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U.S. Embassy in Banjul Denies Closure Speculation Amid Leaked Plans for Global Diplomatic Cuts

By Hadram Hydara

The U.S. Embassy in Banjul has dismissed rumours of its impending closure, even as a confidential State Department memo obtained by The New York Times reveals broader plans by the Trump administration to shutter 10 embassies and 17 consulates worldwide, including in six African nations, among them The Gambia.

According to the April 15 report, the undated proposal seeks to consolidate diplomatic operations in fragile regions like Africa, redirecting responsibilities to larger regional hubs. For The Gambia, this would mean closing its sole U.S. embassy in Banjul and merging services into a neighbouring mission, likely in Senegal. The memo frames the closures as cost-cutting measures, aligning with President Trump’s push to slash foreign aid and reduce America’s diplomatic footprint abroad.

Andrew Posner, the embassy’s Public Affairs Officer in Banjul, told The Fatu Network: “No embassy or consulate closures have been announced, and operations continue as normal,” adding that the State Department routinely evaluates its global posture to “address modern challenges on behalf of the American people.

The leaked document, however, has heightened anxieties about long-term U.S. disengagement. Hassan Hydara, an Italian-based Gambian with a Master’s degree in World Politics and International Relations, warned that closing the embassy would strain bilateral ties and empower rivals.

“The expense of visa applications for Gambians would rise as they would have to journey to Senegal or another country to apply for a U.S. visa,” Hydara told The Fatu Network. “It would restrict diplomatic interactions, collaborative efforts, and reform initiatives in security sector reforms, governance, and other key projects, including NGOs and civil society groups funded by the U.S. embassy in Banjul,” he added.

He warned that relocating services to Dakar—over 300 kilometres away—would burden U.S. citizens requiring consular assistance and erode Washington’s influence.

“The U.S. would jeopardise its considerable diplomatic influence in [The] Gambia to competing nations like China and Russia,” he said.

Hydara argued that The Gambia, unlike larger African economies, lacks the clout to resist consolidation. “Unfortunately, The Gambia lacks significant leverage or strategic benefit, aside from cultural connections as an English-speaking former British colony — [factors] largely unattractive to this economy-focused U.S. administration,” he said.

He suggested negotiating “a U.S. military base” to anchor American interests.

“I would encourage the authorities to consider difficult but prudent measures, such as strategically negotiating the establishment of a U.S. military base in The Gambia to reinforce U.S. interests in order to have U.S. embassy in Banjul remained open,” he added— a proposal likely to spark debate in a nation sensitive to foreign military presence.

Hydara noted the suggestion of a military base might be contentious, but said geopolitics relies on pragmatism, not idealism and without tangible leverage, such steps may be necessary to keep the embassy open.

Fatou Baldeh MBE, a prominent women’s and human rights activist, echoed concerns about the embassy’s strategic value. “I am very concerned about the speculation regarding the potential closure of the U.S. Embassy in The Gambia,” she told The Fatu Network. “The embassy is very significant here because we are a country with weak systems and institutions, particularly given our history of authoritarian rule.

Baldeh highlighted security risks, noting that while The Gambia is not part of the Sahel, its proximity to the region makes it vulnerable. “My fear is that the embassy’s closure could open space for extremism, affecting the region and, by extension, the U.S. itself. For example, without the embassy, The Gambia might become a training ground for extremists, with impacts reaching beyond our borders—even to the U.S.”

She also emphasized the embassy’s role in fostering cross-cultural ties. “It has enabled Gambians to participate in exchange programs to understand U.S. culture, while U.S. citizens have come here to learn about ours and take that back to their country. These programs, which we’ve greatly benefited from, risk disappearing if the embassy shuts down.”

When contacted by The Fatu Network about the potential closure and its implications for bilateral relations, Lang Yabou, Permanent Secretary at The Gambia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, declined to comment. “… At the moment, it would not be in order for me to say anything about this subject matter,” Yabou stated.

The State Department has also not addressed the memo’s specifics, and no final decisions have been announced. Analysts note the plan reflects a broader Trump-era shift toward austerity, despite bipartisan criticism that embassy closures weaken U.S. crisis response and cede ground to adversaries like Russia’s Wagner Group, active in nearby Mali and the Central African Republic.

The Gambia, under President Adama Barrow, has sought stronger Western ties since rejoining the Commonwealth in 2018 and pursuing democratic reforms post-dictatorship. The U.S. Embassy, established in 1965, has been pivotal, issuing visas to Gambians and supporting governance and security projects.

Yet the leaked memo underscores the vulnerability of smaller nations amid U.S. strategic recalibrations. “Consolidating missions risks leaving partners feeling abandoned,” said Morro Sillah. “It’s a gift to powers like China, who’ll gladly fill the void.”

For many Gambians, the embassy’s value is practical. “Speculation helps no one,” said Lamin Ceesay. “This mission’s presence matters greatly—not just for visas, but partnerships our communities rely on.”

Others rejected Hydara’s military base idea. “Inviting foreign troops would betray the whole idea of sovereignty,” said Ebrima Colley. “We can’t trade dignity for convenience.”

Introducing Max Sonko, an Aspiring Entrepreneur

SPOTLIGHT

By Dawda Baldeh

In the bustling heart of Serrekunda market, a symphony of emotions unfolds where the sharp sounds of frustration, stress, and anxiety mingle among the voices of eager buyers and determined sellers. Amid this cacophony, a subtle gleam of hope flickers, often overlooked yet persistently present.

As community members of all ages engage in earnest discussions about the myriad challenges plaguing society, a significant portion of the blame is directed toward the government. Many voice their concerns about the lack of job opportunities, casting a shadow over the aspirations of the youth.

Yet, within this landscape of discontent, innovative entrepreneurs are rising to the occasion, transforming adversity into opportunity.

Among these trailblazers is Buba Sonko, affectionately known as Max Sonko, a spirited young man from Serrekunda. With a vision to reshape societal perceptions that equate success solely with destinations abroad, he embodies a growing movement of youth venturing into business.

In an insightful interview with The Fatu Network, Buba recounted how his entrepreneurial journey ignited shortly after he graduated from high school, marking the beginning of his quest to redefine success on his own terms.

“I view business as the best means to achieve financial independence and support my family,” he stated.

A friend introduced him to the world of business.

“Once I started, I realized it was my calling,” he remarked, noting that although business growth is slow, he is steadily progressing.

Like many other young Gambians, Max initially aspired to work in an office after finishing high school.

He discussed the persistent challenges he faces as an aspiring entrepreneur.

“Some customers lack understanding,” he explained, adding that some will order clothing and then change their minds upon delivery.

“Some will request clothes, but when you deliver, they won’t pay, offering excuses like, ‘I don’t like this’ or ‘It’s not what I ordered…’” he continued.

Despite these ongoing difficulties, young Max remains dedicated to achieving his business goals.

“I am determined to ensure my success. It’s not easy, but with hard work and dedication, anything is possible. Allah can make it happen,” he stressed.

Known affectionately as Max Sonko, he is now attracting customers who appreciate his unique fashion offerings.

“I assist my clients in finding exactly what they desire. It’s a trust we build together,” he remarked.

He mentioned that his biggest clients include Bakary Mankajang (Mankajang Daily), Buba, Kaddijatou Jallow, a Gambian based in the US, Yusupha Jatta (360 Pluz), and one Gaddafi, among others.

His confidence in the business is bolstered by the consistent feedback he receives from his expanding clientele after they purchase the clothes he has ordered. Sonko aims to become a leading fashion store owner in the country to inspire others to pursue their dreams, regardless of the obstacles they encounter.

Annetta BV Mahoney: Gambian Civic Leader Championing Transparency and Democratic Engagement

By Michaella Faith Wright

Annetta BV Mahoney, a Gambian civic leader and Mandela Washington Fellow, stands at the forefront of efforts to combat corruption, reform governance, and promote active citizen participation in The Gambia.

As Programs Manager at Gambia Participates, Mahoney has emerged as a bold advocate for transparency and civic engagement. Raised in Bundung, her academic journey began at Nyakoi Nursery School and continued through Gambia Methodist Academy, culminating at the American International University West Africa (AIUWA), where she graduated Cum Laude in Politics, Philosophy, and Economics.

“I’ve always believed that citizens have the power to transform institutions,” Mahoney says. “That belief is what fuels my work every day.”

Her professional career began at the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), where she spent three years as a program assistant, focusing on peacebuilding and reconciliation initiatives—particularly those empowering women and youth affected by conflict.

At Gambia Participates, Mahoney leads several high-impact initiatives, including legislative advocacy for the 2019 Anti-Corruption Bill, civic education on electoral reform and constitutional rights, and regional campaigns addressing Illicit Financial Flows (IFFs). She also works to expand youth and women’s political participation, facilitates peace dialogues, and contributes to election observation missions both locally and internationally.

In 2024, her leadership was recognized on the global stage when she was selected as a Mandela Washington Fellow at Michigan State University. That same year, she was named a Young Global Changemaker.

“I am deeply passionate about fighting corruption and making sure every voice—especially those of marginalized groups—is heard in our democracy,” she adds.

Mahoney’s journey reflects an unyielding commitment to transparency, inclusion, and civic empowerment—principles she continues to champion both nationally and internationally.

“Together We Can Create Sustainable Solutions”: NDMA, Qatar Charity Launch $2M Project for Gambians

By: Dawda Baldeh

The National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA), in partnership with Qatar Charity, has launched a $2 million project aimed at supporting underprivileged families in The Gambia. The initiative, titled “Empowerment and Economic Development Project to Support The Gambia 2025,” was unveiled during a ceremony held at the Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara International Conference Center in Bijilo, presided over by Vice President Muhammed BS Jallow. The project seeks to create jobs and improve livelihoods across the country.

Qatar Charity’s Country Director, Mustafa Es Satte, emphasized the significance of the initiative, noting that it forms part of the organization’s global mission to assist vulnerable populations. “Qatar Charity is an international organization established in 1992 to support underprivileged people worldwide,” he said. “This project addresses the humanitarian needs of those most affected by poverty and disaster.”

He highlighted that since opening its office in The Gambia in 2019, Qatar Charity has supported various sectors including water, health, education, and food security, adding that the initiative will empower individuals economically and contribute to sustainable development.

The project will be implemented in two phases. The first phase includes the distribution of 1,200 blood pressure monitors, 700 wheelchairs, 1,000 school tables and chairs, 3,200 household water filters, 900 solar lights, 200 sewing machines, 900 kitchen sets, and 200 disaster relief tents. The second phase, scheduled to begin in June, will involve the distribution of 130 cargo tricycles for transporting goods and another 130 for transporting people. Officials revealed that Qatar Charity has allocated an estimated $4 million to support its activities in The Gambia this year.

NDMA Executive Director Sanna Dahaba hailed the project as a major milestone in the agency’s partnership with Qatar Charity. “We are proud of this collaboration,” Dahaba said. “Together, we can develop sustainable solutions to uplift our communities. This project will significantly improve the lives of many Gambians.” He acknowledged Qatar Charity’s continued support during critical moments for the country.

Vice President Muhammed BS Jallow commended the people of Qatar for their generosity and lauded the partnership between Qatar Charity and NDMA for providing a robust strategy to support the needy. “This initiative will have a profound impact on the lives of its beneficiaries,” he said, stressing the importance of assisting disaster victims.

VP Jallow encouraged both institutions to work closely to ensure effective and timely delivery of support, adding that the assistance comes at a crucial time, as the country remains vulnerable to natural disasters. He concluded by expressing the government’s sincere gratitude for Qatar’s timely intervention.

We Know How to Mine Our Gold”: Burkina Faso Reclaims Control Over Gold Sector

By: The Fatu Network Editorial

Burkina Faso continues to expand state control over its industrial mining sector to reclaim national wealth from its gold resources. President Captain Ibrahim Traoré has made resource sovereignty a key part of his agenda, advocating for reforms that prioritize national interests over foreign ownership.

The government recently reached a deal to acquire the Boungou and Wahgnion gold mines for $80 million. These mines were previously operated by London-listed Endeavour Mining, a major gold producer in West Africa. The newly formed state-owned company has taken control of these operations with the stated aim of redirecting profits towards infrastructure, education, and healthcare.

“We know how to mine our gold, and I don’t understand why we’re going to let multinationals come and mine it,” Traoré said in a recent address.

The gold sector accounts for approximately 12% of Burkina Faso’s GDP, making it the fourth-largest gold producer in Africa, with annual production of around 58 tonnes, according to TheAfricaReport.

While international investors and organizations like the World Bank and IMF have raised concerns about the potential impact on foreign investment, many citizens view the shift as a step toward greater economic sovereignty.

Essa Faal Speaks: APP-Sobeya Leader Outlines Vision for The Gambia

Written By: Seringe ST Touray

In his appearance on Coffee Time with Peter Gomez on West Coast Radio on Monday, May 5, Essa Faal, leader of the APP-Sobeya alliance, shared his insights on the state of The Gambia and his vision ahead of the 2026 elections. The former lead counsel of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) addressed concerns regarding the country’s governance, security sector, and his own political journey.

When asked to conduct a SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats) analysis of The Gambia, Faal identified peace and democracy as the country’s greatest strengths, acknowledging President Barrow’s contribution to maintaining these conditions. “One of our biggest strengths is our peace because you can’t do much if you don’t have peace,” Faal stated. “I can also credit President Barrow for the democracy that we enjoy today.”

For opportunities, Faal highlighted The Gambia’s potential to become a trade hub due to its English-speaking status amidst francophone neighbors. “We are an English-speaking country surrounded by countries that do not use English as their official language,” he explained, noting that English serves as the primary language for international business and modern diplomacy.

He also pointed out that The Gambia benefits from less bureaucracy compared to neighboring countries, making processes more efficient for business and investment.

Regarding weaknesses, Faal offered his perspective on what he views as serious structural issues within the civil service, including a misalignment of skills, inadequate training, poor oversight, and what he sees as widespread corruption. He expressed particular concern that corruption could be hindering investment in the country. “People come to Gambia wanting to invest in something, and people just make it impossible for that to happen because there are no kickbacks in it for them,” he observed.

As for threats, Faal raised concerns about the security situation, citing increasing incidents of crime such as daylight robbery and home invasions. He also criticized what he views as a delay in security sector reform, questioning the continued presence of ECOMIG (ECOWAS Military Intervention in The Gambia) forces nearly nine years after their initial deployment.

Faal took a strong stance against the prolonged presence of ECOMIG forces in The Gambia, calling it “offensive to our sovereignty” and “demoralizing for our armed forces.”

He challenged the government’s position that it cannot decide when ECOWAS forces leave, asserting that national sovereignty gives The Gambia the right to make such decisions. “Every nation has a sovereign right to decide what it wants for its country,” he stated firmly.

According to Faal, the real reason behind ECOMIG’s continued presence is President Barrow’s distrust of the Gambian armed forces. “The truth of the matter is Barrow is afraid of Gambia’s armed forces. He does not trust them,” Faal claimed, suggesting that the president fears a military coup.

He contrasted this with his own position, pledging that if elected in 2026, he would immediately transition to Gambian security forces. “From day one, I’ll have Gambian forces around me… I will trust them enough with myself.”

During the interview, Faal addressed several criticisms that have been leveled against him. Responding to allegations that he only appears in The Gambia close to election time, he clarified that his previous work arrangement at the International Criminal Court allowed him to work both from The Gambia and The Hague. “I have decided to resign from the job to focus on 2026, and I did that almost two years before the 2026 elections,” he emphasized, confirming his commitment to Gambian politics.

Faal also refuted claims that he had drafted “draconian laws” during Jammeh’s era, explaining that he was only a junior lawyer when these decrees were being written. “I was called to the bar in August of 1994. How could I have been the author of the decrees?” he questioned.

Regarding his legal career defending international figures, Faal addressed criticism about representing Charles Taylor, clarifying that he only began representing Taylor after he had been sentenced and his appeal concluded. Importantly, Faal revealed that this representation was pro bono (free of charge), as were many of his high-profile international cases. “I represented Charles Taylor pro bono, for free,” he stated, challenging critics to verify this with Ibrahim Yillah, the principal legal counsel for the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

Throughout the interview, Faal positioned himself as a candidate focused on creating “a fairer and more just society” where people can meet their basic needs regardless of economic status. He emphasized the importance of addressing corruption, improving security, and restoring dignity to Gambian security forces.

His comments align with his recently unveiled “Turn Around” blueprint, which focuses on anti-corruption measures, economic revitalization, and governance reforms.

As the 2026 elections approach, Faal’s interview on Coffee Time with Peter Gomez offered Gambians insight into his analysis of the country’s current state and his vision for its future under potential APP-Sobeya leadership.

NCCE Trains 160 Women to Lead Gambia’s Political Future

By Alieu Jallow

In a significant stride toward inclusive governance and gender equality, the National Council for Civic Education (NCCE) has launched a capacity-building program for 160 aspiring female political candidates in the West Coast Region. The training took place on Friday, 2nd May 2025, at the Governor’s Office.

Held under the theme “Strength in Solidarity: Mobilizing for Women’s Representation,” the initiative seeks to equip women with the knowledge and tools needed to overcome systemic barriers such as cultural norms, legal constraints, and capacity limitations, thereby enhancing their participation in political and community leadership.

Momodou Alieu Bah, Program Officer at the NCCE, underscored the importance of the initiative in empowering women to step into leadership roles and engage meaningfully in governance.

“This gathering reflects a shared commitment to advancing inclusive governance and women’s political participation. It comes at a crucial moment when women’s voices and leadership are more vital than ever. This is more than just a training—it’s a milestone in our collective efforts to ensure that women at the grassroots level can lead, advocate, and shape the decisions that impact their communities and their futures,” Bah stated.

The program focuses on alliance-building, media engagement, and creating supportive environments that remove barriers to female leadership. It also offers platforms for dialogue to enhance the support provided by grassroots organizations to women seeking public office.

Lamin Sanneh, Governor of the West Coast Region, applauded the initiative and called on society to dismantle stereotypes and uplift women into leadership roles.

“If you’re vying for any position, people will say all sorts of things. But if you let their words deter you, you are dimming the future for women and children in this country. Do not retreat or surrender. For society to progress, everyone must have a voice and a stake,” Governor Sanneh emphasized.

Madam Jainaba Bah, Program Manager at the Inter-Party Committee, urged women to support one another throughout the political process, stressing that unity among women is crucial for increasing female representation in governance.

“It’s our right. If you look at most decision-making processes, women are barely represented. If we want our voices heard and our rights protected, we must pursue leadership roles—because if we don’t, they won’t be handed to us,” she said.

Chief Alagie Mundo Jatta of Kombo North echoed these sentiments, describing the program as essential to national progress.

“Empowering women is not a favour—it’s a necessity for development. I urge all women to rise, speak up, and claim their rightful place,” he declared.

Honourable Ndey Saine, the nominated councilor representing persons with disabilities at the Brikama Area Council, also praised the initiative. She highlighted the added challenges faced by women with disabilities in politics and called for inclusive empowerment strategies.

“This training is particularly important for women living with disabilities. The government must empower us to overcome stereotypes and discrimination. We are often more vigilant, especially in the fight against corruption,” she noted.

A notable success story from previous NCCE training sessions is that of Ejatou Jallow, a native of Basse, who was elected as a ward councillor in the Basse Area Council following similar training two years ago.

This current program is expected to foster meaningful dialogue, build stronger networks, and generate actionable strategies to support women candidates in the lead-up to the upcoming elections.

The Loot – Jammeh’s Assets

OPINION

By Momodou Ndow

The only things Jammeh came into power with were rata toy on both sides of his mouth, dala yu kamambay, and a stinky attitude. He took over under the pretense of eradicating corruption. But without a doubt, he’s turned out to be Gambia’s biggest thief. He once boasted that even his grandchildren would never be poor. He didn’t just steal, he raped and murdered countless innocent people too. He impregnated the society with evil, and now we are witnessing the offspring of that pregnancy in different forms.

The Republic’s investigation into his alleged financial wrongdoings found that he had stolen at least $362 million, lavishly spending it on expensive vehicles, aircraft, and real estate. But why stop at $362 million? Why not round it up to $400 million? Better yet, $500 million? How many billions of dalasis would that be? I’m not about to risk the few brain cells I’ve got left trying to calculate that—someone else can take on that math problem.

And Jammeh did it all while holding a Quran ‘ak Kuruss’, preaching Allah ‘teng ning teng’! He was revered by many—some practically worshipped him. When he poured out his Sam Sam Evian, people rushed to receive their “blessing.”

Before I go any further, I must thank The Republic for their masterpiece of an investigation. What an incredible piece of journalism. I can only imagine the time and resources that went into it. Though the report is lengthy and extremely detailed, I’ll focus on three key areas that stood out to me:
1. The release of the stolen assets by the court
2. The sale of the Fajara property
3. Alpha Kapital Advisory

1. The Release of the Stolen Assets

In 2018, High Court Judge Amina Saho-Ceesay froze some of Jammeh’s assets at the request of the Ministry of Justice, led by Baa Tambadou. Augustus Prom was appointed as the Receiver, but was later replaced—something Judge Saho-Ceesay called illegal. She argued that dismissing a court-appointed Receiver via “administrative procedures” is “unknown to law.”

Later, the Ministry applied to release plots of Jammeh’s land within the Tourism Development Area, which had been frozen by the High Court. Judge Saho-Ceesay denied the request. Then, while her court was on vacation, the Ministry filed the same application before vacation judge Hon. Justice Ebrima Jaiteh—who approved the release.

Justice Jaiteh later admitted his court was blindfolded into making that decision, calling it an “abuse of process.” He said, “They should have filed an appeal… not a fresh case before me. I was not aware of Amina’s judgment. It was an abuse of process.”

Tambadou countered that the application before Justice Jaiteh was a fresh one, with new details, and therefore not an abuse of process. But why not simply appeal the existing ruling instead of filing a fresh application with added “details”? Was this a deliberate workaround? Hmmm.

Justice Jaiteh essentially claims he was misled into unfreezing the stolen assets. But how could he, an active judge, be unaware of a landmark ruling that even those who are not in the legal profession were aware of? He should have been following the case closely. Hmmm.

2. The Sale of the Fajara Property

Once the assets were released, MOAB Capital—owned by Binta Ceesay, who is in a relationship with Baa Tambadou—was hired to work with Alpha Kapital to sell off Jammeh’s physical assets and shares. This alone raises massive red flags for conflict of interest. Unprofessional. Unethical. How convenient. Hmmm.

Among the assets sold was the Fajara property that was mortgaged to the Arab Gambia Islamic Bank Limited in December 2004 by Baboucarr Sompo Ceesay. After defaulting on the loan, the bank obtained a judgment of D8, 763, 254 against Baboucarr Sompo Ceesay (who happens to be Binta Ceesay’s ex-husband) and order for judicial sale of the property.

If the property was used as collateral for the loan and qualified for a D8,763,254 judgment, it would be reasonable to assume that the land was valued at least at that amount. So, how was Sompo Ceesay able to purchase the same land—foreclosed by the bank due to his loan default—for only D3 million? According to their agreement, Sompo was to include the names of the three children he shares with Binta Ceesay (the seller and his ex-wife) on the deed.

Sources say the property was jointly purchased by Sompo and Binta. In a July 2020 letter to Alpha Kapital, Binta stated she paid for the property and wanted out of the deal after Sompo failed to honor their agreement. He refused to put their children’s names on the deed.

Let’s be clear: Alpha Kapital—the company hired by Baa and his ministry—worked directly with MOAB Capital (owned by Baa’s love interest Binta) to dispose of a property that originally belonged to Sompo, Binta’s ex-husband. This is corruption at its finest.

Binta claim she paid for the land with the intent that their three children would be beneficiaries. But Sompo double-crossed her, kept the land, and as of April 29, still has the property in his name—not their children’s. The double cross! What’s built on deceit will always crumble under its own weight.

3. Alpha Kapital Advisory

Alpha Kapital was hired by Baa Tambadou and his Ministry of Justice to work with Binta Ceesay in disposing of Jammeh’s assets. They facilitated the sale of the Fajara property to her ex-husband, Sompo Ceesay—all done quietly, behind closed doors.

Assuming Alpha Kapital Advisory is a professional accounting firm, they should have known better. This is a blatant conflict of interest and may even be criminal. Alpha Kapital should’ve advised against it.

On top of it all, Alpha Kapital earned a 10% commission on all assets sold, and 5% on all shares liquidated. The Janneh Commission previously protested a similar 10% fee taken by Augustus Prom, arguing it should be reduced to 3%. So, who approved the 10% this time? The court—or Baa and his ministry?

At the end of the day, no matter how you slice it, there are glaring ethical violations in every one of these three key areas. So, how can Baa Tambadou claim he did nothing wrong? The potential conflicts of interest are clear and numerous—not to mention the other backdoor deals regarding the rest of Jammeh’s assets that may still be hidden. Unless Baa wants us to believe that this is the normal course of business, which I highly doubt.

Migration Myths: The Impact of Social Media on Gambian Dreams of Europe

By Sankulleh Gibril Janko

“I thought I’d find a job as soon as I landed, and my life would be perfect, just like the people I saw on Facebook,” said Amadou Camara, a young Gambian who recently returned from a failed migration attempt. His story is not unique. For many Gambians, the dream of a better life in Europe has been shaped by social media and the myths that circulate on these platforms. However, the reality of migration is far different from the glamorous depictions that flood their feeds.

Recounting his ordeals while at his cattle farm in Kundam, about 350km east of the capital, Banjul, Amadou said, he realised the things he saw on social media are far from the realities the moment he left the Gambian shores in 2021. “I saw people being thrown in the Sahara Desert, and that was the most terrifying moment of my life.” he paused as he tied his cattle to the peg. “I’ve had to endure thirst for hours with little or no food. No one will tell you this on their Facebook page.”

Amadou Camara, a migrant returnee on his cattle farm in Kundam, 350km east of the capital, Banjul

Common Myths about Europe

Migration has always been a part of the Gambian narrative, with Europe often seen as the promised land. However, the myths surrounding migration to Europe are far from the reality many migrants face.

Social media often portrays European countries as providing endless jobs, universal free healthcare, and education to migrants, among other things. While this is true in some cases for legal residents, newcomers without proper documentation often find themselves excluded from these services.

It is estimated that there are over 100,000 Gambians in Europe, totalling at least 60% of the Gambian diaspora globally, including both migrants and refugees. According to reports, 5873 Gambians arrived in Europe in 2024 alone, and out of this number, 4,000 of them arrived through irregular means using the Mediterranean route. A chunk of this number arrived in Italy and Spain.

Europe is a Land of Instant Wealth

“Many people believe that once you reach Europe, you will automatically get a job and start making money,” says Mustapha Camara, a local social worker who has worked with returning migrants. “This simply isn’t true. Most migrants struggle for months or even years without stable employment,” said Mustapha, a returnee himself.
Like Mustapha, a thousand other Gambian migrants have had similar beliefs thanks to the perceived perfect lives of other Gambians abroad.

For Tijan Jallow, who had dreamed of becoming a professional footballer, seeing pictures of fellow Gambian youths playing on better pitches in Europe with a perceived good life was an easy decision to attempt and experience that life.

“Before going to Europe, I was training with a local first division team, and although life was not perfect but it was really okay,” said Tijan Jallow, “But seeing pictures of some of my friends on Facebook who were working with me playing nice, perfect football fields was crazy, bro. I made up my mind that I must go to Europe too.” Mr. Jallow succeeded in his attempts as he arrived in Germany in 2015, hoping he would turn pro as soon as he arrived. However, the realities in Europe were not what he had anticipated. “I used to work in a factory and I lived in a container house,” he narrated. “It was so bad that I was ashamed to take pictures of my house. I struggle to make ends me and send back home, so football is no more a priority”

Tijan Jallow, a Gambian migrant in Germany

The ease with which some Gambian migrants present migration journeys often leads to unrealistic expectations. “People see success stories online and think that migration is as easy as buying a plane ticket or crossing the Mediterranean in a boat,” says Mamina Jallow, who works with the International Organisation for Migration IOM as a volunteer Migrant as Messengers in The Gambia.

Mamina Jallow on awareness campaign as a volunteer Migrant as Messengers

As a returnee, Mamnina had first-hand experience of the deadly irregular migration journey. Coupled with his encounters with migrant returnees, he said thousands of Gambian migrants embarked on journeys without making informed choices. He also attributed misinformation about irregular to social media. “Some of these migrants are influenced by what they see on Facebook, on WhatsApp status and the like,” he said.

While Europe is known for its diverse cultures, racism and discrimination are still significant challenges faced by migrants. “Social media doesn’t show you the struggles of being a black person in Europe. Many Gambians arrive thinking they will be accepted, only to face harsh realities,” says Micahel Gomez, a university student in Italy, reflecting on his own experience.

Michael Gomez, a Gambian university student in Europe, at the Eiffel Tower in Paris

There is a widespread belief that European countries have a high demand for labour and that anyone can come and work in a variety of sectors. The truth, however, is that many migrants find themselves in undocumented, precarious jobs with little protection.

The Role of Social Media in Shaping Migration Decisions

Facebook and WhatsApp are the most surfed social media networks in Gambia
Social media plays a central role in shaping the way Gambians view migration. An Afrobarometer survey published in 2024 indicates close to 80% of Gambian internet users get information from Facebook, X formerly Twitter, WhatsApp or others.

From Facebook to Instagram, young people are bombarded with images of success and prosperity in Europe, influencing their decisions to migrate. According to Mariama Ceesay, a Gambian youth from Barra, North Bank Region of Gambia, who arrived in Spain in 2023 after several failed attempts, Europe is not as rosy as it seemed on social media.

“When I was back home, I would scroll through Instagram and see people posting photos of their nice apartments and cars. I thought it was easy to get all of that if I moved there,” she said. “It’s been years, I’m still undocumented and doing menial jobs I wouldn’t do in Gambia.” Social media has not only shaped perceptions but also created a network for people to share their migration stories. “Most of what we know about Europe comes from people we know personally or their posts online,” explains Mariama, “But no one tells you about the cold, the loneliness, or how hard it is to find work once you get here.”

Migration Expert Bubacarr Singhateh

Migration Expert Bubacarr Singhateh said, “Social media plays a crucial role in shaping the perceptions and decisions of Gambians regarding irregular travel to Europe. Platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp are rife with images and stories of successful migration, creating a glorified and often unrealistic portrayal of life in Europe,” he said. “These platforms allow individuals who have migrated to share their seemingly prosperous experiences, which can be misleading.”

He narrated: “The constant exposure to such content fuels aspirations and convinces many that migration is the only path to success and a better life. This influence is magnified by the limited availability of accurate information about the risks and challenges associated with irregular migration. Consequently, social media becomes a powerful tool in shaping migration narratives and decisions.”

Impact on Migration Decisions

The myths spread on social media often push young Gambians to make life-altering decisions without fully understanding the consequences. Many embark on dangerous and illegal migration routes, such as crossing the Sahara Desert or attempting to board overcrowded boats to reach Europe.

“I was told that once I reached Europe, everything would change for me,” says Ouman Njie, who faced hardship in Germany before being deported in 2023. “I ended up stuck in a camp for months, and when I finally got work, it was in terrible conditions. The dream I had was completely different from the reality I faced.”

According to the Migration Expert Singhateh, “the interactive nature of social media allows for the rapid spread of information and personal testimonies, making it easier for potential migrants to connect with those who have already made the journey. This peer-to-peer influence further emboldens individuals to take the risk,” he added, “believing that success stories are the norm rather than the exception. Therefore, social media not only inspires but also often provides the practical advice and contacts needed to embark on such dangerous journeys.”

Consequences of Unrealistic Expectations

The consequences of unrealistic expectations are severe. Many Gambians who make it to Europe face a harsh reality far from the dream they had envisioned. Those who manage to survive the dangerous journey often find themselves living in precarious conditions, struggling to find work, and facing constant fear of deportation.

“It’s not all sunshine and rainbows when you get to Europe. You’re often treated as an outsider, and the work is hard to come by,” says Karanba Ceesay, a Gambian migrant who spent two years in France before returning home. “I realized that I could have achieved much of what I wanted here in The Gambia if I had the right opportunities.”

Yaya Sonko, a Gambian migrant activist in Germany

A renowned Gambian migrant activist in Germany, Yaya Sonko, says many Gambians suffer lots of challenges upon arriving in Europe and realising the unrealistic expectations.

“Social‑media feeds often show only highlight reels, parties, good jobs, nice cars—creating a false sense that life in Europe is easy and lucrative. Most of our Gambian brothers suffer the consequences, wasted time and distraction. Many spend hours on TikTok, Instagram, etc., chasing viral trends or quick‑money schemes rather than learning skills or preparing for legitimate work. Upon arriving here, they realise this is serious,” he said. Sometimes you have about six people in a very small room. Some of them are confined in deportation camps in terrible conditions.”

For those who return to The Gambia after facing hardship abroad, the psychological toll is immense. Many experience trauma, depression, and a sense of failure. “It’s not just about the physical journey; the emotional impact is what stays with you,” says Mustapha, the migrant activist. “There is a deep sense of disappointment when the reality of life in Europe doesn’t match what was promised on social media.”

According to Yaya Sonko, the migrant activist in Germany, the estimated number of undocumented Gambian migrants in major European destinations is close to 50,000

“Germany overall hosts between 16,000 and 30,000 Gambians, he highlighted.”
According to Konrad‑Adenauer‑Stiftung data, 16,000 Gambians reside in Germany, of whom 4,240 no longer have the right to stay (i.e., undocumented/rejected asylum).

Other sources put the total closer to 30,000, with 17,000 in Baden‑Württemberg alone.
Baden‑Württemberg has over 15,000 registered Gambian asylum seekers, of whom over 4,000 had their claims rejected and were facing deportation as of late 2024.

The state government reported being prepared to deport upwards of 2,600–6,000 undocumented Gambians, depending on the year and source.

Spain has seen thousands of irregular Gambian arrivals via the Canary Islands route. Between 2014 and 2018, over 35,000 Gambians reached Europe by irregular means.

Sweden, Italy, and Malta likewise host significant-but—but less precisely quantified—numbers of undocumented Gambians, often working “off the books” in informal sectors.

Taken together, official and NGO assessments suggest there are over 50,000 Gambians in Europe, and roughly half lack regular status to remain.

Recommendations for Addressing the Issue

To tackle the misinformation and myths surrounding migration, experts suggest a multi-faceted approach.

Key among them included the need for various stakeholders to embark on Migration Awareness Campaigns.

They also suggested that schools and community centres should offer social media literacy programs to help young people critically assess online content. “We need to teach the youth that not everything they see online is true,” says Mustapha. “Critical thinking can save lives.”

Other suggestions by experts also include, providing viable alternatives, strengthening legal migration pathways, support for returnees among others. Experts argue that programs to help returnees reintegrate into society are crucial. “We need to ensure that those who return are not left to fend for themselves,” says IOM Volunteer Mamina. “They need support, counseling, and opportunities to rebuild their lives.”

The myths about Europe, amplified by social media, continue to drive the migration decisions of many Gambians. However, experts say by addressing these myths, promoting social media literacy, and providing alternative opportunities at home, The Gambia can reduce the number of dangerous and unnecessary migration attempts.

“The dream of a better life in Europe need not be a myth, but it must be based on the reality of hard work, resilience, and the pursuit of opportunities, both at home and abroad,” said Amadou, who is now a happy farmer in his village.

This reportage was produced with the support of the Informa project, funded by the European Union.

China Urges ICJ to Uphold Palestinian Right to Humanitarian Aid

By: Seringe ST Touray

In a statement before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on Thursday, April 1, 2025, China’s Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Member of the United Nations International Law Commission, Ma Xinmin, called for Israel to fulfill its obligations under international law regarding humanitarian assistance to Palestinians in occupied territories.

Ma described the situation in Gaza as an “unprecedented humanitarian crisis, threatening to overwhelm an already suffering people.” He emphasized that “for over half a century, Palestinian in the occupied territory has endured persistent suffering with many communities dependent on humanitarian assistance for basic survival.”

The Chinese representative outlined Israel’s legal obligations as the occupying power in Palestinian territories. According to Ma, Israel has “the undisputed primary responsibility to ensure the basic needs of civilians in the occupied territory” and an “obligation to agree to humanitarian assistance from third parties when the population in the OPT is inadequately supplied.”

Ma stressed that Israel must “allow and facilitate humanitarian assistance from third parties” by ensuring “rapid and impeded passengers of the humanitarian assistance, enable humanitarian personnel to perform their tasks, and facilitate the distribution of relief materials.”

The statement highlighted China’s position that the United Nations should play a central role in coordinating humanitarian efforts. Quoting President Xi Jinping, Ma stated: “The humanitarian course is humanity’s shared mission.”

Regarding UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees), Ma described it as “the backbone of humanitarian assistance operations in Gaza” with a role that is “both indispensable, and irreplaceable.” He criticized Israel’s actions toward the agency, stating that “by withdrawing from the 1967 Interim Agreement and enacting legislation to prohibit UNRA operations, Israel clearly violates its obligations under international law.”

Ma concluded with an appeal to the ICJ: “China respectfully calls upon the court to issue an advisory opinion that upholds the integrity of international law and stirs the conscience of the international community.” His final statement emphasized the need for “safeguarding fairness and justice through the rule of law” to “build a community with a shared future for humankind.”

The ICJ hearing is part of an ongoing legal process examining Israel’s responsibilities in the occupied Palestinian territories, particularly regarding humanitarian access amid the continuing crisis in Gaza.

Turkish Entrepreneur Calls on International Investors to Invest in Gambia

By Dawda Baldeh

Dennis Elverir, a Turkish energy company owner, has called on Turkish and other foreign investors to invest in The Gambia, citing the country’s diverse opportunities.

Speaking exclusively to The Fatu Network, Mr. Elverir noted that The Gambia has a lot of potential that investors would tap into and contribute to the development of the country.

He revealed that his local company has been operating in the country for over five years.

“We operate in the energy sector and continue to invest there. Gambia is strategically located and a good place for investment. The country is peaceful, and its people are good,” he said.

The entrepreneur said that through their company AIC Renewable Energy, they are currently developing large-scale energy projects to improve energy efficiency in the country.

“I believe The Gambia holds a more valuable position compared to many larger countries in West Africa,” he said, adding that The Gambia has friendly laws that do not restrict foreign companies from investing in the country, so long as the companies are genuine.

“I am calling on Turkish companies and other foreign investors to come and invest in The Gambia. I said this wherever I go that the Gambia is a very good place for investment,” he noted.

However, he acknowledged that the country is young in terms of development, emphasising that despite the slow pace, the country is growing.

“For some Gambians, the country is not developing, but for those of us who are always in and out of the country, there is a lot of progress that is ongoing here.

Yes, there are challenges, but this is everywhere,” he explained.

He noted that bad people are everywhere, and the Gambia is among the safest countries where one can live.

He also commended the Turkish embassy in The Gambia for their tremendous contribution to the development of the country and their ongoing influence in transforming the country.

“Our ambassador is doing a lot of work here. If you want to know more about the Gambia as a Turkish investor, link with the embassy for guidance and advice,” he noted.

EFSCRJ Withdraws Support for Tambadou’s ICJ Nomination Amid Corruption Allegations

By: Alieu Jallow

The EF Small Centre for Rights and Justice (EFSCRJ) has announced the withdrawal of its endorsement of Abubacarr M. Tambadou’s candidacy for a seat on the International Court of Justice (ICJ), citing serious allegations of corruption and abuse of office related to the sale of assets belonging to former President Yahya Jammeh.

In a public statement issued on Sunday, EFSCRJ explained that its initial endorsement, made in February 2025, was based on Tambadou’s contributions to The Gambia’s transitional justice process and legal reforms.

However, the organization stated that it was compelled to reverse its position following the publication of an investigative report by The Republic on April 30, titled “The Assets of Gambia’s Former Dictator Go for a Song.” The report implicates Tambadou in what EFSCRJ describes as “acts of corruption, abuse of office, and unethical conduct” during the auctioning of Jammeh’s confiscated assets.

“Today, we regret to state that we are withdrawing and withholding our endorsement of his candidature,” the statement read, adding that their review of the report’s findings points to conduct amounting to corruption.

EFSCRJ also criticized Tambadou’s response to the allegations, issued on May 3, describing it as inadequate and saying it “has raised more questions than answers.”

Reaffirming its commitment to transparency and accountability, the center called for a comprehensive investigation into the asset sales and urged the following actions:

  1. The President to establish a presidential inquiry under Section 200(d) of the Constitution.
  2. The National Assembly to launch a parliamentary inquiry in accordance with Section 109(2).
  3. The Minister of Justice to release the full report on the auctioning of Jammeh’s assets.
  4. The publication of reports and minutes of the ministerial committee overseeing the asset sales.
  5. The Minister of Finance to disclose the total revenue generated from the sales and the current status of the funds.

EFSCRJ further announced its intention to submit a formal request for information under the Access to Information Act, 2021. The statement concluded with praise for The Republic, commending the outlet for its “quality investigative reporting on this matter.”

Empty Seats, Empty Nets: Gambia’s Persistent Goal Drought Haunts Home Return

By Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

The newly renovated Independence Stadium welcomed Gambia’s home-based Scorpions for their first match in four years, temporarily freed from a CAF and FIFA ban, as they faced Algeria in a CHAN qualifier.

However, the anticipated electric atmosphere fizzled as empty seats gaped where passionate fans were expected to roar, and the team’s scoring spark remained lost, marking a third straight goalless outing.

Photo: Baldez Multimedia

Head Coach Alagie Sarr attributed his squad’s lacklustre display to limited preparation time and the pressure of a crowd that was, ironically, barely present.

“If you look at the game, individual players were not performing, maybe they were a little bit panicked because of the crowd, so that made them not perform very well,” Sarr told journalists post-match.

“We couldn’t have enough training because of the FF Cup and the league; we could not gather the players together. We had only two days with the players to try to work on tactics,” he explained, defending his team’s persistent failure to score.

Home-based Scorpions’ inability to find the net is not new. In the previous round of CHAN qualifiers, The Gambia faced Gabon in home and away legs, failing to score in either match. Both games ended in stalemates, with the Scorpions advancing on penalties despite their offensive struggles. Now, with a third straight goalless outing against Algeria, the team’s goal drought has stretched across 270 minutes of competitive play. Sarr pointed to his strikers’ hesitancy to make decisive runs or create scoring opportunities, a flaw that has left the team reliant on defensive resilience rather than attacking flair.

Facing Algeria, a formidable side that reached the final of the last CHAN tournament, only compounds Gambia’s challenge. The Desert Foxes have a disciplined defense and are especially dominant at home, where they will host the crucial return leg. Gambia’s inability to capitalize on home advantage raises concerns about their prospects in Algeria, where breaking their scoring drought against a battle-hardened runner-up team will be daunting task.

The last time Gambia played at Independence Stadium in Bakau was March 25, 2021. Despite social media buzz claiming a sold-out event, the turnout disappointed, even with the stadium’s reduced capacity post-renovation.

At a pre-match press conference yesterday, Sarr justified the 3 p.m. kick-off, believing the heat would favor The Gambia against the North African side. However, Algeria dominated the opening 20 minutes, and The Gambia failed to capitalize, extending their barren streak.

The small crowd’s spark of hope came from Fortune FC’s Adama Kanteh, whose powerful 36th-minute shot and a close-range effort in the 56th minute narrowly missed the target, briefly igniting the sparse crowd. Flashes of brilliance from Pa Modou Sohna, a lively cameo by Ebou Sanyang in midfield, and a solid defensive line offered glimpses of promise.

Photo: Baldez Multimedia

Looking ahead to the return leg in Algeria, Sarr anticipates challenges with colder weather. He stated that, as they did to the Desert Foxes in the 3 p.m. kick-off, the return leg will be played at a favorable time for their host next week, which they will prepare for.

“We’ll adjust our training to evening sessions to prepare for the second leg,” he said.

Algeria’s coach, Madjid Bougherra, expressed satisfaction with the draw and confidence in securing qualification at home. As runners-up in the last CHAN tournament, Algeria remain the favorites to advance, especially given The Gambia’s ongoing goal drought.

Former Gambian Justice Minister Tambedou Denies Wrongdoing in Jammeh Asset Sales

By Hadram Hydara

Former Gambian Justice Minister Abubacarr Tambedou has issued a forceful rebuttal to an investigative report by The Republic alleging irregularities in the sale of ex-dictator Yahya Jammeh’s forfeited assets, denying personal benefit, judicial interference, or favouritism toward associates.

The Republic’s April 30 article accused Tambedou’s ministry of circumventing court processes to sell Jammeh’s assets—including luxury vehicles, real estate, and shares—at “a fraction of their worth,” alleging corruption in transactions involving his now-wife Binta Sompo Ceesay’s company, MOAB Capital.

The report claimed officials bypassed procurement rules, manipulated court orders, and allowed politically connected buyers to acquire assets cheaply.

In a 12-point rejoinder, Tambedou dismissed the allegations as “inaccuracies” fuelled by “speculation,” insisting all decisions were lawful and transparent.

Tambedou accused the outlet of selective quoting and ignoring evidence he provided, stating: “They chose to publish… with inaccuracies.” He defended his 2019–2023 decisions as adhering to “rule of law,” stressing Cabinet and judicial approvals.

Below is Tambedou’s full rejoinder verbatim:

Rejoinder to the Article published by The Republic on 1 May 2015 titled “The Assets of Gambia’s former dictator go for a song”

This clarification is issued in response to inaccuracies and the selective use of my responses, which misrepresented the facts in The Republic’s story regarding the sale of the former president’s assets.

Here is a summary of it:

  • I have never directly or indirectly benefited from the sale of the assets of former President Yahya Jammeh. The story by The Republic did not contain specific allegations of embezzlement, fraud, or my personal involvement in the acquisition of the assets.
  • The MOJ did not use any back-door means to circumvent the court’s decision not to unfreeze Jammeh’s assets. We went back to the drawing board after the court’s initial rejection of our application, obtained new information that supported our case, and filed a fresh application. The Chief Justice appointed a new judge to hear the case.
  • The receiver appointed by the court, on the MOJ’s recommendation, was never sacked – much more doing so illegally. The appointment was temporary and lapsed naturally. We hired a new receiver based on a Janneh Commission recommendation.
  • I had no prior relationship with Alpha Barry of Alpha Kapital. I became acquainted with him during my tenure as minister, and our relationship developed through his work as receiver.
  • Ceesay, who years later became my wife, had no role in the sale of the assets. I was not involved in the allocation of land to her. In fact, the initial plot of land was taken from her. The subsequent allocation was unsuitable for her intended business, so she returned it and requested a refund, which was not fully paid.

The Republic first contacted me on April 25, 2025, with a long list of questions on their investigation into Jammeh’s assets. When I enquired about a deadline, I was told that I had until Wednesday 30th April 2025 – only five days – to send in my response. Despite my busy schedule, I managed to provide The Republic with as much information as I could remember within the deadline, in line with my commitment to upholding the principles of transparency and accountability. I further pointed them to further evidence to clarify some of the wrong information they have, but they chose to ignore it, and published their story – with those inaccuracies – the following day.

I hereby reproduce below my exchanges with The Republic for the record:

* Republic:

The records we have obtained show the Ministry of Justice under you has sacked a Court–appointed Receiver— Augustus Prom, without due process. This was heavily criticised by Justice Amina Ceesay Saho who appointed Augustus Prom. Was this decision of your ministry legal?

  1. 1. Response:

The court-appointed-receiver, Augustus Prom, who was appointed under the Anti-Money laundering Act and not under the Companies Act, was never sacked or terminated. Based on their previous experience in the liquidation of the Carnegie Company, Augustus Prom was contacted by the MOJ and terms agreed after negotiations. The MOJ thereafter filed an application before the high court for a temporary freezing order and specifically requested the court to appoint Augustus Prom as interim receiver under the Act. The MOJ opted for this approach so that the businesses that were still in operation and which had many people in employment would not be shut down by a total freezing order. We wanted someone to continue with the businesses on a caretaker basis until a final decision is made on those businesses.

As you can see from the decision of the high court issued in May 2017 to freeze the assets, the freezing order was only valid for an initial period of 180 days subject to further extensions. This was why the MOJ kept going back to the court to extend this period. Without these extensions, the temporary freezing order, which included the appointment of Augustus Prom as interim Receiver, would automatically elapse after the expiry of the 180-day period. By granting the MOJ further extensions at the expiry of each 180-day period, the high court accepted that this was how the law operated.

Following the publication of the Janneh Commission Report, the MOJ did not need any further extensions of the freezing order from the high court because from that moment on, the government was to be guided by the Janneh Commission recommendations.

Regarding Augustus Prom, notwithstanding the explicit recommendation of the Janneh Commission that a new receiver be appointed to replace Augustus Prom, the MOJ refrained from immediately terminating the appointment of Augutus Prom in favour of allowing the 180-day period to continue until it elapsed. In other words, the court-appointed-receiver, Augustus Prom, was never sacked or terminated. Instead, his appointment as interim receiver was allowed to continue until its natural end together with the temporary freezing order granted by the high court. Until the specific recommendation of the Janneh Commission to replace Augustus Prom, there were no plans to do so, and Augustus Prom would have likely continued as receiver even though it would not have been pursuant to the temporary high court freezing order which had elapsed.

* Republic:

After the termination of the services of the Receiver, Justice Saho’s court stopped having vital updates on a significant number of assets it froze at the request of your ministry at the time. By terminating the receiver, would you agree that you have removed a vital aspect of transparency that accessibility to court records afford and oversight that a sitting judge who froze the assets would have provided?

  1. Response:

First, I reiterate that the receiver was not terminated. Second, the role of the high court was limited to the temporary freezing of the assets and the appointment of an interim receiver. As stated above, once the Janneh Commission concluded its proceedings and submitted its Report to the government, and by allowing the period of the temporary freezing order to elapse after 180 days, all other aspects of the order also elapsed including the mandate of the interim receiver, Augustus Prom. To have allowed the high court to continue to have any role, oversight or otherwise, in the implementation of the Janneh Commission recommendations would have been without legal basis or precedent and would, in all probability, have amounted to judicial overreach. The 1997 Constitution is clear as to where the responsibility lies for implementing recommendations of a presidential commission of inquiry and it’s certainly not in the high court (see Supreme Court decision in the Kharafi case).

* Republic:

Justice Saho challenged the legality of the early sales or use of assets of ex-president Yahya Jammeh that were done while the inquiry was ongoing. What do you say to this, as the attorney general at the time, considering a number of sales were done by state institutions such as the Janneh Commission, Sheriff Division and Ministry of Finance?

  1. Response:

It would be helpful to know how Justice Saho challenged the legality of the early sales or use of Jammeh’s assets. In any case, relevant sections of the 1997 Constitution and the legal notice establishing the Janneh Commission gave the Commission powers to make interim orders as it deemed fit. Therefore, the Janneh Commission’s mandate was sufficiently broad enough to allow it to take measures to prevent further loss or damage to property while the inquiry was ongoing. I cannot recall any sale of assets by the Ministry of Finance while the Janneh Commission inquiry was ongoing. However, assuming even that the Ministry of Finance was engaged in some sales like vehicles while the inquiry was ongoing, I can confirm that the MOJ had advised both the office of the President through the secretary general, and the Minister of Finance at the time, that the vehicles that were found on State property including at the State House, should be presumed to be vehicles belonging to the State until the contrary was established. It may well be that it was based on this advice that the Ministry of Finance took over legal responsibility of the luxury vehicles as the Ministry responsible for assets acquired for use by the government. Therefore, as the court freezing order only affected assets that belonged to former President Jammeh and associates etc, the vehicles that the Ministry of Finance took over belonged to the category of assets which would have fallen outside the scope of the freezing order and that the Ministry of Finance could not have acted illegally in so far as they followed established government procedure in the sale of these vehicles even if the sales occurred while the Janneh Commission inquiry was ongoing.

* Republic:

In 2018, the ministry of justice made an application before Justice Amina Ceesay Saho to release a number of lands belonging to ex-president Yahya Jammeh within the Tourism Development Area. This process followed a letter you wrote to the Commission requesting for the release of the same plots. Justice Saho refused. Your ministry, instead of appealing Justice Saho’s decision, brought the same application before a vacation judge, Justice Ebrima Jaiteh, and got him to release the TDA plots without informing him of Justice Saho’s decision. Justice Jaiteh confirmed to us this was an abuse of process. Do you agree?

  1. Response:

I disagree that submitting two separate applications before courts of similar jurisdiction could be qualified automatically as an abuse of process. To simplify a complex legal process, allow me to give an example to illustrate that this was not an uncommon approach. For instance, if we take the example of bail applications, a refusal of an application for bail by the high court allows an applicant to appeal the decision but at the same time it does not preclude the submission of a fresh bail application again before the high court even though the option of appeal against the previous refusal is still available to an applicant. However, there are conditions for this approach including the establishment of a new fact or additional information which was not provided in the first bail application.

Similarly, in the case of the applications for the release of TDA lands, and upon the refusal of the first application by Justice Saho, the MOJ submitted a second fresh application again at the high court with additional information and arguments. It was not a case of res judicata. I encourage you to compare the two applications submitted by the MOJ for the release of the TDA lands for their differences. One can only assume that Justice Jaiteh granted the State’s application based on the merits and facts presented to him. Otherwise, if Justice Jaiteh would have considered other extraneous factors in arriving at his decision on the application, that would have amounted to an abuse of discretion by the judge. In any case, a legal position adopted by a high court judge does not legally foreclose that matter.

Moreover, it is rather unfortunate that the approach taken by the MOJ is being made to look like something done in bad faith by linking the timing of the new application to the court vacation period. Justice Saho’s refusal decision was issued on the last day of the legal term on 30th July 2023 before the start of the high court vacation on 1st August 2023. The MOJ submitted a second fresh application which fell during the court vacation that started on 1st August 2023, only a day after Justice Saho’s refusal decision was issued on 30th July 2023.

In any event, this was a genuine legal process in which the State made an application before the courts, and it is for the parties in legal proceedings to determine the legal strategies that represent their best interests in the process and not any judge. The MOJ considered all options and decided to submit a fresh application having regard, among other things, to the reasoning contained in the first refusal decision.

Furthermore, the MOJ is not responsible for the assignment of cases at the high court. As far as I know, that is the responsibility of the Chief Justice and the MOJ could not have known which judge the second application was going to be assigned to. For all that the MOJ knew, the second application could have also been assigned to Justice Saho for her consideration. The MOJ therefore had no control whatsoever over which Judge gets assigned which matters.

Finally, I have always adhered strictly to judicial decisions. Even when the court of appeal issued its unprecedented decision in the kharafi case requiring, for the first time under Gambian law, an additional procedure before the government white paper could be implemented, I was the one who advised the president and government to unilaterally suspend the sale of the assets pending the outcome of an appeal to the Supreme Court even though the government could have continued with the sale of the assets because Jammeh was not a party to the kharafi proceedings neither was the sale of his assets the subject of the court of appeal decision. There was nothing in the kharafi decision that required the government to stop the sale of the assets and if I or anyone close to me had had any vested personal interests, I would not have advised for the immediate suspension of the sale of the assets. I took this position based on my strong adherence to and respect for the rule of law, and the need to safeguard the rights of Jammeh himself (yes, even Jammeh has rights) against any potential prejudice. As a matter of fact, the court of appeal decision in the Kharafi case remains an isolated case. There was no precedent for it and no other court in the country has followed it since. Ultimately, the Supreme Court of the Gambia, in July 2021, vindicated my position on the law by overturning the Kharafi court of appeal decision, and ruling that no additional procedure was required by the government to implement its white paper.

* Republic:

Our assessment of records of the Janneh Commission and the High Court has shown that, included in the list of plots Justice Jaiteh released was a 6.10-hectare land, with leased number K355/2009, stretching from Djembe Beach to Palma Junction. At this location, MOAB Capital— owned by a one-time friend of yours whom you now married, Binta Sompo Ceesay, was allocated a plot. A parliamentary inquiry later found that this plot was even allocated to Binta without due process, expressing doubt if she would have even paid the 5% levy had GT Board staff not filed a petition to parliament to investigate, among others, the allocation.  Haven’t you abused a court process to release a land that comes to benefit a close friend who, according to parliament, was allocated without due process?

  1. Response:

Let me start by making this very clear: at no time throughout my time as AG did I ever make any decision based on my personal interests or those associated with me. All the decisions that I made were based on impartial and professional reasons which could objectively be justified.

The decision to seek the release of the TDA lands was a government decision. The MOJ was instructed by Cabinet to seek the immediate release of the TDA lands for two principal reasons: first, this would allow for the urgent allocation of the lands by The Gambia Tourism Board to several investors that were flooding into the country at the time including the FTI group which had plans to build a five-star hotel, and to enable the government demarcate an ideal location for the construction of infrastructure for the impending OIC summit; second, and more generally, the government wanted to be able to deal with State lands unhindered and unrestrained. At that time, the government was mostly motivated by the potential for job creation that comes with the construction of new hotels. Groups like FTI had a history of investments in the country and the government was eager to facilitate their quick return. The FTI group, which was equally eager to return to the country, had even identified potential locations for the construction of their five-star hotel. Unfortunately, the locations they had identified fell within the frozen TDA Jammeh lands.

The government was convinced that unlike other private properties that Jammeh had acquired, the TDA lands will ultimately revert to the State either by recommendation of the Janneh Commission or by some other State action since the allocations were prima facie unlawful in the first place. So, together with the imperative to allocate land to potential investors, the government decided not to wait for the conclusion of the Janneh Commission proceedings which was taking longer than anticipated before dealing with this special category of frozen land. It became a question of when and not if the TDA lands would revert to the state. In such an inevitable situation, the government decided to act to the benefit of the country’s tourism industry. Based on these reasons, the MOJ was instructed by Cabinet to seek the immediate release of the TDA lands.

Given the above, it is out of place to contend that I abused a court process to release a land that comes to benefit a close friend. This contention is particularly absurd when one considers that the application by MOAB Capital for land allocation occurred in 2019, one year after the release of the TDA lands in 2018. Therefore, there was no abuse of court process and there were no personal motivations.

* Republic:

We have interviewed a number of GT Boards who filed a petition to parliament to investigate the land allocation to MOAB and others. And one of them who directly worked on the process told us that when they raised the irregularities associated with the allocation, the former GT Board director Abdoulie Hydara told them that the plot was allocated to the Attorney General Abubacarr Tambadou. What do you say to the allegations that the plot allocated to MOAB was yours and that the company was a front?

  1. Response:

I can confirm that the plot allocated to MOAB was not mine. If I wanted land to be allocated to me for investment purposes in the TDA, I would have done so in my personal capacity. There is no rule of law or government practice that prohibited this. On the contrary, the policy and precedent of allocating government land to public officials is well known. However, since I might have, on a few occasions, innocuously enquired about progress in the matter on her behalf, I will not rule out the possibility that this could have created the perception that I was an interested party. In any event, this matter is no longer relevant as Ms Ceesay, on my advice after we got married, had since abandoned her interest in any GTB land allocation including her rejection of land that was recently allocated to her by the GTB in the Tanji area.

* Republic:

Alpha Barry, according to the testimonies we have, is an acquaintance of yours, so was Binta Ceesay who, according to many witnesses we spoke to, served as a sales agent in the auction being conducted by Alpha Kapital. Isn’t it conflict of interest when your actions or decisions go to benefit people close to you?

  1. Response:

Ms Ceesay had no role whatsoever in the sale of the assets. It makes no sense to attribute the role of a sales agent in a closed bidding process. How does that work in practice? What would be her role in such a process? Sometimes people say things without much reflection. How can there be a sales agent in a closed bidding process? For your further information, this is how the Jammeh assets sale process unfolded at the time, and you decide how else anyone outside could have played any role in this process:

  1. The decision to forfeit and dispose of the assets was based on recommendations made by a legally constituted presidential commission of inquiry (the Janneh commission) established pursuant to the 1997 constitution in order to, inter alia, recover monies misappropriated by Jammeh and his close associates
  2. This recommendation was accepted without reservation by the government through the White Paper issued in reaction to the Janneh commission report as required by the 1997 constitution
  3. Cabinet thoroughly reviewed every sentence on every page of the draft White Paper and extensively deliberated to reach consensus on all recommendations including the forfeiture and disposal of the assets
  4. Every option for the implementation of the assets recovery process was carefully considered including through the possible use of the Assets Management and Recovery Corporation(AMRC) of the government which was ruled out because, in addition to the limitations placed on its jurisdiction in the establishment Act, the AMRC itself was also the subject of inquiry by the Janneh Commission which made specific adverse findings against certain managers of the Corporation who were complicit in Jammeh’s unlawful acquisition of AMRC properties. Therefore, there was an obvious conflict of interest. Furthermore, the Janneh Commission concluded that but for lack of adequate time, it would have inquired further into AMRC activities, and recommended that the government conduct this inquiry
  5. The President thereafter established a Ministerial Committee to supervise the process of sale of the assets on behalf of the government and to handle third party claims over properties as recommended by the Janneh commission
  6. The ministerial committee in turn established a Technical Committee, comprising the solicitor general, and permanent secretaries of the ministries of finance, lands, tourism and agriculture, to review the list of all the assets in the Janneh commission report for various potential usages and make recommendations in a report to the ministerial committee for approval and/or endorsement. A report was prepared and submitted as requested.
  7. The recommendations for sale of any asset made by the technical committee in its report was reviewed, discussed and, where appropriate, approved and/or endorsed by consensus of the ministerial committee comprising the ministers of justice, lands, tourism and agriculture.
  8. These ministries were identified based on the locations of the properties listed in the Janneh commission report and the jurisdiction over land administration in the localities such as the tourism development area, the agricultural farms etc
  9. To maintain the integrity of the process, the minister of finance at the time was excluded from the ministerial committee to avoid a conflict of interest as he was the subject of a specific adverse finding by the Janneh commission and was consequently sanctioned by the government through the White Paper as recommended by the commission.
  10. Nevertheless, the ministry of finance was a critical partner in this national assets recovery process and since the permanent secretary at the ministry of finance at the time was unaffected by the Janneh commission findings, he was included in the technical committee
  11. The sale of any assets was conducted only after these inter-ministerial consultations at both the technical and ministerial levels and only after final approval by consensus of the ministerial committee
  12. A new receiver, Alpha Kapital Advisory, was identified and appointed to replace the previous receiver, Augustus Prom, as recommended by the Janneh commission. The new receiver was thereafter instructed by the Ministerial Committee to proceed with the public auction of properties specifically identified by the Ministerial Committee.
  13. The two successive receivers were locally renowned and internationally recognized, credible, and respected professionals in their field and both were paid the standard industry practice fee of between 5-10% commission, inclusive of taxes and other costs, and based on the various activities to be undertaken. This was also based on a precedent set by the government in the liquidation of the Carnegie company. (See also the Republic article on the offer for sale of the aircrafts by US-based Viridis Aviation Partners).
  14. All the assets were initially valued by government valuers under the instructions of the Janneh commission during its proceedings and the valuation price of each property was reflected in the Janneh commission’s report which is publicly available
  15. A second valuation of the assets was conducted by an independent professional valuer under the instructions of the new receiver
  16. The sale of the assets was thereafter conducted by public auction (in the form of a closed bidding process) as recommended by the Janneh commission and accepted by the government through the White Paper
  17. The higher price of the two different valuations conducted by the Janneh commission and the receiver, respectively, was used as the baseline price for each property sold by public auction, and this basic fact can be established by a simple comparison of the valuation prices of each asset listed in the Janneh commission report and the ultimate sale price of the asset. These facts are easily verifiable.
  18. All the assets sold were advertised in local newspapers or through the website created by the receiver for this sole purpose and in order to attract the most responsive bids locally and internationally
  19. The sealed bids for the sale of the assets were all opened in the office of the solicitor general in the presence of other Ministry officials. I was never present and none of my family members or friends at the time had bought any of the assets.
  20. The receiver submitted periodic reports to the Ministerial Committee on the progress of the sales.

Regarding my relationship with Ms Ceesay, please note that as far back as 2010 (evidence available), I hired and appointed her as my agent to rent out my property situated in Bijilo while I was living and working abroad. She successfully rented out the property to the Resident Rep of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in The Gambia and continued to manage the property on my behalf at an annual fee for her services. This was the start of our professional relationship. She was also acting for other members of my family particularly my brothers and was managing some of our family properties for a fee. She therefore had a historical relationship with my family. This professional relationship continued after I became a Cabinet Minister in 2017. Even though I was now back in the country, I still engaged her services to continue to manage my property.

Sometime around mid 2019, I instructed Ms Ceesay, at a fee, to sell a family property located in Fajara Golf Course. She identified a buyer for the property and negotiated a price which was paid by the purchaser, one Abdou Sanyang (who can be reached by telephone on xxxxxxx phone number was provided to The Republic). The purchaser was represented by the late Bola Carrol. A deed of assignment was duly executed, and a copy can be provided if requested, as well as a copy of the Power of Attorney that was given to Ms Ceesay to execute the sale. By sheer coincidence, this private land sale transaction occurred around the time that the sale of Jammeh’s assets had commenced. The poor lady would have been seen around my office especially in the second half of 2019 when she was helping to facilitate the sale of a private property. As this period also coincided with the sale of the Jammeh assets, it, most likely, must have given rise to the speculations that she was somehow involved in the Jammeh assets sale process whereas this was utterly untrue. It was a mere temporal coincidence between a private land sale and the sale of the Jammeh assets, nothing more.

Regarding my relationship with Mr Alpha Barry, I note that the question you have asked is premised on the assumption that the appointment of Alpha Kapital was done in my personal capacity. That is incorrect. While the MOJ might have been the focal point ministry and had conveyed the appointment of Alpha Kapital, this was done on behalf of the Ministerial Committee which approved the appointment and not in any personal capacity.

In any event, I first met Mr Alpha Barry in my office in 2018 when he came as part of a delegation from the FTI group together with Mr Mustapha Njie of TAF Global and others. If I recall correctly, they had come to discuss about the likelihood of the release of the TDA lands and possible timelines as the FTI group had urgent plans to build a five-star hotel in an appropriate location. I believe that they were referred to me by my ministerial colleagues. Up until this point in time, I had never had any sort of relationship, personal or professional, with Mr Barry, let alone describe the relationship as an acquaintance. Before this first encounter, however, I had heard much about him when he was a senior partner at Deloitte and Touche, a renowned international chartered accountancy firm with a branch in The Gambia. It was only in the course of his work as receiver that Mr Barry and I developed a closer relationship, and this is not an isolated case. In the course of my time in office, I have cultivated many personal relationships with people that I had no previous connections to.

* Republic:

In an appearance before the lawmakers in 2020, you claimed that Alpha Kapital was recommended by the Janneh Commission. We spoke to staff and one commissioner of the Commission. They denied any knowledge of recommending Alpha Kapital to handle sales of the assets of the former president. Did you deliberately misinform the parliament to justify hiring Alpha Kapital?

  1. Response:

I have never for a single moment misinformed the National Assembly on this or any other matters and I believe that you might have misunderstood my statement at the National Assembly. I had clearly said that in accordance with the explicit and specific recommendation of the Janneh Commission, a new receiver, Alpha Kapital, was appointed to replace Augustus Prom. In other words, it was the explicit recommendation of the Janneh Commission to appoint a new receiver and replace Augustus Prom, and that Alpha Kapital was appointed by the government as a result. This was what I had conveyed to the National Assembly. For ease of reference, please find the statement I made before the Assembly in 2020: “In July 2019, based on the recommendation of the Commission, Alpha Kapital Advisory, a reputable local chartered accountancy firm, was appointed to take over from Augustus Prom, another reputable local accountancy firm”.

* Republic:

Alpha Kapital was hired to execute sales of assets and shares in businesses that were forfeited to the state. Don’t you think that a hire for such services should have been done transparently and through mechanisms laid out in the GPPA Act? Would you agree Alpha was hired to RENDER SERVICES to the government which was to reward him millions and should therefore be advertised?

  1. Response:

The appointment of a new receiver, Alpha Kapital, to replace Augustus Prom was an explicit and specific Janneh Commission recommendation directed at the government. It should be noted that in many respects, commissions of inquiry have powers equivalent to that of the high court. In this case, the Janneh Commission limited itself to the recommendation for the appointment of a new receiver by the government which had the constitutional and legal mandate to implement the said recommendation. This gave the government sufficient grounds to identify and appoint a receiver without subjecting this action to another process. Furthermore, due to the special nature of commissions of inquiry, and the implementation actions flowing therefrom, no appointments, including that of commissioners, counsel, or executive secretaries, is advertised even though it could also be argued that they “render a service” in a broad sense. This was the case for appointments to similar positions held in the Janneh Commission. Also, when Augustus Prom was identified by the MOJ to the high court for appointment in the freezing order, no advertisement was done. Similarly, when the Janneh commission appointed Augustus Prom first, and then later, Foresight Accountancy and Audit Partners as temporary receivers for the Ocean Bay and Sunbeach hotels, no advertisements were done. The point here is that given the sensitive nature of assets recovery processes in general, the exercise usually involves a high degree of confidentiality, and more importantly, demands trust in the reputation, integrity and independence of the entity undertaking the recovery process. Consequently, it is difficult to find any jurisdiction around the world where appointments in a national asset recovery process are subjected to public advertisements. Even when the government identified entities abroad to assist with the asset recovery process outside the country, this was not subjected to a public advertisement.

* Republic:

In the sale of the assets of the former president, we noticed that there were a number of assets and shares, amounting to hundreds of millions, that were transactions conducted between the receiver (Alpha Kapital) and the government institutions like Gambia Ports Authority, Social Security, Central Bank, among others. In the light of the fact that these assets and shares could simply be transferred, were these transactions not just meant to generate the receiver money?

  1. Response:

As you know, the government and SOEs are separate legal entities. They are not legally the same entity. Therefore, their respective assets cannot be simply transferred from one to another without a legal process, reason why government sometimes borrows money from SOEs like SSHFC or gives loans to others like NAWEC instead of simply transferring monies. Consequently, the act of simply transferring forfeited assets belonging to the state to these SOEs at zero cost would have been unlawful and would have meant the loss of income for the government. The sale of the assets to the SOE’s was therefore lawful and it was the duty of the receiver to conduct these sales in accordance with their mandate.

*Republic:

In our assessment of the report on the sale of Jammeh’s assets, we realised a property belonging to Bubacarr Sompo Ceesay was sold back to the family for only D150, 000 more than the price Jammeh bought it for 15 years ago. Sales report released by your ministry has shown this property was valued. Wasn’t this property given to the Sompo at a giveaway price, considering Jammeh (through Kanilai Family Farms) bought this through a legitimate transaction of a Judicial sale by the Sheriff of the High Court?

  1. Response:

Here are the facts on this issue:

The Ministerial Committee (see Response 7(5) above) was also mandated by the President to handle pending 3rd party claims to some of the forfeited properties as recommended by the Janneh Commission. Based on this, the Committee divided the 3rd party claims in three broad categories:

  1. Claims which are currently the subject of ongoing litigation at the courts.

 

  1. Claims made by persons whose properties were the subject of a judicial sale by the Sheriff.

 

  • Claims by others who had, on the face of the record, voluntarily sold their properties to former President Jammeh.

 

  • Claims which are currently the subject of ongoing litigation at the courts

This category affected about 18 properties. The category stemmed from claims that President Jammeh forcefully acquired the said properties from their owners. They include 15 properties that originally belonged to Baba K. Jobe and one claimed by Banta Kaira. The Ministerial Committee decided to allow the legal process to continue to its logical end without interference.

 

  • Claims made by persons whose properties were the subject of a judicial sale by the Sheriff

This category affected 4 properties. The category stemmed from complaints by 3 claimants that President Jammeh, with the complicity of the Sheriff’s Division of the High Court at the time, deliberately undervalued their properties with the specific objective of enabling President Jammeh to acquire same below the fair market value at the time. They included the Futurelec building, one property that belonged to Modou Peulh, and two properties that belonged to Baboucar Sompo Ceesay. The Ministerial Committee decided that in order to resolve these third party claims on a win-win basis for all, the claimants should be given the right of first refusal to purchase back the said properties at the same price that was paid by President Jammeh, plus the cost of improvements to the properties, if any, which is to be determined by an independent valuer, and the valuation fees, all of which shall be added to the purchase price of the properties. This decision ensured that this category of properties would have effectively been sold for twice the price that President Jammeh had paid for them, half the price having already been paid by President Jammeh and the other half to be paid by the claimants. Accordingly, Futurelec, Modou Peulh, and Baboucar Sompo Ceesay were offered the opportunity to re-purchase their properties and were given 30 days from the date of notification to do so in one full payment, and that the properties shall only be transferred to their proper names failing which the opportunity will be withdrawn from them. To the best of my knowledge, only one of the two properties was re-purchased by the Sompo Ceesay family on these conditions.

 

  • Claims by others who had, on the face of the record, voluntarily sold their properties to former President Jammeh

This category stemmed from claims by those who, on the face of the record, voluntarily sold their properties to President Jammeh but who were now claiming that the circumstances under which they were made to sell their properties, notwithstanding the appearance of free will, were coercive or made under duress or with threats. The Ministerial Committee was yet to decide on this category of claimants, but it seemed in all likelihood at the time that the claims under this category would be decided on a case-by-case basis depending on the individual circumstances of each case.

  • The Ministerial Committee was also aware that at least in one case, the Janneh Commission had recommended that the claimant, Ms Ida Faal, wife of the late Jobe Dollar, be given an opportunity to purchase back the family property on Kairava Avenue within one year because of the special circumstances of her case. This recommendation was accepted by the Government in its White Paper. The Ministerial Committee had endorsed this approach and Ms Faal was deemed to have been given a period of one year from the date of publication of the Government White Paper to complete payment for the said property failing which the Government reserved the right to take action on it.

* Republic:

A letter we saw suggests this transaction was paid for by Binta, though the property is now in the names of the three children she had with Mr Sompo. Isn’t it the case that she is also an indirect beneficiary of this ‘fire sale’?

  1. Response:

There was no “fire sale”. I refer you to my response above. If a decision was made at the time by the family to put the names of their children on the property, then that is a private matter that I cannot comment on.

Ba

NAWEC, Karpowership End Seven-Year Electricity Deal

By: The Fatu Network Editorial

NAWEC and Karpowership have officially ended their electricity supply agreement, bringing a seven-year partnership to a close.

In a statement released on May 2, NAWEC said, “The National Water and Electricity Company (NAWEC) formally announces the conclusion of its contractual agreement with Karpowership, effective today 2nd May, 2025.”

Karpowership confirmed the contract was not renewed, stating, “As of May 2, 2025, our electricity supply agreement with NAWEC has come to an end, following NAWEC’s decision not to renew the contract.”

NAWEC acknowledged Karpowership’s role since 2018, when it began supplying a large portion of the country’s power needs through its floating power plant. “We sincerely appreciate the dedication, professionalism, and collaboration that Karpowership has demonstrated throughout the years,” NAWEC said.

Karpowership highlighted the scale of its contribution, saying, “At the height of our operations, we supplied up to 40% of the country’s total electricity demand.”

Both parties pointed to a shift in The Gambia’s energy strategy. “As part of The Gambia Energy Road Map 2022–2040, NAWEC is transitioning towards greater energy independence, including the reactivation of its own generators and the continued expansion of sustainable domestic energy sources,” NAWEC explained.

Karpowership also mentioned its wider impact. “We implemented numerous community development initiatives—from in-kind donations to infrastructure enhancements and programs supporting children’s welfare.”

NAWEC assured the public that “measures are in place to minimize disruptions and maintain stable electricity supply during this transition.”

Karpowership said it will conclude its operations in the country by the end of the month, “in full compliance with local regulations,” and added, “It has been an honor to serve the people of The Gambia.”

The company also stated, “We remain open to future collaborations that support the country’s energy ambitions and broader development goals.”

“KMC is One of the Dirtiest Municipalities in Africa” – Information Minister Fires Back at Mayor Bensouda

Written By: Seringe ST Touray

In a rebuttal to claims made by Kanifing Municipal Council (KMC) Mayor Talib Ahmed Bensouda, Information Minister Dr. Ismaila Ceesay launched a scathing critique of the opposition mayor’s leadership and political ambitions during a recent appearance on Peter Gomez’s “Coffee Time” radio program.

Dr. Ceesay did not mince words when addressing what he described as the deplorable sanitation conditions in KMC, declaring it “one of the dirtiest municipalities on the African continent.” When challenged by the host about this characterization, the minister stood firm, saying, “The ones I’ve visited, I found KM to be the dirtiest. And that is a fact.”

The Information Minister cited specific examples, urging listeners to “walk across the street from Senegambia towards Turntable” and visit areas like “Bundung” and “Ebo Town” to witness the conditions firsthand. He further claimed to receive regular complaints about the state of local markets, particularly mentioning “the Tallinding market, Latrikunda market,” where he alleged that “toilets are not even fit for human usage.”

According to Dr. Ceesay, these issues stem from Mayor Bensouda “focusing too much on politics” while ignoring the services he was elected to provide. He accused the mayor of “going around making false statements and misleading the public, which we [the ruling government] think is not good politics.”

When the host suggested that Bensouda had improved waste management compared to his predecessors, Dr. Ceesay firmly disagreed, alleging instead that only a few people, including “some of his [Talib’s] friends and family, are benefiting from the Mbalit project, but not the general populace.” The Mbalit project is a waste management initiative launched by KMC.

The minister also refuted Bensouda’s claims about farmer support, stating that the current government has invested “close to a billion dollars to help farmers.” He detailed specific subsidies, including buying groundnuts at “$38,000 per ton” despite having to resell at “$20,000 per ton,” representing an “$18,000 per ton” subsidy. He also mentioned reducing fertilizer prices from “$2,600” to “$1,150” per bag. “Let farmers speak for themselves. He’s not the advocate for farmers,” Dr. Ceesay stated.

Perhaps most controversially, Dr. Ceesay characterized Bensouda’s suggestion that the president’s re-election would lead to an authoritarian regime as “very disingenuous, dishonest, and tasteless.” He then made the explosive claim that under Bensouda’s United Democratic Party, “the game has been turned into a dynasty” and that it has become “a family business.”

When pressed by the host to substantiate these allegations about a dynasty, Dr. Ceesay refused to provide specific names but maintained that “someone like that, if given a country, will turn this country into a dynasty. It’s going to be a family affair.” He added, “And Gambians are not sleeping.”

The Information Minister concluded by accusing Bensouda of providing “false information” regarding OIC vehicles used by ministers, claiming that the mayor “lied about the cost” and “lied in the comparison with the project vehicles,” asserting that “the specs are not the same” and “the manner in which they were procured is not the same.”

This heated exchange highlights the growing political tensions between the central government and the opposition-led Kanifing Municipality as The Gambia continues its democratic journey. With Mayor Bensouda having previously hinted at ambitions for higher office, and the central government viewing him as a potential political threat, these confrontations may well intensify as the country moves forward.

From Banjul to Berlin: Nyima Jadama Uses Media to Empower Women and Migrants

By: Michaella Faith Wright

Berlin-based TV presenter and media trainer Nyima Jadama is using her voice and platforms to amplify marginalized communities—from her native Gambia to Germany—through compelling storytelling, advocacy, and empowerment.

A Gambian-born journalist, speaker, and trainer, Jadama has become a prominent figure in Berlin’s media scene while staying rooted in her mission to drive social change. Speaking to The Fatu Network, she reflected on how her journey into media was fueled by a deep passion for storytelling and a commitment to giving voice to the voiceless.

“I’ve always believed that our stories matter—that representation is power,” she said. “Media is more than just information; it’s a tool for empowerment and transformation, especially for women, migrants, and young people.”

Jadama began her career as a journalist in The Gambia, where her work focused on truth-telling and women’s empowerment. Now based in Germany, she hosts Nyima’s Bantaba and the Unfiltered Podcast on ALEX Berlin (TV & Radio), where she leads open conversations on migration, integration, gender, and politics.

She is also the founder of the Bantaba Academy for Migrants and Refugees, a media literacy initiative helping newcomers in Berlin gain the skills and confidence to tell their own stories. “I launched the academy because I saw a gap—many migrants wanted to share their realities but lacked the tools to do so effectively,” Jadama explained.

Back home, Jadama leads the #YoMIL Project in The Gambia, training young women in media to challenge gender inequality. She also plays a key role in the Migrant Media Network Gambia, where she has led national campaigns on migration awareness and digital advocacy.

Jadama holds diplomas in Law and Cross Media Communication and is currently pursuing a degree in Media and Communication Management at Macromedia University in Berlin. “Everything I do is driven by purpose,” she said. “If I can use my voice to break barriers, so can you.”

Bridging Generations & Breaking Myths: NYC Dialogue Exposes the Harsh Truth Behind the European Dream

By Alieu Jallow

In a bid to address the growing concern of irregular migration among Gambian youth, the National Youth Council (NYC) convened an intergenerational dialogue on Tuesday, April 29, 2025, that brought together youth leaders, community elders, security personnel, and other key stakeholders.

The forum, held in Gunjur, Kombo South, aimed to foster mutual understanding and collaboration across age groups regarding the root causes and consequences of irregular migration.

The dialogue sought to bridge the generational divide by creating a platform where young people could openly engage with older generations, share experiences, and collectively explore local opportunities to tackle unemployment and other drivers of migration.

Speaking at the event, Omar Bah, Peace, Security, and Justice Officer at the NYC, emphasized the objective of the dialogue as a sensitization effort to better inform youth, stakeholders, and security agencies about the realities of irregular migration and the opportunities that exist within the country.

“The dialogue is very important as it helped to close that gap between the older generation and the youth for people to understand, like this is a concerted effort. Everyone has to put their hands on deck because when it comes to migration, no one in this country can at least tell us that he or she is not affected directly,” he said.

Bah also discussed how similar dialogues held across various regions have helped rebuild trust between the government, communities, and young people, many of whom have grown disillusioned by government efforts due to widespread misconceptions about deportation.

“In all the communities we went to young people, and even the stakeholders have trusted us in any information that we are giving them, because we went with people that have high experience, high knowledge in the subject matter, like we are with an expert from the Gambia Immigration Department under the immigration unit, and also our executive director, who is also discussing some of the opportunities available and we also have other resource persons who are discussing some of the issues that are affecting young people,” he outlined.

The discussions also explored the socio-economic and security impacts of irregular migration. Inspector Lamin Jammeh, a security expert from the Gambia Immigration Department’s Migration Unit, took participants through how trafficking networks prey on desperate youth and highlighted the emotional and financial toll irregular migration imposes on families.

Participants expressed how the insights gained would reshape their perceptions of irregular migration.

Yaya Sowe, District Youth Chairperson of Kombo South, noted the timeliness of the intervention, especially considering Gunjur’s geographical location and the recent migration-related tragedies that have impacted the community. Sowe pledged to use his platforms, both online and through his radio program, to further spread the message.

“As a youth leader and also part of many youth organisations in Kombo South and currently having a radio program at Gunjur Janneh Koto FM, I will use those platforms from Gunjur radio and the youth organisation I’m working with to sensitise people,” he stated.

Amienata Njie, a female representative from Kombo North, clarified that she is not against migration but encouraged young people to take the legal and safer route. She plans to organise a community “bantaba” in her district to extend the conversation locally.

“I will be organising a community Bantaba because I am not a social media type to discuss irregular migration,” she said.

As one of the key outcomes, the NYC pledged to sustain these dialogues nationwide and champion youth-centred, community-driven development models to reduce the allure of risky migration routes.

This intergenerational dialogue represents a significant step forward in addressing The Gambia’s migration crisis through inclusive, locally driven solutions that resonate with both young and old alike.

Kurang Slams PDOIS for Lack of Internal Democracy

By Dawda Baldeh

Alhagie Mamadi Kurang, leader of the opposition movement Youth for Change, has criticised the PDOIS leadership style, accusing the party of lacking internal democracy.

A seasoned teacher and accountant who turned politician, Kurang made these remarks on the show ‘Sunu Reew’ on Eye Africa TV.

He claimed that the party is run by one-man decisions, asserting that others are not allowed to make decisions.

“If you ask me, I will tell you PDOIS is about Halifa. There is no internal democracy in PDOIS because Halifa makes all the decisions,” he said.

Accordingly, Mr. Kurang noted from 2021 to last December that there was no activity because Halifa was in complete hibernation.

“I attended a few press conferences and stopped attending because I didn’t know the arguments. You only sit there for two hours without having a say,” he added.

He acknowledged PDOIS’s contribution to strengthening democracy in the country but slammed the party for not allowing others to make decisions or scrutinise the leadership.

On a possible move for Sallah to contest the 2026 presidential election, Mr. acknowledged that Halifa has every constitutional right to contest, but noted that he should hand over the baton.

Narrating an allegation of internal conflict, Halifa asked if Kurang had ever approached him since joining PDOIS to seek clarity on issues within the party.

“Did you ever come to me to ask about issues within PDOIS?” he asked.

In response, Kurang confirmed he only spoke to Sallah at the party bureau and twice on the phone.

Honourable Sallah also talked about the PDOIS constitution, which he said is accessible to everyone within the party.

Sallah narrated that he was not aware of anyone fearing to speak about the party.

Noting that such allegations are new to him. He added: “Everyone in PDOIS is equal.”

Responding to questions on allegations that only Halifa and Sedia speak on behalf of the party, Sallah responded, “the central committee has no power to choose a presidential candidate, National Assembly, councillor or any other position.”

Halifa noted that his party is committed to preparing young people to take leadership positions, indicating that in the past parliamentary and councillor elections, all their candidates were below 35 years, but Mr. Kurang challenged this statement.

“I’m a National Assembly contestant for the party, and since the election, no one has sent me a message. I met a contestant in Nuimi who told me that he left PDOIS because after losing the election, no one even bothered to text him,” Kurang said.

The leadership of the party refuses to organise any activity, and for those of us on the ground, any activity we organise they will say is not the story of PDOIS.

“PDOIS will say they have women and youth representatives, but where are those activities since 2021? In the West Coast, the coordinator resigned, and for two years, there was a push and pull to replace him. But this was a problem, and it ended with a meeting at the Bureau,” he added.

For Mr. Kurang, Halifa is the leader and the spokesperson who has the final say in everything within the party.

Kurang revealed that he once went to the PDOIS bureau for a meeting, and he was embarrassed by the PDOIS secretary, who stopped him at the gate.

“The systemic humiliation of people who disagreed with the PDOIS leadership is evident. Honourable Sallah make laws and changes laws at his will,” Kurang responded.

According to him, PDOIS has good policies, but the administration is very weak and run by one man.

“Since I joined PDOIS in 2021, every year we talked about the resolution of the member register for a petty is that 40 years old,” he revealed

Kurang stated that he listened to Halifa talking about the weakness of the agricultural sector.

“PDOIS is operating like the agricultural sector in the country.

The secretary-general has an invisible hand that makes all decisions,” he explained.

Kurang told the panel that after the 2021 parliamentary election, most of the PDOIS contestants were frustrated with the way they were treated.

In response, Halifa denied the allegations and challenged Mr. Kurang or any other PDOIS member to show evidence.

“Touch Traoré, and You Touch Africa”: GAP Leader Demands Protection for Burkina Faso’s President

By Dawda Baldeh

As Western powers ramp up criticism of Burkina Faso’s military leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré—accusing him of exploiting the country’s gold reserves at the expense of its citizens—an Africa-wide movement is emerging in defense of the embattled leader.

Captain Traoré, who rose to power in 2022 through a military coup, is being hailed by supporters as a transformative figure despite surviving multiple assassination attempts. Now, amid growing tensions, the Gambia Action Party (GAP) has joined those calling for his protection.

Musa Ousainou Yali Batchilly, GAP’s leader, urged African leaders and citizens alike to rally around Traoré in the face of what he described as increasing Western hostility.

“To all the lovers of Africa, and every genuine son and daughter of the soil, this is your call to rise,” Batchilly declared. “Captain Ibrahim Traoré, the youngest president in the world and a true revolutionary in the spirit of Thomas Sankara, is under attack.”

Batchilly argued that Traoré is being targeted by Western powers for championing a vision of Africa free from neocolonial control.

“His only crime,” he said, “is rejecting the chains of Western domination and demanding dignity for his people. For that, he is now in the crosshairs of those same foreign powers that have long orchestrated coups, assassinations, and destabilization across our continent.”

The GAP leader’s remarks come as some Gambians prepare to protest perceived foreign interference in Burkina Faso’s affairs. Batchilly criticized France and the United States for supporting regimes he claims are aligned with foreign interests, while leaders like Traoré face pressure for asserting independence.

“France and America continue to prop up puppet leaders who kneel to foreign interests while their people suffer in poverty and despair. But Traoré is not one of them. He speaks truth to power and dares to chart a new course. That is what makes him a threat to the enemies of African progress.”

He warned that Africans will not idly watch another leader be toppled for defying imperialist agendas.

“We will not stand by as another visionary is silenced or overthrown to appease foreign powers. The time has come for patriots, Pan-Africanists, and freedom fighters to stand united.”

According to Batchilly, defending leaders like Traoré is essential to protecting Africa’s sovereignty. He called on citizens across the continent to show solidarity through peaceful mobilization.

“From Dakar to Dar es Salaam, from Lagos to Lusaka—rise for Traoré. This is not just about Burkina Faso. This is about the future of Africa.”

He also called on institutions including the African Union, ECOWAS, civil society, students, and activists to rally behind Traoré.

“Organize peaceful protests, raise your voices online, and send a clear message: Touch Traoré, and you touch Africa. Harm him, and you awaken the wrath of a billion hearts.”

Batchilly concluded by invoking the legacy of African icons like Thomas Sankara, Patrice Lumumba, and Kwame Nkrumah, saying Traoré stands in their revolutionary tradition.

“Captain Traoré is not alone,” he said. “He is carried by the spirits of those who dreamed of an Africa that governs itself—with pride, purpose, and power.”

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