governance system and the continuity of injustices across political transitions.

I present this analysis on behalf of my community, whose hold on their ancestral heritage remains precarious amidst the unrelenting assault.

Understanding Elite Capture and Accumulation by Dispossession

The Malagen investigation corroborates a disturbing pattern SFLRAC has consistently critiqued: the questionable transfer of communal assets–a dynamic that has persisted beyond the previous authoritarian regime. The detailed allocation of substantial tracts within the Tanji Bird Reserve to private entities, including prominent political and business figures, constitutes a stark violation of established legal norms, and represents “elite capture.”

Gambians must understand this phenomenon within the broader framework of “accumulation by dispossession”–the systematic transfer of communal assets to private interests through extra-economic means. Such practices reveal how ostensibly democratic governance structures can facilitate the instrumentalisation of state power to enrich elites at the expense of communities.

 Constitutional Violations and Procedural Irregularities

The Karenti Land Question

Critically, the land identified as the Tanji (or Tanjeh) Bird Reserve is, in fact, Karenti (the land of Brufut clans). It was part of the tract of lands the community leased to the state as part of the Tourism Development Area (TDA) under specific conditions. When the “primary use” changes from its original purpose, the state bears an obligation to revert the land to its rightful owners rather than proceeding with redistribution amongst the elite.

This reallocation represents not merely a policy misjudgement but a violation of the original terms by which the community entrusted the land to the state. Moreover, it constitutes a direct affront to the ancestral land rights of the Kombonkas, reinforcing patterns of systematic dispossession that have historically characterised state-community relations.

 The Janneh Commission and Legal Precedent

The Malagen report confirms that the Janneh Commission had determined the de-reservation of this land by the former presidency to be illegal. Despite this legal pronouncement and the corresponding recommendation that the state reinstate the land’s protected status, the Gambia Tourism Board (GTBoard) proceeded with parcel distribution, justified under the rubric of a “tourism designated zone.”

This action is indefensible. As SFLRAC has written in similar cases, the GTBoard is potentially enabling the appropriation of communal lands without transparent consultation or seeking community consent.

 Environmental Impact and Sustainable Development Concerns

The environmental implications of these allocations are profound and far-reaching. Karenti is a critical refuge for hundreds of bird species, representing a significant ecological asset both nationally and internationally.

The prioritisation of private commercial development contradicts principles of sustainable development and environmental stewardship. This act raises fundamental questions about development models that generate wealth for elites whilst yielding minimal returns to communities.

Characterising these activities as “rent-seeking” rather than authentic “value creation” is apt. Notably, presidential aspirant Essa Faal (a beneficiary of these allocations) has previously described communal lands as “dead capital” in a radio interview. Such framing reflects a reductionist approach to land that privileges market activation, thereby legitimising the transfer of community and national assets to elites like him.

 Procedural Irregularities and Governance Failures

The Malagen report highlights troubling procedural irregularities that warrant investigation. Allegations that Nandkishore Rajwani used multiple identities to accumulate land whilst receiving allocations without fulfilling financial prerequisites exemplify the endemic corruption in land dealings. These practices mirror patterns whereby officials divert public-purpose lands to colleagues, friends, family, and other connected individuals rather than serving genuine development needs.

The reported interaction between Faal and Barrow regarding land applications highlights concerns about opaque processes and conflicts of interest within public asset management. Faal’s own account of his presidential meetings, though meant to show transparency, highlights the problem of privileged access and informal decision-making processes that bypass established institutional safeguards.

 Historical Context and Structural Analysis

The State Lands Act Legacy

This situation serves as a reminder that the State Lands Act 1991 needs reviewing. It vests the Minister of Lands with extensive powers often without requiring community consultation or participation in decision-making processes.

This legislation leaves communities vulnerable to precisely the abuses we are seeing in Karenti. The continuation of the Jammeh playbook under Barrow suggests that despite regime transition, structural reform remains incomplete.

 Continuity Across Political Transitions

The situation also demonstrates how elite capture mechanisms can persist across political changes. The pattern of dispossession that has historically favoured external interests over indigenous communities continues unabated. This suggests that regime change alone is insufficient to address embedded structural issues within land governance systems.

 Community Resistance and Democratic Engagement

SFLRAC commends the stance and courage Brufut youth and forest rangers demonstrated by resisting construction on these allocated plots. Their actions represent the sort of community-centred approach and sustained vigilance that land rights advocacy and protection requires. Such grassroots efforts are even more crucial when administrative guidelines prove meaningless, lack enforcement mechanisms, and lack genuine political will.

This collective resolve points towards the possibility of governance systems where such forms of community resistance become unnecessary, and where development enhances rather than undermines community rights and environmental sustainability.

 Policy Demands and Reform Framework

Considering these pressing concerns, SFLRAC demands:

  1. Immediate Cessation and Land Restitution

The GTBoard must cease further allocations and development activities within Karenti. The state must return the land to its rightful customary owners, given that its primary use has changed from its lease agreement with the landowners.

  1. Implementation of Legal Directives

The state must implement the recommendations of the Janneh Commission, ensuring the restoration of the Karenti’s protected environmental status. Legal pronouncements cannot remain mere symbolic gestures; they must translate into administrative action and policy implementation.

  1. Comprehensive Transparency and Accountability

The state must investigate all land allocations within Karenti, ensuring accountability for anyone implicated in illegal or corrupt practices. It must make accessible and public all documentation, including land valuation reports, transaction records, and decision-making processes.

  1. Community Empowerment in Governance

The voices and rights of communities must be central to all land governance decisions, ensuring meaningful participation prior to rather than subsequent to development decisions. The state must adopt legal empowerment approaches to strengthen communities’ capacity to assert their rights effectively within formal governance structures.

Towards Justice and Sustainable Development

The situation in Karenti is not an isolated incident but part of a systematic pattern throughout Kombo that favours elite interests over rights and even environmental sustainability. SFLRAC remains committed to using research and advocacy to address the knowledge gaps concerning land laws whilst empowering communities to reclaim lost rights and protect heritage.

We call upon all stakeholders–policymakers, civil society organisations, international development partners, and the broader Gambian public–to act decisively in ensuring that heritage preservation and community rights take precedence over narrow economic interests.

ADDENDUM – 19 July 2025

Following initial circulation of this analysis, Mr Essa Mbye Faal released a comprehensive statement through the APP-Sobeyaa Party addressing his land allocation.

Response to Faal’s Statement: We’ve read Faal’s statement carefully. His characterisation of the dispute as jurisdictional (between GTB and Parks and Wildlife) ignores the fundamental question of land rights. His argument that the bird sanctuary should remain limited to 401 hectares, whilst technically referencing existing legislation, does not address whether this original designation itself violated the customary tenure rights of the Brufut clans over Karenti.

His claim of having “followed due process” works within a system that excludes communities from decisions about their own lands and treats customary ownership with legal irrelevance if not an annoyance. The fact that Faal paid substantial sums and received governmental encouragement does not resolve the core question of whether the state had legitimate authority to lease or allocate these lands in the first place, given the TDA lease and customary ownership status.

Faal’s defence, though detailed, misses the point entirely: whether allocations follow formal governmental procedures is less significant than whether those procedures themselves respect the ancestral rights of communities. The competing narratives surrounding these allocations underscore the need for governance frameworks that centre community voices rather than treating them as peripheral concerns it can address after it has made administrative decisions.

Our position remains unchanged that procedural compliance within flawed systems cannot substitute for genuine recognition of customary land rights. We’re open to discussions with anyone genuinely committed to land justice.

Securing Futures: Land Rights Action Collaborative (SFLRAC) is a registered NGO-think tank hybrid based in The Gambia. Committed to empowering Kombo’s dispossessed land-owning communities, SFLRAC combines participatory action with rigorous research to secure ancestral land rights, advocate for equitable governance policies, protect cultural heritage, and advance sustainable development.

Government Not to Blame for Travel Plans, Says Sports Minister After U-16 Accident

By: The Fatu Network News Desk

The Minister of Youth and Sports, Bakary Y. Badjie, has responded to mounting criticism over the recent road accident involving The Gambia’s U-16 national basketball teams, clarifying that travel arrangements for international competitions are made solely by individual sports associations—not by his Ministry.

The boys’ and girls’ teams were travelling by bus to Guinea Conakry on Friday for the FIBA Africa Zone II Championship when their vehicle was involved in a crash. While no fatalities were reported, several players and staff sustained injuries. The government later chartered a private jet to bring the teams home, where they were received at Banjul International Airport by the Minister, basketball officials, and a medical team deployed to assess the injured.

Following the incident, public backlash quickly grew. Critics questioned why the teams had travelled by road, pointing to safety concerns and what many described as poor planning. In a statement released on social media, Minister Badjie rejected the notion that his Ministry was responsible for the travel decision. “Every sport association in the country manages its participation at international competitions and makes their own travel arrangements — not the Ministry,” he stated.

He emphasised that sports associations in The Gambia are not government bodies, but private institutions answerable to their members and stakeholders. According to the Minister, the Ministry’s role is limited to supervision, policy, and funding support, without involvement in operational logistics such as transport modes or itineraries. “We do not dictate the means of travel, nor is there any layer of approval for travel route or mode,” he added. “Most times, we at the Ministry get to know about an association’s impending travel when they write to the National Sports Council (NSC) requesting funding.”

Minister Badjie also addressed what he described as misinformation surrounding the Gambia Basketball Association’s (GBA) funding request. Some reports suggested the GBA initially submitted a D2 million dalasi budget for air travel, which the government declined. “That story is false,” he said. “The budget submitted to us from the NSC was D1.2 million dalasis. Upon review, the Ministry provided D1 million to the GBA. This essentially covered the entire cost as per their plan.”

He explained that the challenges of regional air travel—limited flights, long transits, and high prices—often lead associations to opt for road transport instead. “Air travel between our neighbouring countries is extremely difficult… This is why many associations, including those of sport, opt for road travels — and did so successfully in the past.”

Despite distancing the Ministry from direct responsibility, Minister Badjie acknowledged weaknesses in the current oversight system. He announced that a new National Sports Bill, finalised by the Attorney General’s Chambers, would soon be tabled before the National Assembly. The proposed legislation aims to strengthen regulatory authority and require associations to submit annual plans and seek approval before engaging in international competitions.

“We will take immediate actions to prepare enforceable regulations that will mandate sports associations to submit annual plans to the NSC,” he said. “This will help determine whether to approve or deny financial support and bar foreign travels when necessary.”

The Minister’s statement follows strong criticism from the Sports Journalists’ Association of The Gambia (SJAG), which labelled the road travel decision a “grave lapse in judgment.” “The use of a bus for such an international trip is unacceptable,” SJAG said. “We question why safer alternatives, such as air travel, were not prioritised, exposing our athletes to unnecessary risks.”

SJAG warned that the accident could set back the development of basketball in The Gambia. “Missing the qualifiers due to this avoidable tragedy will have a profound impact on both the boys’ and girls’ teams. This setback deprives them of a critical opportunity to showcase their talent, gain international experience, and advance their development.”

National Assembly Member for Banjul North, Hon. Modou Lamin B. Bah, also criticised the government and Ministry, questioning the fairness of subjecting young athletes to a risky journey. “If cabinet ministers would never take such a risky road trip, why was it acceptable for our youth team?” he asked. “If they could afford a private jet after the incident, why couldn’t they secure a commercial flight from the start?”

In contrast, Gambia Basketball Association President Ndongo Camara defended the travel decision. He said the teams have travelled by road many times before and insisted the players themselves preferred it. “The athletes prefer travelling by land. They enjoy it, as they get to explore more,” Camara stated.

While the players continue to recover, the episode has reignited a debate about the responsibilities of government versus sporting bodies, and the need for stronger safeguards when youth are sent to represent the country abroad. “Our national teams deserve better,” SJAG concluded. “The safety, well-being, and aspirations of our athletes must always come first.”

Editor’s Column #005
History Will Judge Barrow – and Us

OPINION by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

Some people might say I’m crazy for expecting President Barrow or any ordinary Gambian to take meaningful action on Palestine. After all, we’re a small country, right? Not a global power. But here’s the truth: justice doesn’t need numbers. It needs courage. And right now, condemnation is not enough.

Gambia has condemned the war in Gaza, like many others. But what have we actually done? Besides calling a spade a spade, what concrete action has our government taken to stand against the destruction of Palestinian lives and land? Saying “we condemn this” doesn’t cost anything. It’s easy. It’s the bare minimum. And we need to go beyond it.

Barrow holds a position of power — so use it

Let’s start with the facts. President Adama Barrow is currently the Chairman of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). This isn’t a title you hold for a few weeks. It typically lasts until the next Islamic Summit, which happens roughly every three years. That means Barrow is in this seat until at least 2027. He has time. He has the platform. And he has the responsibility to do more than deliver feel-good speeches. This is a real chance to amplify Gambia’s moral standing on the world stage, or at least within the OIC.

He can call for an emergency summit of OIC leaders focused solely on Gaza. Not just another statement. Real action. He can demand sanctions, propose collective bans, and push for the OIC to back legal proceedings against Israel at the International Criminal Court (ICC). These things don’t require being a superpower. They require backbone.

Even Senegal, our neighbour, has already taken steps that we haven’t. Senegal is a founding member of the Hague Group, a coalition of over 30 countries that just met in Bogotá, Colombia, to formally back sanctions against Israel. Twelve countries signed a joint agreement to support arms embargoes, port inspections, universal jurisdiction, and reviews of public contracts that aid Israeli war efforts. Where was The Gambia? Nowhere in sight.

Barrow should have been there. He still can be. Join the Hague Group. Show the world we’re not afraid to stand on the right side of history.

Condemnation without consequences means complicity

Let’s talk about Saudi Arabia. It condemned the Israeli bombing of civilians. Strong words, loud headlines. But did it condition any of its aid or trade deals on stopping the war? No. Did it withhold oil? No. Did it take any step beyond a press release? No.

So is Saudi Arabia complicit? In my opinion, yes. Because when you have power and you choose not to use it, that’s not neutrality. That’s enabling.

The same logic applies to us. Gambia may not have oil or billions in trade, but we do have moral authority. We have a vote at the UN. We have a respected legal voice because of our past support for justice at The Hague. Let’s not waste that reputation.

What should Barrow actually do?

Here are some real options — not just nice-sounding words.

  1. Join the Hague Group and back its six-point plan for coordinated sanctions on Israel.
  2. Use his OIC chairmanship to call for economic penalties, arms embargoes, and legal action.
  3. Publicly support South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ and contribute resources to strengthen it.
  4. Ban companies in The Gambia that fund or support the Israeli military, including any logistics, software, or supply chain firms.
  5. Suspend diplomatic or economic normalisation with Israel unless there is a permanent ceasefire and recognition of Palestinian rights.

What about us, the people?

Some people think all this is up to governments. It’s not. Every one of us can do something.

Start with boycotts. Many people are refusing to buy Coca-Cola because the company has bottling operations in Israeli settlements, which are illegal under international law. Others avoid products like HP, Puma, and McDonald’s, which are linked in various ways to the Israeli military or economy. You don’t have to wait for The Gambia to issue a ban. You can ban it from your own home.

If your local shop stocks these products, tell them. Ask for alternatives. Post online. Talk about it. Boycotts only work when people spread the word.

If the news you watch is biased, turn it off

Here’s something else that needs to be said. Some international media are slow to recognise injustice. They don’t call genocide genocide until the public is already outraged. They wait to see which way the wind blows. That’s not journalism. That’s cowardice.

So if you’re watching news that refuses to show the truth — switch it off. Follow outlets that report honestly. Share verified content. Ask questions. Don’t be manipulated.

Bring faith into the fold

As Muslims and Christians, we’re taught to stand for justice. So let’s not just pray for Palestine. Let’s act. But also, let’s pray intentionally. Every time you finish salah, every time you see a headline about children, women, and fathers being blown apart while waiting for aid, make du’a for a free Palestine. This food aid is being weaponized. Starving people are being used as targets. If that doesn’t move you to act and to pray, what will?

This isn’t just a political issue. It’s a test. A moral one. A litmus test that reveals who stands for good and who doesn’t. The world has always been a fight between good and evil — from the time of Prophet Adam to now. Everything else is just noise. Do you stand for the oppressed or the oppressor? That’s the only question that matters.

Look at Momodou Taal. He chose courage

One of the most powerful examples of individual action came from a fellow Gambian — Momodou Taal. A PhD student at Cornell University in the US, Taal filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration for two executive orders that suppressed pro-Palestinian speech. He faced visa threats, academic suspension, surveillance, and intimidation. He eventually had to leave the US because his visa was revoked after speaking out.

We at The Fatu Network reported extensively on his case. On March 17, 2025, we broke the news that Taal, along with Cornell professor Mũkoma Wa Ngũgĩ and student Sriram Parasurama, had filed a federal lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of two executive orders. Then on March 20, we reported Taal’s claim that federal agents had attempted to detain him at his home in Ithaca, New York. On March 22, we covered immigration authorities requesting him to surrender himself. And on April 1, we reported that he had left the US, stating, “I have lost faith I could walk the streets without being abducted.”

Despite the risks, Taal said: “The images in Gaza are horrifying and only strengthen my resolve to do whatever we can. Free Palestine.”

He didn’t just talk. He acted. He paid the price.

And what did he get in return? An open letter, published by us on March 21, from someone telling him to stop. Marre Jallow wrote:

“Your actions could inadvertently create significant obstacles for countless international students who aspire to study in the United States… Sometimes true courage lies not in public confrontation but in finding paths to change that protect opportunities for the most vulnerable among us.”

I disagree. That’s not courage. That’s fear. That’s selfishness dressed up as concern. While some are worried about visa rejections, Taal was standing up against the bombing of Palestinian children waiting for food. That’s the real courage we need more of.

If Taal, an individual student on a visa, can risk it all for what’s right, then what is Barrow, a whole president and OIC chairman, waiting for? What are we waiting for?

So what would be enough?

Let’s be clear:

  • Concrete political action. Sanctions. Legal referrals. No more soft diplomacy.
  • Economic pressure. Ban or boycott companies tied to the occupation.
  • Moral clarity. Speak truth even when it’s unpopular.
  • Grassroots strength. Every citizen, every purchase, every post counts.

We don’t need to be America or Russia or China to make a difference. We just need to act like our values actually matter. So the next time someone says The Gambia is too small to do anything, tell them this: it’s not about size. It’s about standing up, even when others sit down.

Gambia Police Force Commissions 25 Vehicles to Boost National Security Operations

By: The Fatu Network News Desk

The Inspector General of Police, Seedy Muktar Touray, on Thursday, July 17, presided over the official commissioning of 25 police vehicles, comprising 12 brand new Toyota Hilux double cabin pickups and 13 fully rehabilitated service vehicles, at the Gambia Police Force (GPF) Headquarters in Banjul.

The ceremony marked what police officials described as a major step in strengthening the operational capacity of the Force across all regions. The event brought together senior members of the Police High Command, including Assistant Inspectors General, Regional Commissioners, and commanders from specialised units such as the Police Intervention Unit (PIU) and Anti-Crime Unit (ACU).

Delivering his keynote remarks, IGP Touray underscored the critical role logistics play in effective policing. “No police institution can succeed without dependable logistics,” he stated. “These vehicles are not just machines, they are an investment in mobility, national responsiveness, and institutional self-reliance.”

Touray reiterated his administration’s commitment to resolving longstanding operational constraints through strategic investment. “Today’s commissioning reflects our pledge to build a Force that can meet the challenges of modern policing head-on,” he added.

The vehicles, sourced through GAMGO Company, were acquired through a pre-financed procurement arrangement. However, police authorities have moved swiftly to clarify widespread misinformation that the supplier donated the vehicles.

In a statement issued by Police Spokesperson ASP Modou Musa Sisawo, the public was urged to disregard claims that the vehicles were donated by GAMGO. “Please note that the vehicles just commissioned today were bought by the Gambia Police Force. GAMGO is just the supplier, meaning GPF paid them to bring the vehicles for police use,” Sisawo said. “Reports suggesting that ‘GAMGO donated the vehicles’ are false.”

Speaking at the ceremony, Mr. Saibo Manneh, representative of GAMGO, acknowledged the significance of the day and the company’s role in the procurement. “Today marks a historic moment in our collective efforts to enhance the capabilities and effectiveness of our law enforcement agencies,” Manneh said.

“These vehicles were procured on a pre-finance basis, demonstrating our commitment to supporting the police force with the necessary resources to carry out their duties efficiently,” he explained, describing the Toyota Hilux as “known for its durability, reliability, and flexibility, making it an ideal vehicle for police operations in diverse situations.”

Manneh used the opportunity to speak directly to the country’s youth. “Let today be a reminder that your dreams are valid. Wherever you begin, stay true to your purpose, believe in God, trust yourself, be patient, and never compromise your principles. The journey may be difficult, but the reward is always worth it.”

He also expressed appreciation to both the Gambia Police Force and his own company staff for the successful delivery. “I would like to express my gratitude to the police command, and of course my hardworking staff, in making this procurement possible. I urge the officers of the Gambia Police Force to utilise these vehicles responsibly and effectively in the discharge of their duties,” he said.

As the Force continues its reform agenda, Thursday’s commissioning is seen as part of a broader effort to modernise the GPF and improve public safety through practical, boots-on-the-ground solutions. “The road to transformation is long, but today we are taking confident steps in the right direction,” IGP Touray concluded.

The event ended with an inspection of the newly delivered vehicles and a recommissioning ceremony for the refurbished fleet, which had previously been grounded due to mechanical issues.

PAP Leader Says D1 Million Presidential Deposit Aims to Exclude Competent Low-Budget Candidates

Written by: Dawda Baldeh

The leader of the opposition People’s Alliance Party (PAP), Ebrima Tabora Manneh, has criticised the recent hike in the presidential candidate deposit from ten thousand dalasis to one million, describing it as a deliberate attempt to discourage competent candidates with limited financial means from contesting.

Earlier this month, lawmakers voted to reinstate a provision in the Election Bill that mandates aspiring presidential candidates to pay a deposit of one million dalasis—a significant increase from the ten thousand dalasis fee in place since the 2017 change of government. The updated legislation also requires presidential hopefuls to secure nomination support from between 5,000 to 15,000 registered voters nationwide.

In reaction to these developments, Mr. Manneh remarked, “This is designed to prevent competent candidates with low budgets from contesting, and it benefits the incumbent and powerful parties.” He condemned the move and called for the decision to be reversed in the interest of democratic participation, allowing Gambians to freely choose their preferred candidate. “When you require presidential candidates to pay a deposit of one million dalasis, it will obstruct some quality candidates from running because it’s too costly,” he added.

While acknowledging the importance of maintaining certain electoral standards, Manneh warned that imposing such financial barriers could instead encourage corruption. He emphasised that leadership should be determined by vision and integrity, not by financial strength.

Outlining his party’s vision, he said, “As PAP, we will not compromise our integrity for anything; no amount of money or position is worth it. We aspire for the betterment of the country where every Gambian feels represented and empowered.”

Manneh pledged that under a PAP-led administration, the agricultural sector would be revitalised to promote commercial farming. He also promised to tackle corruption, improve business opportunities, enhance education and healthcare, and upgrade infrastructure and living standards.

He concluded by calling on Gambians to unite for the country’s progress rather than focusing on partisan or personal agendas.

The Reservoir Knows No Border: But Senegal’s Silence Draws One

Editorial Commentary

Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief
The Fatu Network

On 24 June 2025, formal letters were dispatched to the Ministry of Petroleum and Energies and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Senegal, raising urgent concerns regarding the potential extension of the Sangomar oil reservoir into The Gambia’s A2 block. The letters called for transparency, the commencement of unitisation talks under international law, and clarification of Senegal’s role in recent changes to The Gambia’s offshore boundary demarcation.

As of today, over three weeks later no acknowledgement or response has been received from either ministry. This silence is more than a diplomatic discourtesy. It reflects a worrying disregard for the principles of good faith, regional cooperation, and shared stewardship of transboundary natural resources under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

The letter was written not in protest, but in spirit of dialogue, invoking our shared culture, history and values as sister nations in the MSGBC Basin. It raised valid legal and scientific concerns supported by public filings from FAR Ltd and independent geophysical studies suggesting that the productive Sangomar reservoir may in fact extend into Gambian waters. It also highlighted how recent redrawing of The Gambia’s offshore boundaries, occurring just as FAR exited the country, appears to carve out the most promising oil prospects leaving The Gambia exposed and potentially excluded.

The Government of Senegal, and its national oil company Petrosen, have a moral and legal duty to respond. The failure to do so risks appearing as tacit endorsement of a resource exclusion strategy that benefits a few corporate actors while harming regional stability and equity.

Like Woodside Energy, FAR Ltd and Petronas, Senegal has chosen silence over fairness.

In the spirit of transparency and public accountability, and because the stakes for The Gambia’s sovereignty and economic future are so high, we have decided to release the original letter in full.

This silence must not stand unchallenged.

ECOWAS will be formally engaged if no reply is received by 24.07.2025 (7) days from publication.


FULL LETTER TO SENEGAL’S MINISTRY OF PETROLEUM AND ENERGY

OFFICE OF OUSMAN F. M’BAI
C/O FANA FANA CHAMBERS, P.O. Box 990, Banjul, The Gambia

To: Mr Biram Souleye Diop
Ministry of Petroleum and Energies
Avenue Bourguiba, Dakar, Senegal
Email: [email protected]

Date: 24th June 2025
Our Ref: OFM/24/06/25/MinistryMPE.

Subject: Call for Unitisation Talks and Clarification of Maritime Boundary Adjustments near Sangomar and A2 Block

M’bokha, Nuyu Nala Johla Sa Wachuwai — Relative, I greet you and pay my respects.

I write not as a stranger but as a brother, bound by heritage and committed to the principles of justice, transparency, and mutual respect that should govern our shared natural inheritance. The relationship between The Gambia and Senegal is rooted not only in geographic proximity but in kinship cultural, historical, and familial. It is in this spirit of fraternity and constructive engagement that I respectfully draw your attention to pressing concerns surrounding the A2 offshore block, its proximity to the Sangomar field, and the conspicuous absence of unitisation dialogue, despite strong geological evidence of transboundary reservoir connectivity.

As you are aware, under international law including Article 74 and 83 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) where hydrocarbon reservoirs straddle maritime boundaries, there exists both a right and a duty for affected States to initiate negotiations with a view to reaching a unitisation agreement. This obligation is well established and finds further support in the global state practice of equitable resource sharing. Indeed, Senegal has already exemplified this principle through existing unitisation agreements with Mauritania and Guinea-Bissau.

In light of this, the complete absence of engagement or acknowledgement of The Gambia’s sovereign right to participate in discussions relating to the Sangomar extension into the A2 block is a deeply concerning omission. There is now clear geotechnical evidence that the productive S400 series reservoirs of the Sangomar field currently operated by Woodside Energy and Petrosen extend southward into Gambian maritime territory, including the Bambo and Panthera prospects.

The situation is further compounded by regulatory developments within Senegal and The Gambia. The 2023 Block Demarcation Regulation in The Gambia redrew the northern boundary of Block A2, shifting it several kilometres south a revision that excluded the Bambo-1 well, the Solo Deep, and Panthera prospects. This was executed with no public explanation and occurred at the precise moment when FAR Ltd was exiting the country following the receipt of substantial payments from Woodside Energy.

Moreover, Senegal’s recent announcement on 10 June 2025 that it is undertaking a revision of its national maritime code raises legitimate concerns regarding the possible future realignment of maritime boundaries to reinforce control over the Sangomar basin and its southern extensions. Such a development, without consultation or disclosure, would appear not only inequitable but potentially in breach of UNCLOS principles requiring good faith negotiations over overlapping claims.

The effect of these coordinated administrative shifts when viewed alongside the silence surrounding unitisation is to create a regulatory and territorial buffer that tacitly surrenders effective control of a shared hydrocarbon system to Senegal and Woodside Energy, thereby allowing unilateral exploitation of transboundary resources to the exclusion of The Gambia. This cannot be sustained without reputational and possibly legal consequences.

I respectfully call upon your Ministries to:

  1. Acknowledge the geological indicators pointing to a connected reservoir system between Sangomar and Gambia’s A2 block;
  2. Publicly affirm Senegal’s commitment to uphold its obligations under UNCLOS to initiate discussions on a potential unitisation agreement with The Gambia;
  3. Provide clarity on the scope and intent of Senegal’s ongoing maritime code reform, and whether this has any implications for established maritime boundary understandings with The Gambia;
  4. Engage in a transparent, equitable and good-faith dialogue aimed at regional cooperation, conflict avoidance, and sustainable resource sharing.

M’bokha, this is not a plea born of grievance but a call to justice born of kinship. I remain hopeful that new Senegal will rise to its duty of leadership by upholding the values of transparency, accountability, and regional solidarity.

I am available for direct dialogue and willing to provide all supporting documentation substantiating these concerns. I look forward to your response.

With highest respect,

Ousman F. M’Bai
Former UK Financial Crime Prosecutor and Asset Recovery Specialist.
British and Gambian Lawyer

Cc: Mam Yassin Fall, Ministry of African Integration and Foreign Affairs
Place de l’Indépendance, Dakar, Senegal
Email: [email protected]

Editor’s Column #004
The Scandal That Looms Over Batchilly

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

Editor’s Note: Mr. Batchilly was contacted for comment on the allegations detailed in this article. He denied all wrongdoing, stating that he merely assisted individuals in travelling legally to Nicaragua for tourism. He also claimed that he owes no one money and was never arrested in 2023. However, this denial contradicts official confirmation from the Gambia Police Force, which states Batchilly was indeed arrested in connection with a travel-related complaint that year.


Musa Ousainou Yali Batchilly, Secretary General and leader of the Gambia Action Party (GAP), has built his public profile on strong anti-corruption rhetoric. He frequently positions himself as a watchdog of the people, calling out government misconduct and championing the interests of ordinary Gambians. But a growing number of young men now accuse him of something deeply contradictory. According to them, Batchilly used that very image to convince them to trust him, then failed them when it mattered most.

This public image includes vocal criticism of irregular migration, with Batchilly urging Gambian youth to stay and contribute to national development. Yet the allegations he now faces paint a different picture, one in which he is accused of enabling the very phenomenon he condemns.

According to public statements by the Gambia Police Force at the time, Musa Yali Batchilly was arrested on November 2nd, 2023, following a complaint that he and another individual had collected 7,600 US dollars under false pretence. He was detained at the Brusubi Police Station and released on bail the following day. Police confirmed that a refund was issued, although there was no indication that formal charges were filed.

Despite this, Mr. Batchilly continues to deny that he was ever arrested. His denial remains on record, even though the police openly say otherwise.

The Fatu Network has reviewed receipts, voice notes, WhatsApp messages, and ticket itineraries provided by alleged victims. Their stories paint a consistent picture. Young men, desperate for opportunity, say they placed their trust in Batchilly and paid him and his agents millions of dalasis for a promised route to Nicaragua, a country that was visa-on-arrival for Gambians in 2023.

One such alleged victim is a 24-year-old man from the Greater Banjul Area, who asked not to be named due to fear of reprisal. He recounts paying Batchilly 315,000 dalasis for the full travel package. But later, he alleges, Batchilly presented only a partial itinerary, which did not mention Nicaragua. According to this Complainant, Batchilly used this as leverage, withholding the itinerary and demanding an additional 700 US dollars or risk losing everything already paid. Batchilly, he said, claimed that the flights lacked continuity and that the added amount would allow him to secure the remaining ticket to Nicaragua.

He notes that the itinerary was in the possession of Batchilly until the extra money was paid. After that, he was asked to pay another 500 dollars, allegedly for “immigration clearance.” No official receipts or documentation were provided by Batchilly for these charges, according to him. “All of this was without any proper breakdown or evidence,” he said. “But I had already paid so much. I didn’t want to be left behind.”

On July 24th, 2023, a group of eleven young men boarded a Turkish Airlines flight from Banjul to Istanbul. The itinerary they received included legs to São Paulo and El Salvador. But according to the alleged victims, flight boarding and immigration authorities in Turkey informed them the remainder of the journey was not valid. The tickets, they claim, were only legitimate up to Istanbul. “We were just left there,” the first Complainant told The Fatu Network. “Eleven of us, sleeping in corners at Istanbul Airport, no food, no money, no water.”

They say they stayed there for 21 days. For three of those days, they were detained in an immigration facility. According to the group, food was only provided on two occasions. To survive, they pooled their remaining money, buying and sharing food so it would last.

Another member of the group, who also requested anonymity for safety concerns, said he paid over 600,000 dalasis to Batchilly. A self-described fana fana vendor from near Bansang, he said the experience continues to traumatise him. “I get overwhelmed just talking about it,” he said. “We went through so much. It’s like we were abandoned in a foreign land.”

After their return to The Gambia, the group hoped for a resolution. Batchilly, they say, promised to arrange a charter flight from Banjul to Nicaragua at no extra cost. This was meant to be the completion of the original deal. Batchilly shared photos of a plane at Banjul International Airport as evidence, allegedly to buy time and placate growing frustration. The Fatu Network has reviewed text and voice message exchanges that confirm Batchilly made assurances to the group about a chartered flight.

A meeting was reportedly held at African Princess Hotel to promote the charter. The first Complainant says Batchilly, along with his business partner Basamba Muhammad Drammeh, was present. The Fatu Network has also reviewed video evidence confirming this meeting. “We were told everything was back on track,” he said. “But nothing happened. It was just another delay.”

Eventually, the group began designing protest materials. “We printed 3,000 flyers,” the first Complainant revealed. “They said Batchilly is a human trafficker. We were ready to plaster them all over town.”

In a WhatsApp message seen by The Fatu Network, the first Complainant wrote to Batchilly: “We suffered and were traumatised in a place where you couldn’t even provide us with food for several weeks. If you can’t refund us, we will print flyers and take this matter to the public.”

To date, none of the eleven alleged victims say they have received any refund.

Batchilly was a co-owner of Red Carpet Solutions, a travel consultancy company run with Basamba Muhammad Drammeh. In an interview with Kerr Fatou in October 2023, Drammeh admitted the company had been arranging visas for Nicaragua and considered chartering a flight due to increasing demand. “We have about 235 names on the manifest,” Drammeh said. “We wanted to fly up to 500 people. The first batch would go, then the second.”

He added that a flight was scheduled for October 30th, 2023, and that if it didn’t happen, refunds would be issued. But logistical failures, including the denial of a landing permit in The Gambia, reportedly halted the plan. There is no public evidence that the flight ever took place or that refunds were provided.

According to the first Complainant, tensions grew between Drammeh and Batchilly as complaints mounted. “Batchilly sent him to Nigeria to handle arrangements,” he claimed, “but when the plan failed, Drammeh said Batchilly left him stranded. People were even threatening him.” He added, “Drammeh told us that Batchilly used his name and company to collect money. But at the end of the day, they’re all in this together.” These claims remain allegations. The Fatu Network has not independently verified the fallout in Nigeria.

Several of the alleged victims told The Fatu Network that they trusted Batchilly because of his political standing. As the leader of GAP, they believed he had the connections and authority to deliver on such an ambitious plan.

That trust has since come under scrutiny. If a politician uses his party role to create credibility, and then uses that credibility to take money from vulnerable citizens, the implications go beyond one failed migration scheme. They point to the erosion of public trust and the exploitation of political image for personal enrichment.

The Fatu Network contacted Satguru Travel, the company listed as the booking agent on some of the tickets used by the 11 travellers whose onward journeys were allegedly flagged as invalid at Istanbul Airport. A representative declined to provide details, citing customer privacy concerns.

We also reached out to the Gambia Police Force. PRO ASP Modou Musa Sisawo confirmed, “We are aware of a related case reported to Senegambia Police.” In a follow-up, he added, “Anticrime Unit confirmed the case and that Batchilly returned some of the money, but not sure if all. And also, not sure if he was actually charged.” Sisawo was referring to the Senegambia Police case, which is not related to the eleven individuals featured in this article.

The complainants say they reported their complaint to the Anticrime Unit after returning to The Gambia. They claim the matter reached a closed-door meeting involving Anticrime officials and Batchilly, after which the case abruptly stalled. PRO Sisawo did not confirm any active investigation into their complaint.

To date, no official statement has been issued by the police regarding the eleven individuals interviewed by The Fatu Network. The victims maintain that they have received no money back, and no updates from law enforcement.

For some, this case reflects the kind of experience that contributes to public frustration with the justice system. Had the allegations been levelled against an ordinary citizen, unaffiliated and lacking influence, the complaint may have been investigated thoroughly. But because the accused is Musa Yali Batchilly, a prominent political figure, the case appears to have languished without consequence. For many, this typifies a two-tier justice structure that privileges the powerful and undermines faith in institutional integrity.

At the core of this story are serious allegations that test the boundaries of leadership and accountability. When individuals in positions of political authority are accused by citizens who claim to have been misled and financially exploited, the institutions responsible for oversight must act. The young men who travelled to Istanbul are not adversaries. They are Gambians seeking recourse. Whether through formal justice mechanisms or public exposure, their grievances deserve an unequivocal response.

As a politician who publicly warns against irregular migration and urges young people to stay home and help build the country, Batchilly’s alleged actions, selling a vision of travel to Nicaragua with hopes of continuing onward to the United States, present a jarring contradiction. For his accusers, it is not only a financial betrayal but a moral one.

Banjul North NAM Blast Youth Ministry, Demands Accountability For U16 Basketball Travel Mishap

By Alieu Jallow

The National Assembly Member for Banjul North, Hon. Modou Lamin B. Bah, has expressed strong solidarity with The Gambia’s U16 National Basketball Team following the recent road accident in Guinea that left several players and staff injured.

Bah questioned the Ministry of Youth and Sports’ decision to allow the team to travel to Conakry by road, citing it as a serious lapse in judgment and a clear disregard for the safety and well-being of national athletes.

“These are national players representing our country. If cabinet ministers would never take such a risky road trip, why was it acceptable for our youth team?” he asked.

The accident has sparked national concern, especially following reports that a private jet was later chartered to fly the team back home, raising further questions about priorities and fairness.

“If they could afford a private jet after the incident, why couldn’t they secure a commercial flight from the start? This points to poor planning and misplaced priorities,” Hon. Bah said.

He further encouraged the injured players and staff to consider legal action against the government.

“They must be compensated adequately and immediately. This was avoidable, and the state must take full responsibility.”

The Banjul North lawmaker stressed that young athletes deserve better protection, investment, and respect.

“We should be building a system that uplifts and protects our youth, not one that endangers them. They deserve better, and we must hold those responsible accountable.”

Raffie Diab Brands BCC Mayor Lowe as ‘Corrupt and Incompetent’ Leader

Speaking on Giss Giss, a popular weekly current affairs programme aired on The Fatu Network, panelist Raffie Diab described Banjul City Council Mayor Rohey Malick Lowe as a “corrupt and incompetent leader.” Diab, a politician, businessman, and social commentator, cited ongoing testimonies before the Local Government Commission of Inquiry, where Mayor Lowe has appeared multiple times and admitted to several financial irregularities.

“Rohey Malick Lowe is running BCC like a family business and does whatever she wants. She’s the most corrupt and incompetent mayor. She must be held accountable for the millions of dalasis stolen at the council,” Diab alleged, referencing revelations surrounding land sales involving Indian businessmen. “Why must BCC be involved in land sales? This mayor is so incompetent,” he added.

He further criticised the mayor’s alleged disregard for procurement procedures, particularly regarding a contract awarded to her brother. “She contracted her brother to purchase three thousand waste bins at a cost of over thirteen million dalasis. This is unbelievable,” he remarked. Although Mayor Lowe has defended some of her decisions during her appearances before the commission, she has denied taking sole responsibility for the alleged irregularities.

Diab argued that awarding contracts to family members violates the principle of fair competition. “I am a businessman as well, and that’s why I avoid government contracts, because my party is in alliance with the government. Even at the Ministry of Information, I don’t take any contracts. But the mayor is granting restricted tenders to her brother just to favour him,” he claimed, referencing proceedings at the commission.

He also criticised Mayor Lowe’s deteriorating relationship with the United Democratic Party (UDP), stating, “She’s trying hard to find a way to leave the party and join the ruling party to avoid possible punishment after the commission.” Diab concluded by urging President Barrow to take swift action. “I am urging you, President Barrow, to act on the commission’s recommendations. Don’t allow people like Mayor Lowe to escape accountability.”

While Mayor Lowe has been credited with initiating some development projects in Banjul, the mounting allegations of financial mismanagement have raised serious questions about her leadership and integrity.

“We Played by the Rules” – Kurang Defends D5.5 Million Profit from Tractor Sales

Written by: Mama A. Touray

Alhaji Mamadi Kurang, former secretary to the Janneh Commission, has reported a profit of D5.5 million from the sale of 42 tractors, despite admitting to undervaluing two others. This disclosure was made during his second appearance before the National Assembly Special Select Committee on the sale and disposal of assets identified by the Janneh Commission.

Kurang began his testimony by admitting he undervalued two scrap tractors. One, with a reserve price of D30,000, was sold for D25,000, and the other, valued at D20,000, was sold for D10,000.

Regarding the remaining 42 tractors, Kurang stated that they had a combined reserve price of D4.9 million but were sold for a total of D10.5 million.

“Total within those three days of sales was D10,572,000 while the reserve price was D4,974,000. That is a gain of 5.5 million above the reserve price,” he explained.

He further outlined specific sales that led to this surplus. According to a report prepared under his direction, on 25 June 2018, a tractor with a reserve value of D75,000 was sold to Jah Oil for D1.2 million.

“We sold it for 1.2 million because the tractor looked like a used one parked in the bush, but for some reason, companies were interested in this particular tractor. So when the auctioneer looked at me, I told him to keep ringing the bell until the amount reached D1.2 million,” he testified.

Kurang added that the auctioneer told him he could not recall any government vehicle ever being sold at such a high price during an auction. He noted that even the commissioners were surprised.

“Out of the list of 44 items, the commissioners asked me to justify how a tractor could be sold at that price. They searched the internet and found that the cost of a new tractor was not far from what we sold the used one for,” he said.

“They had doubts whether this was a true payment,” Kurang added, explaining that the commissioners questioned the valuer who set the original reserve price. He claimed the commissioners and lead counsel nearly halted the transaction.

“We spent a whole day on this. At some point, I was pissed off. But the lead counsel told the commissioners that they had no legal basis to stop a transaction that had already taken place. This was a proud moment for me and the team. We didn’t play any game, we played by the rules,” he stated.

The report also cited other profitable sales, including one on 24 June 2018 at the Sibanor Police Station, where a tractor with a reserve price of D80,000 was sold for D400,000.

“They saw the tractor, were satisfied with its condition, competed for it, and the man who paid the highest bid won,” Kurang explained.

Another tractor with a reserve price of D75,000 was sold for D451,000 to an agricultural company.

In Kotu, Kurang said serious buyers emerged. Adama Sallah from Lamtoro paid D665,000 for a tractor, while Hadim Gaye bought two others for D700,000 and D650,000 respectively.

“In Kotu, there were serious buyers,” he said.

He also highlighted the sale of a Mahindra tractor described as “scarab” (scrap or non-functioning), which had been parked at the Brikama Police Station. It had a reserve price of D2,500 but was sold for D15,000, earning a D12,500 gain.

Darboe Once Again Renews Public Criticism of Barrow over Withdrawal of Tambadou’s ICC Nomination, Highlights Risks of Ethnic Tensions

Written by: Alieu Jallow

Veteran politician and United Democratic Party (UDP) leader Lawyer Ousainou Darboe has once again renewed his public criticism of President Adama Barrow over the withdrawal of former Justice Minister Ba Tambadou’s nomination for a top post at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In a statement broadcast on Camaraba Online TV on Tuesday, Darboe sharply denounced the decision and urged the Sarahule community to assess its broader implications.

“I want the Sarahule community to judge for themselves. Their own son, Ba Tambadou, was being considered for one of the most highly sought-after positions in the world. Yet President Adama Barrow chose to withdraw his nomination in favour of a Nigerian candidate. If I were president, I would have stood by him until the voting process was completed — not pulled out halfway. This decision, to me, reflects a lack of seriousness on Barrow’s part when it comes to national development,” Darboe stated.

He went on to emphasise that as Chair of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), Barrow had a platform from which he could have mobilised support for Tambadou across its 57 member states, but failed to do so.

Darboe also addressed potential tribal interpretations of his support:

“I don’t talk about tribe — I never have. But if it were about tribe, I wouldn’t have endorsed Ba Tambadou, because everyone knows he’s a Sarahule. He’s competing for one of the most prestigious legal positions in the world, and there’s no questioning his qualifications. He’s young, energetic, and highly capable. My support for him had nothing to do with his ethnic background. I backed him because he’s a competent Gambian whose appointment would have been a source of national pride,” he said.

This episode marks yet another instance of Darboe publicly criticising President Barrow over the ICC nomination issue, underscoring his ongoing concern for national meritocracy and transparency.

Darboe’s renewed remarks have come at a time when efforts to curb hate speech are intensifying amid preparations for the 2026 electoral cycle. Observers caution that even indirect references to ethnic identity—like those in Darboe’s speech—risk exacerbating existing divisions.

Isatou Keita, President of the Gambia Press Union (GPU), weighed in on the need for calm and responsible discourse:
“The media has a strong role in reducing hate speech. Journalists must be mindful of their language and avoid reporting in ways that create division or incite violence. Freedom of expression is important, but it should be used responsibly… In those cases, it’s our duty to ask the right questions, provide context, and not give space for harmful views to spread,” Keita stated.

As The Gambia edges closer to its next national election, calls for respectful, fact-based commentary and unity continue to grow. Through its ongoing trainings and dialogues, the GPU is working to equip media professionals for fair, cohesive, and peaceful reporting.

“I Took Responsibility”: Kurang Defends Sale of Undervalued Tractors Without Commission Approval

Written by: Mama A. Touray

Alhaji Mamadi Kurang, former Secretary to the Janneh Commission, has admitted to undervaluing two tractors during the sale and disposal of assets identified by the Commission. He made the admission during his second appearance before the National Assembly Special Select Committee investigating the matter.

Testifying on his involvement in the disposal of the tractors, Kurang referenced a report he had prepared dated 24th June 2018, which noted that OC Christ purchased a scrap Mahindra tractor in Somita for D25,000, despite a reserve price of D30,000.

“Out of 44 tractors, this is one of the items that was sold at a price lower than the reserve price. The reserve price was D30,000, and we sold it for D25,000, resulting in a loss of D5,000,” Kurang explained.

Defending the sale, Kurang stated that the valuer had described the tractor as scrap. He added, “Parts of the tractor were lying at Somita Police [Station], and there was nobody interested in the item other than OC Christ. So I told myself: should I leave a single scrap, or should I allow the man who paid D25,000 to get the scrap?”

“I took the responsibility to sell the item to him with the advice of my colleagues. That was the reasonable economic decision I made,” he continued.

Kurang further argued that taking the auction team back to Somita would have cost more in fuel than the D5,000 loss incurred in the sale.

When asked whether he sought the approval of the Commissioners before selling the tractor, Kurang replied, “I did not seek the approval of the Commission in the case of Mr. OC Christ.”

In a second incident, a scrap item valued at D20,000 was reportedly sold for D10,000. Counsel Dibba put it to him that he had assumed the roles of both valuer and auctioneer in that instance, a claim Kurang denied.

“I did not assume the role of any of them. I was put in charge of the process. The auctioneer did all he could but could not reach the reserve price. Then I came in. They had their roles, and I made the final decision representing the Commission in line with the public interest,” he said.

The Committee also observed that OC Christ appeared six times on the list of buyers. Responding, Kurang said, “He sells spare parts in Brikama Ba, so I think he needed the items. That’s why he showed interest in high-value items. But any vehicle said not to be functioning, he expressed interest in it.”

When asked about the reaction of the Commissioners, Kurang concluded, “The Commissioners did not ask me any questions. They were more interested in the ones where I made huge profits.”

Mamadi Kurang Testifies Before Special Committee on His Appointment, Mandate, and TOR

Written by: Mama A. Touray

Alhaji Mamadi Kurang, former Secretary to the Janneh Commission, on Wednesday, July 16, appeared as the second witness before the National Assembly Special Committee investigating the sale and disposal of assets identified by the Janneh Commission. His testimony focused on his appointment, mandate, and terms of reference.

Speaking on how he was appointed, Kurang explained that the position of Secretary required a candidate who met specific criteria: someone who had not worked under former President Yahya Jammeh, had not lived and worked in The Gambia throughout the 22 years of Jammeh’s rule, was not a direct victim of the regime, and possessed a strong understanding of governance systems and potential commission findings.

“I am a chartered accountant with a degree in economics and 20 years’ experience. I understand how the system works. On this basis, the Attorney General told me I had been identified and recommended for the position, and asked if I would accept,” he said.

Regarding preliminary meetings, Kurang stated, “There was a meeting I had with the Chairperson and the two Commissioners. The purpose was to help us understand what a commission of such magnitude would involve. During this meeting, we discussed what we needed in terms of staff, nomenclature, and the roles of the Commissioners, Secretary, and Counsel.”

He noted that the meeting served as an initial briefing before formal work began. Kurang confirmed that he still had a copy of the meeting minutes dated 17 July 2017, held at Djembe Hotel and attended by the two Commissioners and the Chairperson.

Outlining what was discussed, he explained, “We urgently needed support staff, recording equipment, stationery, and a venue—which was to be arranged by the Attorney General. We also discussed distributing copies of the Terms of Reference and outlined other logistical requirements.”

He said the Commissioners agreed to hold sittings from Monday to Thursday, with Fridays reserved for internal housekeeping.

Describing his role at the time, Kurang stated, “The Secretariat was my unit. I worked under and reported to the Chairperson. The Lead Counsel had both State and non-State attorneys, along with investigators and proofreaders. As Secretary, I also served as the liaison between the Secretariat and the Lead Counsel.”

He added that the Commissioners did not directly engage with the public. “I was made to understand that, to avoid prejudice, the Commissioners should not receive direct information. As the administrator for the Commissioners, all information came through me, and I determined what should be passed on and to whom.”

Kurang recounted a conversation with the Lead Counsel about his responsibilities. “She told me some information was for me only. I responded that all information should be available to the State or the public. She then told me, ‘When we enter the hall, you will be mute,’ and I replied, ‘Maybe one day I’ll get a chance to speak.’ That’s when I understood that the Secretary does not speak during hearings,” he explained.

He also testified that he had a small office where all staff were based and reported to him. “Any issues they had were brought to me, and I took them to the Commissioners because I sat with them. I personally recruited two staff members who stayed with me throughout my tenure, and I covered their expenses.”

He concluded by noting that although staff occasionally received instructions from the Attorney General, all Commission-related matters were ultimately reported to him. “Sometimes staff would say the AG asked them to type something for two days, but for all Commission matters, they reported directly to me,” he said.

Gambia Doesn’t Necessarily Need IMF, World Bank, or Islamic Bank for Sustainability – PAP Leader

Written by: Dawda Baldeh

In a recent exclusive interview with The Fatu Network, Ebrima Tabora Manneh, leader of the opposition People’s Alliance Party (PAP), asserted that The Gambia does not necessarily need financial support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB), or the Islamic Development Bank to achieve sustainability.

Speaking exclusively to The Fatu Network, Mr. Manneh emphasised that the country has the potential for self-sufficiency and economic growth through effective leadership and local empowerment.

Manneh highlighted the economic struggles faced by the average Gambian, stating, “What people are earning in this country is very small. The average Gambian is not making enough money to sustain them for even a week.”

He noted that this economic hardship often leads to creative, but sometimes unethical, survival strategies, such as accepting small bribes.

He criticised the current leadership, claiming, “Gambia is not a poor country, but we have poor leadership.” According to him, the country suffers from significant financial leakages in the public sector, with millions of dalasis being siphoned off regularly.

He argued that if these leakages were properly managed, it would lead to better salaries and the creation of meaningful employment opportunities.

Manneh called for Gambians to take ownership of their country and its economic future. He proposed that certain businesses should be exclusively operated by Gambians, with non-Gambians required to partner with local citizens. “Gambians must be the dominant players in our businesses,” he stated.

He outlined a vision for empowering Gambians in various sectors, including agriculture, construction, and business, by providing modern farming equipment and promoting local production. “We want a farming system that will bring about enough money to farmers so that they can be financially independent,” he said.

The PAP leader also emphasised the importance of transforming raw materials into finished products, advocating for the establishment of factories and support systems for local farmers and businesses.

He expressed confidence in the untapped resources and talents within the country, stating that with proper support, The Gambia could become self-sufficient not only in food, but also in various resources needed for development.

Manneh drew parallels with successful economies, stating, “Europe has done it, Asians have done it, the Chinese have done it — we can do it.”

He proposed that with the right support, The Gambia could foster local businesses capable of generating significant wealth and employment opportunities.

He envisioned a future where, under a PAP-led government, the country could see the emergence of multiple Gambian millionaires, which would lead to increased investment in the local economy and improvements in social services. “If we support people who have the capacity but lack resources, their businesses will grow,” he noted.

Manneh criticised the current practice of contracting foreign companies for infrastructure projects, suggesting that local businesses could be equipped to handle such tasks, thereby keeping profits within the country and creating jobs.

On the issue of food security, he questioned why Gambians are not involved in importing essential goods like rice, sugar, and flour, stressing the need to empower local entrepreneurs to fill these gaps.

He cited successful companies in Japan and South Korea that grew into global brands with government support, illustrating the potential for Gambian businesses to achieve similar success with the right backing.

In conclusion, Manneh’s vision for The Gambia focuses on self-reliance, local empowerment, and responsible leadership, believing that the nation has the potential to thrive without heavy reliance on international financial institutions.

Stakeholders discuss statute for special tribunal to prosecute Jammeh-era crimes

By Haddy Gaye

On Friday, 11 July, the Ministry of Justice, in partnership with the Gambia Bar Association, convened a meeting with stakeholders to discuss the ECOWAS Decision and Statute establishing the Special Tribunal, a critical institution within The Gambia’s Special Accountability Mechanism (SAM).

The meeting brought together legal experts, transitional justice practitioners, and representatives from civil society, focusing on ensuring adequate knowledge and understanding of the Statute, as well as the broader legal framework for prosecuting human rights violations and crimes committed between July 1994 and January 2017.

In her opening remarks, the President of the Gambia Bar Association, Neneh MC Cham, stressed the importance of ensuring accountability for crimes highlighted in the findings of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. She reaffirmed the Bar’s dedication to this cause, as well as other ongoing legal reforms aimed at ensuring accountability and justice.

Ida Persson, Special Adviser to the Attorney General and Head of the Post-TRRC Unit, delivered opening remarks on behalf of the Hon. Minister and also, presented on the objectives and structure of the SAM, namely, the Special Prosecutor’s Office responsible for investigations and prosecution, the Special Criminal Division of the High Court tasked with hearing domestic cases and the Special Tribunal, charged with adjudicating international crimes. She noted that the Special Accountability Mechanism Act and the Special Prosecutor’s Office Act were passed by the National Assembly in April 2024, and the Decision and Statute for the Special Tribunal were passed in December 2024 by the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State.

Whilst the entire SAM legal framework is being operationalized at varying degrees, Persson described the strong political will and commitment to justice by the Government, partners, victims and civil society to see this legislation passed and implementation processes commence. She informed that the Ministry of Justice is in the process of finalizing appointments for key positions, including the Special Prosecutor, and also noted that the Ministry will be considering all options for robust resource mobilization efforts for the SAM.

Mr. Martin Petrov, an international consultant providing expert advisory services to the Hon. Minister of Justice, guided the analysis of and discussions around the Statute. During these deliberations, he stressed the independence of the Tribunal, its regional importance, and international significance. He described the Statute as a foundational instrument that anchors accountability for the atrocities committed during The Gambia’s authoritarian past, but also highlighted the wider implications of this mechanism. Mr. Petrov noted that The Gambia is increasingly viewed as a regional leader in transitional justice and that the international community is closely observing these developments.

Participants commended the consultative nature of the process and raised important questions related in particular to victim participation, witness protection, resource mobilization and international collaboration. There was consensus on the need to uphold transparency, guarantee the Tribunal’s independence, and adhere to a clear timeline for implementation.

The meeting concluded with a collective commitment to support the Ministry of Justice in securing justice for victims and preventing the recurrence of similar future abuses and crimes.

The Special Tribunal is expected to serve a central role in prosecuting those responsible for enforced disappearances, torture, and other grave offenses documented in the TRRC’s final report published in November 2021.

Magistrate Krubally slams TV stations over sign language exclusion: ‘That’s discrimination’

By Alieu Jallow

Magistrate Muhammed Krubally, chairperson of the Gambia Federation of the Disabled (GFD), has called on national and private TV stations to include sign language interpretation in disaster-related programming, emphasising that persons with disabilities (PWDs) have a right to equal access to life-saving information during emergencies.

Magistrate Krubally highlighted the absence of sign language interpretation on both national and private television channels, calling it “discrimination.”

He made the call during a two-day training held from 30th June to 1st July 2025, on promoting and protecting the rights of persons with disabilities. The event, held in partnership between the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA), focused on inclusive disaster risk reduction (DRR) policies and emergency response planning.

“When disasters strike, everyone deserves to receive information on an equal basis, including the deaf and hard of hearing. Very rarely do we see sign language interpretation on national or private television. That’s discrimination,” Magistrate Krubally said.

He stressed that the media’s failure to cater to PWDs, particularly by excluding sign language in DRR programmes, leaves a significant portion of the population uninformed and unprepared.

“You see people sitting as panellists discussing national emergencies, but there’s no interpreter. That’s a violation of our basic rights under Article 1 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” he added.

The GFD chair further highlighted that access to timely, clear, and accessible information could empower PWDs to engage in national and global conversations, especially around emergency preparedness.

“Without interpretation, the deaf are just spectators in their own country,” he said.

He also pointed out that limiting DRR communication to radio excludes blind and visually impaired persons, many of whom rely on alternative formats, such as braille, screen readers like JAWS (Job Access With Speech) and NVDA (NonVisual Desktop Access), and other assistive technologies.

“These are readily available solutions. Low vision individuals, for example, can access content if fonts are made larger or bolder.”

Krubally also called for the translation of disaster content into local languages in audio formats for those who may not understand English.

“We have to recognise that not everyone speaks or reads English. Translating information into local languages and accessible formats is not a luxury, it’s a necessity.”

Referencing the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), particularly Article 2, he said effective communication strategies during disasters should consider all forms of disability and communication needs. “We can’t talk about resilience while ignoring those most at risk.”

As climate change increases the frequency and intensity of disasters, Krubally’s call is a reminder that inclusivity must be central to national disaster risk management strategies.

Editor’s Column #003
Justice for Gaza Has a Voice
– and It’s Not the West

OPINION by: Seringe S.T. Touray 
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

We’ve grown up with the script: China is the villain, the West is the moral compass. As a former Western colony, shaped by the worldview of London and Washington, we were conditioned to believe that the United States and Europe stand for democracy, human rights, and international law. China, on the other hand, was cast as the autocratic power to be feared or distrusted. But the irony today is as stark as it is uncomfortable. On the issue of Gaza, and more broadly, on Israel’s conduct, China is sounding more like us than the people who taught us what justice is supposed to mean.

Take China’s stance on Israel and Palestine. It has been sharp, consistent, and legally grounded. On 1 April 2025, during hearings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on Israel’s responsibilities as an occupying power, Ma Xinmin, Legal Adviser to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a Member of the United Nations International Law Commission, stood up and said what many Western powers wouldn’t.

“Palestinians in the occupied territory have endured persistent suffering,” he declared. He outlined Israel’s legal obligations under international humanitarian law and said it must “allow and facilitate humanitarian assistance from third parties,” calling the blockade of Gaza a violation of those obligations.

Ma also defended the role of UNRWA, which he called “indispensable and irreplaceable,” and criticised Israel for obstructing its operations. He quoted President Xi Jinping, stating that “the humanitarian cause is humanity’s shared mission,” a rare statement of moral clarity in a time when the language of human rights has been so heavily politicised.

On 13 June, at the United Nations Security Council, Fu Cong, China’s Permanent Representative to the UN, issued a similarly forthright condemnation, this time of Israel’s strikes inside Iran. He warned of the “grave consequences” of such actions, denounced the violation of Iranian sovereignty, and stressed that escalating conflict “serves no one’s interests.” This came just days before President Xi Jinping echoed the same concern in a bilateral meeting with Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev on 17 June, where he opposed “any actions that violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries,” and offered China’s support in restoring peace and stability.

These are not empty declarations. China has backed them with diplomatic action, humanitarian support, and legal argumentation. It has urged evacuations from both Israel and Iran, supported international mechanisms, and, unlike much of the West, has not shied away from naming the aggressor.

Compare this to the posture of the United States and much of Europe. These are the same governments that endlessly lecture the world on human rights, yet continue to send weapons to Israel while shielding it from international accountability. They have actively undermined South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ. They blocked UN resolutions for ceasefires. They say they want peace, but their actions suggest impunity.

That said, not all of Europe is complicit. Countries like Spain and Ireland have taken courageous, principled positions. They have condemned Israel’s actions and recognised Palestinian statehood. But they remain in the minority. The broader Western bloc, led by Washington, has looked away. As Gaza suffers, they continue to speak in euphemisms, offering “concern” instead of condemnation, and “support for humanitarian access” while refusing to halt arms exports that fuel the crisis.

Meanwhile, footage continues to emerge from Gaza that should shatter any illusion of moral high ground. Just yesterday, CNN verified a video showing machine gun fire near an aid distribution site in southern Gaza. Eyewitnesses said the Israeli military opened fire on Palestinians waiting for food. Dozens were seen lying flat on the ground as bullets kicked up sand around them. The Israeli military has said it is reviewing the video. But the world is watching, and remembering.

And it is not just China speaking up. Our own neighbour, Senegal, is doing so too. Under President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Senegal became a founding member of the Hague Group, alongside countries like South Africa, Bolivia, Colombia, and Malaysia. Formed on 31 January 2025, this coalition is currently holding its first emergency summit in Bogotá, where it is discussing coordinated legal and diplomatic measures, support for ICC arrest warrants, restrictions on arms transfers, and an end to the impunity that has enabled Israel’s war on Gaza. Senegal has been a steady voice for justice, and its leadership stands in contrast to the silence of many others.

Even The Gambia, despite early hesitation, has found its voice. Back in May 2024, Foreign Minister Dr. Mamadou Tangara said The Gambia would not sever ties with Israel, insisting the country was “a sovereign state” that does not “act by reacting to the reactions of others.”

But by June 2025, the tone had shifted. At the OIC Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Istanbul, Tangara strongly condemned Israel’s strikes on Iran, calling them “a blatant act of assault against a sovereign state.” He warned of famine threatening 290,000 children in Gaza and reaffirmed Gambia’s support for Palestinian statehood based on 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital. “The diplomatic route is the only viable and durable solution to the conflict in the Middle East,” he said.

That reversal should force a moment of reckoning. This isn’t about cheering for China or pretending it has no flaws. It’s about confronting an uncomfortable truth: on one of the most important moral issues of our time, the people who told us they stood for justice are failing, and the ones we were told to fear are showing leadership where others have walked away.

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