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Attila LAJOS says no country wishes to keep criminals on its territory – as he reveals ‘significant’ number of Gambians deported actually broke law

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By Lamin Njie

EU ambassador to The Gambia Attila LAJOS has said no country in the world wishes to keep criminals on its territory, as he revealed many migrants in EU countries are involved in semi-illegal or illegal activities.

Mr LAJOS in an exclusive interview with The Fatu Network was however quick to drop the disclaimer he doesn’t in any way mean Gambians are criminals.

The EU chief diplomat said: “Many of the migrants are involved in semi-illegal or illegal activities, and that’s also something we want to avoid. Our aim is to make sure that migration is channeled in a legally okay manner; therefore, a kind input of a large number immigrants will not pose a strain on the national social welfare system of the given country. And at the end of the day, it is in the interest of both sides, if a country needs labour force, here comes possible legal migration but as long as it is kept in a manageable manner.

“That’s what we are agitating for and it’s obviously something different react in a different way. I do believe we also have to agree… What is also a common stance among the UN member states that it’s every country’s responsibility to receive back its citizens if they are not legally settled in a foreign country and I think this is where we will have to find a balance.

“If you look at the numbers, no surprise that less than 10 percent of these voluntary returnees, 5000 has been brought back. and this is also because the European Union didn’t intend to break the very fragile social balance in The Gambia. Does The Gambia have jobs for the millions of Gambians returning home? No.And that is one of the reasons why there were no mass deportation.

“Some media reported about it. It’s factually not true. The number of 100s, quite a number of them were actually coming out of prison. Of course no country in the world wishes to keep criminals on its territory. Don’t get me wrong. Please with all due respect, am not saying Gambians are criminals. What I am saying is that those who were returned, a significant number of them actually broke the law therefore they were repatriated, deported.

“But once again this is an issue which we need continuous dialogue even if the two sides may have different views and concerns. Let me also underline when we negogiated this migration management including return operations – a few months later, I’m talking about last year, the Gambian government announced a moratorium which the European Union accepted and respected.”

President Barrow gets updated of consultation that took place between his office and Kombo Yiriwa Kafo over Kombo land crises

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President Barrow has been updated on the outcome of the consultation processes to address the land conflicts and disputes in the Kombos, which took place between his Office and representatives of Kombo Yiriwa Kafo, a Civil Society Association established to promote the development of the Kombos and its people, according to State House on Friday.

Kombo Yiriwa Kafo had earlier this month written to President Adama Barrow to ‘draw his attention’ to the ‘many’ land disputes in the Kombo part of the country.

“The issue of land matters has been simmering in the Kombo area for a quite a while now with little or no policy decision to resolve the situation,” the Alhagie Conteh-led group told President Barrow in their letter.

State House said on Friday the president has been updated on the ‘consultation processes’ which took place between his office and the group.

“The objectives of the consultations are to bring peaceful resolution to the land disputes in the Kombos by exhausting all legal procedures to ensure justice prevails,” State House said in a statement.

Breaking: Grade nine students to return to school finally as education ministry appoints date

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Basic and Secondary Education Minister Claudiana Cole has announced students in grade nine will return to school on Wednesday June 24.

“…I hereby have the singular honour to inform all school authorities, staff, parents and students in particular, and the general public that the re-opening of schools for the Grade 9 Students is scheduled for Wednesday, 24TH June, 2020, and that of grade 12s would be announced in due course. As such, all the other categories of students are urged to stay at home until further notice,” the education minister said in a statement on Friday.

It comes as the education minister revealed the coronavirus pandemic has caused the country to lose over 250 instructional hours with over half a million school-going children affected.

Cole said: “Everyone would agree with me that the pandemic has brought a lot of trauma and uncertainty to all of us either as individuals, a sector, nation, or a world. This is so because it has affected every sector of our society especially the Education sector.

“In Gambia for example, it has directly affected about 674,300 children in Conventional and recognized Madrassahs schools from Early Childhood Development to Senior Secondary School, and resulting to an estimated loss of 265 instructional hours during the last 87 days of school closure thus seriously threatening the achievement of the annual target of 880 hours of instruction.”

Lamin J Darbo slams Court of Appeal’s ruling as ‘shockingly erroneous’

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Top lawyer Lamin J Darbo has said the Gambia Court of Appeal was wrong in granting MA Kharafi’s stay of execution prayer against the attorney general.

The Gambia Court of Appeal on June 1 ruled that a commission of inquiry was not an adjudicatory body prompting the justice ministry to abandon the sale of assets stemming from the Janneh Commission. It included MA Kharafi’s assets.

Lawyer Lamin J Darbo has now stated his mind on the appellate court’s ruling.

He wrote on Thursday:

“If it can dance, M. A. Kharafi & Sons Limited (the Applicant) may be raucously performing the Rumba at the shockingly erroneous ruling of the Gambia Court of Appeal (GCA) in its case against the Attorney General, the formal custodian of cases against the State.

“In M. A. Kharafi & Sons Limited v. The Attorney General, Civil Appeal No: GCA 046/2019 (Kharafi), an appeal emanating from the ‘Commission of Inquiry into the Financial Activities of Public Bodies, Enterprises and Offices as Regards their Dealings with Former President Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh and Connected Matters’ (the Janneh Commission), the GCA dismissed an application for stay of execution but in the process, and rather incomprehensibly, effectively decided the substantive appeal in favour of the Applicant.

“The ruling defies explicit Constitutional provisions, reduces Commissions of Inquiry to nothingness, and arrogates to the GCA powers it does not and can never have.

“Affected by ‘adverse findings and recommendations’ by the Janneh Commission, the Applicant was duly notified as required by law. It caused a Notice of Appeal to be filed at the GCA against the adverse findings that it must pay ‘USD2,367,426 to Government plus interest at 5% per annum from 30 June 2004 to 29 March 2019. After payment of its said liability Kharafi’s said lease over Kairaba is to remain unchallengeable’.

“To forestall any possibility of the Government executing, the Applicant filed a stay, that is, an order prohibiting the Government from selling its assets in fulfilment of adverse findings against it pending the determination of the appeal.

“Both sides filed and adopted written arguments on the issues at play as they understood them.

“But the GCA had other ideas. In its own words, ‘after the said briefs were adopted and the matter set for ruling, the court on its own accord, bearing in mind the legal issues thrown up by the motion for stay of execution, identified two main issues and in accordance with the law and practice of the Court, invited Counsels on both sides to file briefs or argument in relation to those supplementary issues’.

“The GCA ordered briefs thus, ‘Whether the adverse findings or recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry can, as a matter of law, be executed with or without a Government White Paper and whether or not a Government White Paper is a legal instrument’.

“Whether an application for stay of execution of the adverse findings and recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry should come to the Court of Appeal as an original as opposed to a repeat application in view of Sections 202(2) and 204 of the Constitution and Rule 32 of the Rules of this Court.

“On Issue 1, the Applicant accepts adverse findings can be executed with or without a White Paper, a Government notice and public announcement not of a legislative character that conveys the Government position on the findings and recommendations by a Commission.

“For the State, adverse findings cannot be executed without a White Paper as Commission proceedings are merely investigatory and treated as judgment only for the purpose of appeal.

“Effectively, both sides agree that adverse findings against the Applicant can be executed as Government released a White Paper on the Janneh Commission report. The unsuspecting counsel were about to be treated to a most elaborate interlocutory show at the GCA.

“In his ‘own analysis and conclusion on the first issue set out by the Court’, Honourable Justice O. M. M. Njie, Justice of Appeal (Justice Njie) asserts, ‘let me at the onset state that because of the legal requirements that need to be met for an application for stay of execution to be granted, it is imperative that the court resolves the first issue it set out to see whether it is actually necessary to deal with the substantive application for stay of execution itself.

“‘It can clearly be seen from the Notice of Adverse Findings before the Court that what the applicants are seeking a stay of execution of, is the recommendations (albeit strong ones) of the said Commission of Inquiry. It was precisely for that reason that the court itself asked the question whether the adverse findings or recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry can, as a matter of law, be executed, with or without a Government White Paper. The Court posed that question because ordinarily it is judgments or orders of a Court of law that can, as a matter of law, be executed’.

“Undoubtedly, the question embodies its answer.

“In addressing the authorities relied on by the Applicant, Justice Njie states that ‘… all the said cases … together with the principles enunciated therein, are cases dealing with stay of execution of Court orders or judgments and not with stay of execution of the adverse findings or recommendations of Commissions of Inquiry’.

“The GCA also said the Sheriff only ‘… enforces judgements or orders of court …’ and ‘… as far as execution and stay of execution are concerned, the law, both in this country and in England refer only to judgments and orders and nothing else. Now, are the adverse findings or recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry under our laws judgments or orders? I do not think so’.

“Placing reliance on Section 202 (1) of the Constitution, Section 7 of the Commission of Inquiry Act, as well as on his questionable of a Supreme Court pronouncement in Feryale Ghanem v Attorney General, Civil Suit No. SC: 001/2018, Justice Njie again, ‘Iit is therefore clear from the said provisions of the Constitution and the Commission of Inquiry Act, and the said dictum of His Lordship the Chief Justice that a Commission of Inquiry does not adjudicate between the State and a person who appears before it but that it carries out an investigation into the issues and matter that are within its terms of reference as per the legal instrument that established it. Its report, submitted to the Executive Branch of government, is neither a judgment nor an order which is capable in itself of being executed as perceived by the law’.

“In the circumstances, ‘… what a Commission of Inquiry comes up with at the end of its legal mandate is that it makes findings and recommendations that are subject to the approval of the Government of the day. Thus a Commission of Inquiry does not and legally cannot render a judgment or a final order. In other words, a Commission of Inquiry cannot legally render a binding decision which may be executed or enforced as if it were a judgment or order’.

“Now at the very cusp of forbidden territory, Justice Njie’s definitive assertion puts him within striking distance of assaulting the Constitution.

“But he backtracks nimbly and placed reliance on 120(2) of the Constitution that ‘the judicial power of The Gambia is vested in the Courts and shall be exercised by them according to the respective jurisdictions conferred on them by law’.

“Unsure of his footing, the Justice of Appeal acknowledges section 204(2) of the Constitution, ‘a person against whom any such adverse finding has been made may appeal against such adverse finding to the Court of Appeal as of right as if the finding were a judgment of the High Court; and on hearing of the appeal the report shall be treated as if it were such a judgment’.

“A ‘Judgment’ of the High Court!

“And what did Justice Njie say on that specific point? In the super-heavy words of a Justice of Appeal, ‘… as far as execution and stay of execution are concerned, the law, both in this country and in England refer only to judgments and orders and nothing else. But in very clear terms, section 204(2) of the Constitution categorically says that an adverse finding should be treated as if it “… were a judgment of the High Court…’.

“Where the Constitution speaks even the royal standing of the GCA counts for nothing!

“Driving home the point, what if the GCA upheld a Commission of Inquiry! Can it enforce an adverse finding? Clearly the implicit jurisdictional interposition propounded in Kharafi by Justice Njie runs counter to the explicit command of section 204(2) of the Constitution.

“Running through the long winded ruling on a simple stay application is the assertion that a Commission of Inquiry has no jurisdiction, no mandate whatsoever to issue binding and legally enforceable adverse findings and or recommendations.

“The logical corollary is to ask why it is vested with the Constitutional authority to issue adverse findings and or recommendations.

“To what end would it be vested with the authority of a High Court Judge.

“To what end would its report be equivalent to a High Court Judgment.

“Without question, the Constitution created a special arena in a Commission of Enquiry. The rule of law principle implicated in this special dispensation are not competently if at all ventilated by Justice Njie and his ruling pretends to powers no court in The Gambia can have, i.e., the legal authority to nullify a Constitutional provision.

“Even if the Supreme Court said in Feryale Ghanem that ‘… a Commission of Inquiry being a creature of the executive is not an adjudicatory body …’ the intrinsic principles enunciated in the case are either imperfectly understood or wrongly applied by Justice Njie.

“I merely state that in appropriate circumstances, Commission of Inquiry adverse findings continue to be upheld by the Supreme Court.

“In addition, the idea that a Commission of Inquiry is ‘a creature of the executive’ is a questionable principle, a dubious argument. A Commission of Inquiry is a creature of the Constitution just like the office of Judge. The Executive appoints both. Are Judges, and nominated members of the National Assembly ‘creatures of the executive’?

‘I’m not a rebel’: Abdou Njie laughs at claims he’s a rebel – as he looks back at his flopped protest

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By Lamin Njie

The chairman of the banned Three Years Jotna group has laughed at claims he’s a rebel, as he looked back at his failed campaign against President Adama Barrow’s rule.

Three Years Jotna last year dominated the headlines amid its sustained campaign for President Barrow to leave power, pinning it on a three years deal the Gambian leader had agreed to.

In December last year, the group protested for President President to resign the following month.

The group took to the streets a second time last January but the protested foundered spectacularly after police cracked down on the protesters. The group was later banned.

The chairman of the group Abdou Njie looking back at the events insisted they’d achieved their objective: to destroy President Barrow politically.

“We had achieved our aim and that’s to destroy Adama and we have done that,” Mr Njie told The Fatu Network on Thursday.

On claims he’s a rebel leading a rebel movement, he said laughing: “Anyone who knows me knows that I’m not a rebel.”

Mamadou Tangara heaps praise on China as more China coronavirus aid arrives

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Dr Mamadou Tangara on Wednesday evening signed an exchange note of medical supplies donated to the Government of The Gambia, the foreign ministry said in a statement.

The foreign minister received the donated items from the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China, Ma Jianchun, at a ceremony held at the Banjul International Airport.

Foreign Minister Tangara in turn handed over the items to the Health Minister, Dr. Ahmadou Lamin Samateh.

The donated items include 10,032 Covid -19 test kits, 10,000 protective face masks for medical use, 100,000 surgical face masks, 5,000 disposable protective clothing, 3,000 disposable medical goggles, 3,000 disposable surgical gloves and 3,000 disposable shoe covers.

Minister Tangara indicated that the donation which was the second of its kind from the Government of the People’s Republic of China demonstrated that China and The Gambia are not only friends but partners.

“China has yet again shown that it is indeed committed to building a community with shared future for mankind and as always, is acting as a responsible country in joining hands with the rest of the world to curb the spread of the virus and eventually defeat COVID -19,” he added.

In handing over the medical supplies, the Chinese Ambassador Ma Jianchun indicated that the gesture demonstrated China’s sincere care for The Gambia and the cordial friendship between the two countries.

Top State Department official resigns in protest of Trump’s response to racial tensions in the country

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A senior State Department official who has served in the Trump administration since its first day is resigning over President Trump’s recent handling of racial tensions across the country — saying that the president’s actions “cut sharply against my core values and convictions.”

Mary Elizabeth Taylor, the assistant secretary of state for legislative affairs, submitted her resignation on Thursday. Taylor’s five-paragraph resignation letter, obtained by The Washington Post, serves as an indictment of Trump’s stewardship at a time of national unrest from one of the administration’s highest ranking African Americans and an aide who was viewed as both loyal and effective in serving his presidency.

“Moments of upheaval can change you, shift the trajectory of your life, and mold your character. The President’s comments and actions surrounding racial injustice and Black Americans cut sharply against my core values and convictions,” Taylor wrote in her resignation letter to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. “I must follow the dictates of my conscience and resign as Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs.”

Taylor, 30, was unanimously confirmed to her position in October 2018 and is the youngest assistant secretary of state for legislative affairs in history and the first black woman to serve in that post.

She has been a pivotal behind-the-scenes figure in the administration. Tapped for her legislative expertise and strong relationship with senators due to her work for Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), Taylor served as the White House’s deputy director for nominations before joining the State Department.

In her White House role, she helped shepherd more than 400 presidential appointments through the Senate, including those of Supreme Court Justice Neil M. Gorsuch, CIA director Gina Haspel, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome H. Powell and Pompeo.

Taylor’s decision to leave the administration amid the racial tensions flaring nationwide appears to be the first high-profile resignation made in protest of the president’s actions that has been made public. One member of the Defense Science Board, James N. Miller, submitted his resignation to Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper shortly after Trump’s controversial photo op in Lafayette Square, but he was a former Obama administration official who had served on the committee that advises the Pentagon on science issues since 2014.

In contrast, Taylor was viewed as a loyal member of the administration and is a lifelong member of the Republican Party. The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Gorsuch administered Taylor’s oath of office at her swearing-in ceremony in December 2018 at the State Department. In her position as assistant secretary of state, Taylor served as Pompeo’s chief liaison to Capitol Hill.

“I am deeply grateful to you, Mr. Secretary, for empowering me to lead this team and strategically advise you over these last two years,” Taylor wrote in the resignation letter she submitted to Pompeo. “You have shown grace and respect in listening to my opinions, and your remarkable leadership have made me a better leader and team member. I appreciate that you understand my strong loyalty to my personal convictions and values, particularly in light of recent events.”

Before joining the administration, Taylor was an aide to McConnell where she worked as a member of his cloakroom staff helping oversee legislative debates on the floor. She comes from a family with a history of public service; her mother, Kristin Clark Taylor, served as the White House’s director of media relations under President George H.W. Bush and was the first black woman to hold that job.

“Leader McConnell appreciates Mary Elizabeth’s service to the Republican Conference and our nation,” David Popp, a spokesman for McConnell, said Thursday.

Taylor sat in on an Oval Office meeting between Trump and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), the Senate’s lone black Republican, in the aftermath of the deadly white supremacist rally in Charlottesville in August 2017. Trump drew widespread rebukes for his comment that there were “very fine people on both sides” of the rally.

During that meeting, Scott, who leads one of the most diverse staffs in the Senate, implored the president — who had very little racial diversity on his staff — to appoint more people like Taylor to the White House, according to an Axios report at the time.

Since the killing of George Floyd, an unarmed black man, by Minneapolis police last month, Trump has struggled to play the role of conciliator at a time of protests and civil unrest across the country over the plight of black Americans and the nation’s legacy of racism.

The White House has come under heavy criticism after federal authorities forcefully swept away peaceful demonstrators protesting Floyd’s death at Lafayette Square Park across the street from the White House. This cleared a path for Trump to walk several hundred yards to the iconic St. John’s Church where he held up a bible and posed for photographs. The White House has denied the protesters were removed so the president could hold a photo op.

As protests began to break out in Minneapolis, Trump tweeted “when the looting starts, the shooting starts” — a phrase associated police tactics used against protesters during the civil rights era.

His campaign also scheduled Trump’s first rally in months on June 19, the Juneteenth holiday that marks the end of slavery in the United States, in Tulsa — the site of a deadly race massacre in 1921. In a Wall Street Journal interview published Thursday, Trump claimed that “nobody had ever heard of” Juneteenth until he popularized it and moved the rally after learning what the day signified from black associates.

“I did something good. I made it famous. I made Juneteenth very famous. It’s actually an important event, it’s an important time,” he told the Journal. “But nobody had heard of it. Very few people have heard of it. Actually, a young African American Secret Service agent knew what it was. I had political people who had no idea.”

Trump has also insisted on keeping military bases named after Confederate military figures, even as his own defense leaders and Republican senators on Capitol Hill signal openness to changing the names amid calls that it is racist to honor leaders who fought to defend slavery.

On June 3, Taylor sent a message to her team of roughly 60 State Department employees, acknowledging that in the aftermath of Floyd’s death that her heart “is broken, in a way from which I’ve had to heal it countless times.”

“George Floyd’s horrific murder and the recent deaths of other Black Americans have shaken our nation at its core. Every time we witness these heinous, murderous events, we are reminded that our country’s wounds run deep and remain untreated,” Taylor wrote in her note, also obtained by The Post. “For our team members who are hurting right now, please know you are not alone. You are seen, recognized, heard, and supported. I am right here with you.”

Washington Post

Two women aged 24 and 26 take Gambia’s coronavirus cases to 36 as they test positive for disease

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Two people have tested positive for coronavirus, bringing the total number of cases of the disease to 36.

Cases 35 and 36 are respectively 24 and 26 year old female Gambians who recently returned to the country from Senegal and were both intercepted at the Amdalai Border Post, the ministry of health said in a report on Thursday.

They were quarantined on 15 June.

‘We have forgiven him’: Kanifing Estate people say they accept Baba Leigh’s apology

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By Fatou Camara

The people of Kanifing Estate have said they have accepted the apology of their Imam, Baba Leigh.

Baba Leigh faced huge criticism following the National Human Rights Commissions recommendation for government to ensure homosexuals in the country are protected.

The people who pray behind the imam have chipped in after the imam made an audio where he apologised for confusing the Quran for a hadith.

Elder Ababacarr Leigh said: “No human is perfect. It is a good thing to commit a mistake and rectify it. What is bad is committing a mistake and sitting on it.

“We should all know that the Imam had commtted a mistake, he came out and rectified himself therefore, we should all forget a out the past and recognise that because we all want Allah to forgive us our sins.”

Sering Samateh said: “I moved to Kanifing since 1995 and I had always known Imam Baba Leigh to be truthful and honest.

“We all seen what he had been through during the former regime, he was the only Imam that spoke against the dealings of the former president. I argued with most people telling them that Imam Baba Leigh is not a supporter of LGBT today , tomorrow or next tomorrow.”

Towards Independent Media Regulation in The Gambia

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By Sulayman Bokar Bah

The provision for the establishment of an independent media regulator is consistent with best standards of international practice. Example of countries that adopt an independent approach to broadcast media regulation includes UK, US, and in West Africa are Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone.

Its principal concept is for the media to be free from direct government control through regulation. Therefore, it is a question of considerable importance to understand what the draft constitution provides for on media regulation in The Gambia. Section 47(6) of the Final Draft Constitution states that an Act of the National Assembly may establish an independent regulator with responsibility for:

(a) regulating the provision of broadcasting and communications services in the public interest;  (b) ensuring fairness and diversity of opinion;  (c) awarding licences in a fair and transparent manner;  (d) the equitable allocation of frequencies and regulation of related matters between private and public broadcasters; and  (e) setting media standards, and regulating and monitoring compliance with those standards.

Here, the constitution permits for the establishment of an independent regulator for broadcast media and other communication providers by an act of parliament. Therefore, the authority for the establishment of an independent regulator is vested in the National Assembly. This is similar to the system of statutory regulation for the broadcast media in the United Kingdom, where television and commercial radio broadcasters are regulated by an independent body called Office of Communications (Ofcom).

Therefore, it is important to understand the nature of an independent statutory regulatory body. In short, an independent regulatory body is backed by law and independent from direct State control. However, there can be concerns of government interference particularly if members of the authority are appointed by a government minister.

I believe that the establishment of an independent regulator would mean a total departure from the existing system of regulation under the Public Utilities Regulatory Authority (PURA). The authority was set up under the PURA Act 2001 to enforce the Information and Communication Act 2009 that providesto restructure, develop and regulate Gambia`s information and communication sector.

The two legislations provides for direct government control of the broadcast media, as radio and television licensing applications are made through PURA, which advises the Minister of Information for the issuance of licenses. Additionally, the Information and Communication Act 2009 confers powers to the Minister to renew, revoke or suspend a broadcasting license. This system of direct government regulation has several disadvantages to media freedom such as the suppression of independent and critical journalism.

I argue that an independent regulatory approach is more suitable for protecting media freedom. It also brings along several benefits, including freedom diversity of views and media pluralism. A statutory independent regulator would also have powers that are legally binding, and can impose penalties including fines, or suspension from broadcast or publication. Moreover, under section 47(6) of the final draft, the responsibilities of the independent regulator can be broken into two constituent parts, which are economic and programming content. Firstly, the independent regulator determines who owns a broadcaster to benefit from the business of journalism. Secondly, it monitors programming content to ensure that broadcasters serve the common interest of society, and can reprimand them for inflammatory or defamatory programmes, political biases, indecent and profane content. Finally, it is my view that the draft constitution provision for the establishment of an independent regulator is a standard approach to balancing media rights and responsibilities, with a view to promoting pluralism and best standards of practice.

 

‘It’s grandstanding on his part’: UDP spokesman declares it’s ‘ridiculous’ for Sheriffo Sonko to ask UDP top brass to resign.

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By Lamin Njie

Sheriffo Sonko is engaging in another grandstanding by calling on the leadership of UDP to resign, spokesman Almami Taal has said.

The Brikama Area Council chairman took his maverick stance against UDP to a whole new level on Thursday after he asked the party’s top brass led by leader Ousainou Darboe to resign.

The request by Mr Sonko was contained in a letter sent to the party on Thursday but UDP spokesman Almami Taal said they did not receive any letter by the deadline they handed Sonko.

“Our letter which was sent last week gave the deadline to yesterday. So obviously he’s out of time as far as the party procedures are concerned. So his letter is of no effect, it’s a nullity. It’s just another grandstanding on his part,” Taal said.

On Sonko’s request for the UDP leadership to resign, Taal shot back: “When people are engaged in fantasies, Mr Sonko is quite in the state of delusion. I don’t know what is the basis of his request for that… It’s so ridiculous.”

Nullifying a Constitutional provision: why the Court of Appeal is wrong in Kharafi

If it can dance, M. A. Kharafi & Sons Limited (the Applicant) may be raucously performing the Rumba at the shockingly erroneous ruling of the Gambia Court of Appeal (GCA) in its case against the Attorney General, the formal custodian of cases against the State.

In M. A. Kharafi & Sons Limited v. The Attorney General, Civil Appeal No: GCA 046/2019 (Kharafi), an appeal emanating from the “Commission of Inquiry into the Financial Activities of Public Bodies, Enterprises and Offices as Regards their Dealings with Former President Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh and Connected Matters” (the Janneh Commission), the GCA dismissed an application for stay of execution but in the process, and rather incomprehensibly, effectively decided the substantive appeal in favour of the Applicant.

The ruling defies explicit Constitutional provisions, reduces Commissions of Inquiry to nothingness, and arrogates to the GCA powers it does not and can never have.

Affected by “adverse findings and recommendations” by the Janneh Commission, the Applicant was duly notified as required by law. It caused a Notice of Appeal to be filed at the GCA against the adverse findings that it must pay “USD2,367,426 to Government plus interest at 5% per annum from 30 June 2004 to 29 March 2019. After payment of its said liability Kharafi’s said lease over Kairaba is to remain unchallengeable”.

To forestall any possibility of the Government executing, the Applicant filed a stay, that is, an order prohibiting the Government from selling its assets in fulfilment of adverse findings against it pending the determination of the appeal.

Both sides filed and adopted written arguments on the issues at play as they understood them.

But the GCA had other ideas. In its own words:-

“After the said briefs were adopted and the matter set for ruling, the court on its own accord, bearing in mind the legal issues thrown up by the motion for stay of execution, identified two main issues and in accordance with the law and practice of the Court, invited Counsels on both sides to file briefs or argument in relation to those supplementary issues”.

The GCA ordered briefs thus:-

“Whether the adverse findings or recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry can, as a matter of law, be executed with or without a Government White Paper and whether or not a Government White Paper is a legal instrument”.

“Whether an application for stay of execution of the adverse findings and recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry should come to the Court of Appeal as an original as opposed to a repeat application in view of Sections 202(2) and 204 of the Constitution and Rule 32 of the Rules of this Court”.

On Issue 1, the Applicant accepts adverse findings can be executed with or without a White Paper, a Government notice and public announcement not of a legislative character that conveys the Government position on the findings and recommendations by a Commission.
For the State, adverse findings cannot be executed without a White Paper as Commission proceedings are merely investigatory and treated as judgment only for the purpose of appeal.

Effectively, both sides agree that adverse findings against the Applicant can be executed as Government released a White Paper on the Janneh Commission report. The unsuspecting counsel were about to be treated to a most elaborate interlocutory show at the GCA.
In his “own analysis and conclusion on the first issue set out by the Court”, Honourable Justice O. M. M. Njie, Justice of Appeal (Justice Njie) asserts:

“Let me at the onset state that because of the legal requirements that need to be met for an application for stay of execution to be granted, it is imperative that the court resolves the first issue it set out to see whether it is actually necessary to deal with the substantive application for stay of execution itself.

It can clearly be seen from the Notice of Adverse Findings before the Court that what the applicants are seeking a stay of execution of, is the recommendations (albeit strong ones) of the said Commission of Inquiry. It was precisely for that reason that the court itself asked the question whether the adverse findings or recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry can, as a matter of law, be executed, with or without a Government White Paper.
The Court posed that question because ordinarily it is judgments or orders of a Court of law that can, as a matter of law, be executed”.

Undoubtedly, the question embodies its answer.

In addressing the authorities relied on by the Applicant, Justice Njie states that “… all the said cases … together with the principles enunciated therein, are cases dealing with stay of execution of Court orders or judgments and not with stay of execution of the adverse findings or recommendations of Commissions of Inquiry”.

The GCA also said the Sheriff only “… enforces judgements or orders of court …” and “… as far as execution and stay of execution are concerned, the law, both in this country and in England refer only to judgments and orders and nothing else.

Now, are the adverse findings or recommendations of a Commission of Inquiry under our laws judgments or orders? I do not think so”.

Placing reliance on Section 202 (1) of the Constitution, Section 7 of the Commission of Inquiry Act, as well as on his questionable of a Supreme Court pronouncement in Feryale Ghanem v Attorney General, Civil Suit No. SC: 001/2018, Justice Njie again:-

“It is therefore clear from the said provisions of the Constitution and the Commission of Inquiry Act, and the said dictum of His Lordship the Chief Justice that a Commission of Inquiry does not adjudicate between the State and a person who appears before it but that it carries out an investigation into the issues and matter that are within its terms of reference as per the legal instrument that established it. Its report, submitted to the Executive Branch of government, is neither a judgment nor an order which is capable in itself of being executed as perceived by the law”.

In the circumstances, “… what a Commission of Inquiry comes up with at the end of its legal mandate is that it makes findings and recommendations that are subject to the approval of the Government of the day. Thus a Commission of Inquiry does not and legally cannot render a judgment or a final order. In other words, a Commission of Inquiry cannot legally render a binding decision which may be executed or enforced as if it were a judgment or order”.

Now at the very cusp of forbidden territory, Justice Njie’s definitive assertion puts him within striking distance of assaulting the Constitution.

But he backtracks nimbly and placed reliance on 120(2) of the Constitution that “the judicial power of The Gambia is vested in the Courts and shall be exercised by them according to the respective jurisdictions conferred on them by law”.

Unsure of his footing, the Justice of Appeal acknowledges section 204(2) of the Constitution:

“A person against whom any such adverse finding has been made may appeal against such adverse finding to the Court of Appeal as of right as if the finding were a judgment of the High Court; and on hearing of the appeal the report shall be treated as if it were such a judgment”.

A “Judgment” of the High Court!

And what did Justice Njie say on that specific point? In the super-heavy words of a Justice of Appeal, “… as far as execution and stay of execution are concerned, the law, both in this country and in England refer only to judgments and orders and nothing else.

But in very clear terms, section 204(2) of the Constitution categorically says that an adverse finding should be treated as if it “… were a judgment of the High Court …”.

Where the Constitution speaks even the royal standing of the GCA counts for nothing!

Driving home the point, what if the GCA upheld a Commission of Inquiry! Can it enforce an adverse finding? Clearly the implicit jurisdictional interposition propounded in Kharafi by Justice Njie runs counter to the explicit command of section 204(2) of the Constitution.
Running through the long winded ruling on a simple stay application is the assertion that a Commission of Inquiry has no jurisdiction, no mandate whatsoever to issue binding and legally enforceable adverse findings and or recommendations.

The logical corollary is to ask why it is vested with the Constitutional authority to issue adverse findings and or recommendations.

To what end would it be vested with the authority of a High Court Judge.

To what end would its report be equivalent to a High Court Judgment.

Without question, the Constitution created a special arena in a Commission of Enquiry. The rule of law principle implicated in this special dispensation are not competently if at all ventilated by Justice Njie and his ruling pretends to powers no court in The Gambia can have, i.e., the legal authority to nullify a Constitutional provision.

Even if the Supreme Court said in Feryale Ghanem that “… a Commission of Inquiry being a creature of the executive is not an adjudicatory body …” the intrinsic principles enunciated in the case are either imperfectly understood or wrongly applied by Justice Njie.

I merely state that in appropriate circumstances, Commission of Inquiry adverse findings continue to be upheld by the Supreme Court.

In addition, the idea that a Commission of Inquiry is “a creature of the executive” is a questionable principle, a dubious argument. A Commission of Inquiry is a creature of the Constitution just like the office of Judge. The Executive appoints both. Are Judges, and nominated members of the National Assembly “creatures of the executive”?

If as suggested by Justice Njie an adverse finding by a Commission of Inquiry suffers from jurisdictional impurity, not even the Supreme Court can uphold or enforce its decision. And the Supreme Court continues to do exactly that even in this 2020.

In the circumstances Justice Njie’s reliance on Feryale Ghanem is a merely theoretical construct with no practical application on the enforceability of the adverse findings of a Commission of Inquiry in light of recent judgments by the Supreme Court.

The larger import of Justice Njie’s ruling is articulated thus:

“If, following the publication of a report of a Commission of Inquiry, together with any adverse findings and or recommendations, the Executive intends to have imposed any penalty or to benefit from any relief that it would ordinarily not be entitled to without a judgment or Court order, then in my view the Executive must take the requisite Court action, whether Civil or Criminal, in order to have those penalties imposed or to benefit from those remedies that it may desire.

I say this because since the Commission’s report, with or without a White Paper, cannot be enforced/executed as would be the case of a judgment or court order, the same cannot be relied on to impose the requisite sanction.

If the intention was for a Commission of Inquiry to have the power to impose criminal penalty or to grant civil remedies which could be execute/enforced, then in my view, that would have been clearly spelt out in the Constitution or the Act”.

In Justice Njie’s words, Ghana’s post-1969 Commissions “… attracted automatic Constitutional sanctions until the person affected succeed in setting aside the findings on appeal … a public officer who … misused or abused his office, or wilfully acted in a manner prejudicial to the interest of the State and the findings have not been set aside on appeal or judicial review, shall not be qualified to be a member of parliament … shall not be qualified for election as the President of Ghana”.

In Justice Njie’s considered judicial view, a Commission of Inquiry is a waste of time as “…the Executive must take the requisite Court action, whether Civil or Criminal, in order to have those penalties imposed or to benefit from those remedies that it may desire”.
Incredible that a Justice of Appeal thinks he can nullify a Constitutional provision!

There is no nicer way than to say that Justice Njie’s assertion on another front is completely erroneous in light of explicit Constitutional provisions he failed to appropriately consider.

Clearly his parliamentarian and presidential qualification issues with reference to Ghana are weak arguments that cannot sustain his conclusion about “automatic Constitutional sanctions”. Ghattas, Karafi, and Tarek Musa are unlikely to run for public office but their liquidity may induce public officers to act in manners detrimental to the public interest. Why run for office if your cash gives you the leverage to control the drivers of public power.

That said, I propose to interrogate the validity of “automatic Constitutional sanctions” and whether we can locate them in Gambia’s public policy arsenal in the Constitutional domain.

It is most astounding that a Justice of Appeal will make a pronouncement of such critical import without so much as bothering to cross check the Constitution and in the process rendering his entire justification of utterly dubious credibility.

For example, section 62(3)(c) of the Constitution states that “a person who, while holding public office in The Gambia, has been found liable for misconduct, negligence, corruption or improper behaviour by any commission or committee of inquiry established by law shall not be qualified for election as President”.

Similarly, section 90(1)(e) of the of the same Constitution states:- “no person is qualified for election as a member of the National Assembly if he or she has been found by the report of a commission or committee of inquiry (the proceedings of which have been held and published in accordance with the relevant law) to be incompetent to hold public office by reason of having acquired assets unlawfully or defrauded the State or misused or abused his or her office, or wilfully acted in a manner prejudicial to the interests of the State, and the findings have not been set aside on appeal or judicial review”.

In Kharafi, the GCA adventured beyond the limited question before it, i.e., whether or not to grant a stay of execution and on that journey of excess pretend to powers it does not have.

With the same Court’s decisions in Toni Ghattas v The Attorney General, Civil Appeal No:-02/2019, decided 03 March 2020, and Tarek Musa, 1st Defendant, T. K. Motors Limited, 2nd Defendant, Civil Appeal No. GCA/020/2019, decided 09 June 2020, the issue of stay of execution over a Commission of Inquiry is ready for Supreme Court consideration.

Over then to the Apex Court!

Lamin J. Darbo

Dabanani Law Centre, Sukuta Town, West Coast Region

Rawda say they are putting all options on the table including mass protests led by imams

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By Lamin Njie

Rawdatul Majalis have said they are putting all options on the table including mass protests if any pro-gay campaign was to be launched in the country.

The prominent Islamic group at the weekend had condemned homosexuality as ‘immoral’, amid a hotting up debate over the lifestyle.

Reports on Thursday however said the group was planning to apply for a permit to stage a protest.

Imam Abubacarr Jabbie told The Fatu Network mass protests led by imams across the country was one of the options to ensure homosexuality is not promoted in The Gambia.

“We have not gotten to that stage (of protest) but we have all options on the table,” he added.

‘Married or not married, that’s not my business’: Mamma Kandeh says Marie Sock has all the rights to vie for any position in Gambia

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GDC leader Mamma Kandeh has said it’s not his business if Marie Sock is married or not, stating the woman has all the rights to vie for any position in The Gambia.

Marie Sock last month announced her plan to run for president next year, the first woman to do so.

Her announced was greeted with appreciable criticism in some quarters with some bringing her not-married status onto the fold.

Mamma Kandeh who personally knows Sock told The Fatu Network in an exclusive interview on the aspiring presidential candidate: “We know Marie. When Marie was coming to us we had not registered GDC. I was on the process to register the party. We were preparing our party constitution and party manifesto.

“This was the time she and and left us before we could register the party. We had a good relationship with her and we are wishing her good luck. She’s a woman, I think it’s nothing bad in it for her to ask for her right in the country.

“Married or not married, that’s not my business. She’s a citizen, she has all the rights to vie for any position in this country.”

Fatou Kinteh pushes for fund that could allow Gambian women entrepreneurs have greater access to finance

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Women and Children Minister Fatou Kinteh on Thursday re-tabled a bill for the establishment of the Gambia Women Enterprise Fund.

The overall objective of the Women Enterprise Fund is to lift the productivity potential of women entrepreneurs by providing them access to finance, Mrs Kinteh told Gambian lawmakers, while reading the bill for the second time in two days.

“The Gambian economy is characterise by taxpayers in the informal sector with women playing a pivotal role. According to statistics, 63% of small and medium enterprises are micro-enterprises and 90% of these are informal with 80% comprising who form the majority of the population of The Gambia – 51% – and the majority of the poor. Due to inadequate collateral, they rarely access bank loan. This coupled with higher interest rates charged by the banks do not make sure loans appropriate for alleviating poverty, more especially among women,” she told Gambian lawmakers.

The lawmakers have now started debating the bill which if approved will pave way for the setting up of the fund.

Fatou Kinteh was hired as women and children minister last year following the creation of Women and Children ministry.

Burundi’s incoming president vows to unite nation isolated over rights abuses

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By Reuters

Burundi’s incoming president Evariste Ndayishimiye was sworn in on Thursday after the sudden death of predecessor Pierre Nkurunziza, and he pledged to unite a country that has been cut off by aid donors due to rampant human rights abuses.

Ndayishimiye, 52, a retired army general, won last month’s presidential election of behalf of the ruling party, defeating the opposition’s Agathon Rwasa and five others. He was due to be sworn in this August, before Nkurunziza died earlier this month.

“I will not fail the unity charter, the constitution and other laws, will uphold unity among Burundians, peace and justice for all, (and) fight the ideology of genocide and discrimination,” Ndayishimiye said while taking his oath.

His swearing-in was followed by a 21-gun salute and a military parade in a stadium filled with invited guests garbed in uniform green and white shirts, in the political capital Gitega.

The constitutional court ruled on Friday that Ndayishimiye should be sworn in immediately after Nkurunziza’s death, easing concern that powerful generals would dispute the succession.

The court also dismissed challenges to the election result from the opposition, which alleged violence and intimidation. Ndayishimiye was confirmed as the winner with 69% of votes.

Ndayishimiye headed the department of military affairs under Nkurunziza, and served as minister of the interior and security.

The United Nations said that under Nkurunziza’s rule state security forces and the ruling party’s youth wing routinely gang-raped, tortured and killed political opponents.

EU’s LAJOS gives reason why DEPORTATION needs to take place

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By Lamin Njie

Attila LAJOS has explained that deportation of undocumented Gambians in Europe needs to take place because leaving them there would be an ‘encouragement’ to many ‘new guys’.

LAJOS made the explanation during an exclusive interview with The Fatu Network on Tuesday.

The EU top diplomat in the country said: “We restarted a few operations early this year and then because of the COVID circumstances, we also suspended such operations. What I want to explain by this is that, the fact that the European Union is very much listening and understanding the challenges in the country.

“On the other hand, we will also have to these operations because if you don’t do such operations, that will be an encouragement for many new guys, many new Gambians to decide on the ‘back way’.

“The ‘back way’ is not the interest of The Gambia, not in the interest of the individual and not in the interest of any receiving state. Not to mention the dangers associated with it.”

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