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Darboe Once Again Renews Public Criticism of Barrow over Withdrawal of Tambadou’s ICC Nomination, Highlights Risks of Ethnic Tensions

Written by: Alieu Jallow

Veteran politician and United Democratic Party (UDP) leader Lawyer Ousainou Darboe has once again renewed his public criticism of President Adama Barrow over the withdrawal of former Justice Minister Ba Tambadou’s nomination for a top post at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In a statement broadcast on Camaraba Online TV on Tuesday, Darboe sharply denounced the decision and urged the Sarahule community to assess its broader implications.

“I want the Sarahule community to judge for themselves. Their own son, Ba Tambadou, was being considered for one of the most highly sought-after positions in the world. Yet President Adama Barrow chose to withdraw his nomination in favour of a Nigerian candidate. If I were president, I would have stood by him until the voting process was completed — not pulled out halfway. This decision, to me, reflects a lack of seriousness on Barrow’s part when it comes to national development,” Darboe stated.

He went on to emphasise that as Chair of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), Barrow had a platform from which he could have mobilised support for Tambadou across its 57 member states, but failed to do so.

Darboe also addressed potential tribal interpretations of his support:

“I don’t talk about tribe — I never have. But if it were about tribe, I wouldn’t have endorsed Ba Tambadou, because everyone knows he’s a Sarahule. He’s competing for one of the most prestigious legal positions in the world, and there’s no questioning his qualifications. He’s young, energetic, and highly capable. My support for him had nothing to do with his ethnic background. I backed him because he’s a competent Gambian whose appointment would have been a source of national pride,” he said.

This episode marks yet another instance of Darboe publicly criticising President Barrow over the ICC nomination issue, underscoring his ongoing concern for national meritocracy and transparency.

Darboe’s renewed remarks have come at a time when efforts to curb hate speech are intensifying amid preparations for the 2026 electoral cycle. Observers caution that even indirect references to ethnic identity—like those in Darboe’s speech—risk exacerbating existing divisions.

Isatou Keita, President of the Gambia Press Union (GPU), weighed in on the need for calm and responsible discourse:
“The media has a strong role in reducing hate speech. Journalists must be mindful of their language and avoid reporting in ways that create division or incite violence. Freedom of expression is important, but it should be used responsibly… In those cases, it’s our duty to ask the right questions, provide context, and not give space for harmful views to spread,” Keita stated.

As The Gambia edges closer to its next national election, calls for respectful, fact-based commentary and unity continue to grow. Through its ongoing trainings and dialogues, the GPU is working to equip media professionals for fair, cohesive, and peaceful reporting.

“I Took Responsibility”: Kurang Defends Sale of Undervalued Tractors Without Commission Approval

Written by: Mama A. Touray

Alhaji Mamadi Kurang, former Secretary to the Janneh Commission, has admitted to undervaluing two tractors during the sale and disposal of assets identified by the Commission. He made the admission during his second appearance before the National Assembly Special Select Committee investigating the matter.

Testifying on his involvement in the disposal of the tractors, Kurang referenced a report he had prepared dated 24th June 2018, which noted that OC Christ purchased a scrap Mahindra tractor in Somita for D25,000, despite a reserve price of D30,000.

“Out of 44 tractors, this is one of the items that was sold at a price lower than the reserve price. The reserve price was D30,000, and we sold it for D25,000, resulting in a loss of D5,000,” Kurang explained.

Defending the sale, Kurang stated that the valuer had described the tractor as scrap. He added, “Parts of the tractor were lying at Somita Police [Station], and there was nobody interested in the item other than OC Christ. So I told myself: should I leave a single scrap, or should I allow the man who paid D25,000 to get the scrap?”

“I took the responsibility to sell the item to him with the advice of my colleagues. That was the reasonable economic decision I made,” he continued.

Kurang further argued that taking the auction team back to Somita would have cost more in fuel than the D5,000 loss incurred in the sale.

When asked whether he sought the approval of the Commissioners before selling the tractor, Kurang replied, “I did not seek the approval of the Commission in the case of Mr. OC Christ.”

In a second incident, a scrap item valued at D20,000 was reportedly sold for D10,000. Counsel Dibba put it to him that he had assumed the roles of both valuer and auctioneer in that instance, a claim Kurang denied.

“I did not assume the role of any of them. I was put in charge of the process. The auctioneer did all he could but could not reach the reserve price. Then I came in. They had their roles, and I made the final decision representing the Commission in line with the public interest,” he said.

The Committee also observed that OC Christ appeared six times on the list of buyers. Responding, Kurang said, “He sells spare parts in Brikama Ba, so I think he needed the items. That’s why he showed interest in high-value items. But any vehicle said not to be functioning, he expressed interest in it.”

When asked about the reaction of the Commissioners, Kurang concluded, “The Commissioners did not ask me any questions. They were more interested in the ones where I made huge profits.”

Mamadi Kurang Testifies Before Special Committee on His Appointment, Mandate, and TOR

Written by: Mama A. Touray

Alhaji Mamadi Kurang, former Secretary to the Janneh Commission, on Wednesday, July 16, appeared as the second witness before the National Assembly Special Committee investigating the sale and disposal of assets identified by the Janneh Commission. His testimony focused on his appointment, mandate, and terms of reference.

Speaking on how he was appointed, Kurang explained that the position of Secretary required a candidate who met specific criteria: someone who had not worked under former President Yahya Jammeh, had not lived and worked in The Gambia throughout the 22 years of Jammeh’s rule, was not a direct victim of the regime, and possessed a strong understanding of governance systems and potential commission findings.

“I am a chartered accountant with a degree in economics and 20 years’ experience. I understand how the system works. On this basis, the Attorney General told me I had been identified and recommended for the position, and asked if I would accept,” he said.

Regarding preliminary meetings, Kurang stated, “There was a meeting I had with the Chairperson and the two Commissioners. The purpose was to help us understand what a commission of such magnitude would involve. During this meeting, we discussed what we needed in terms of staff, nomenclature, and the roles of the Commissioners, Secretary, and Counsel.”

He noted that the meeting served as an initial briefing before formal work began. Kurang confirmed that he still had a copy of the meeting minutes dated 17 July 2017, held at Djembe Hotel and attended by the two Commissioners and the Chairperson.

Outlining what was discussed, he explained, “We urgently needed support staff, recording equipment, stationery, and a venue—which was to be arranged by the Attorney General. We also discussed distributing copies of the Terms of Reference and outlined other logistical requirements.”

He said the Commissioners agreed to hold sittings from Monday to Thursday, with Fridays reserved for internal housekeeping.

Describing his role at the time, Kurang stated, “The Secretariat was my unit. I worked under and reported to the Chairperson. The Lead Counsel had both State and non-State attorneys, along with investigators and proofreaders. As Secretary, I also served as the liaison between the Secretariat and the Lead Counsel.”

He added that the Commissioners did not directly engage with the public. “I was made to understand that, to avoid prejudice, the Commissioners should not receive direct information. As the administrator for the Commissioners, all information came through me, and I determined what should be passed on and to whom.”

Kurang recounted a conversation with the Lead Counsel about his responsibilities. “She told me some information was for me only. I responded that all information should be available to the State or the public. She then told me, ‘When we enter the hall, you will be mute,’ and I replied, ‘Maybe one day I’ll get a chance to speak.’ That’s when I understood that the Secretary does not speak during hearings,” he explained.

He also testified that he had a small office where all staff were based and reported to him. “Any issues they had were brought to me, and I took them to the Commissioners because I sat with them. I personally recruited two staff members who stayed with me throughout my tenure, and I covered their expenses.”

He concluded by noting that although staff occasionally received instructions from the Attorney General, all Commission-related matters were ultimately reported to him. “Sometimes staff would say the AG asked them to type something for two days, but for all Commission matters, they reported directly to me,” he said.

Gambia Doesn’t Necessarily Need IMF, World Bank, or Islamic Bank for Sustainability – PAP Leader

Written by: Dawda Baldeh

In a recent exclusive interview with The Fatu Network, Ebrima Tabora Manneh, leader of the opposition People’s Alliance Party (PAP), asserted that The Gambia does not necessarily need financial support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB), or the Islamic Development Bank to achieve sustainability.

Speaking exclusively to The Fatu Network, Mr. Manneh emphasised that the country has the potential for self-sufficiency and economic growth through effective leadership and local empowerment.

Manneh highlighted the economic struggles faced by the average Gambian, stating, “What people are earning in this country is very small. The average Gambian is not making enough money to sustain them for even a week.”

He noted that this economic hardship often leads to creative, but sometimes unethical, survival strategies, such as accepting small bribes.

He criticised the current leadership, claiming, “Gambia is not a poor country, but we have poor leadership.” According to him, the country suffers from significant financial leakages in the public sector, with millions of dalasis being siphoned off regularly.

He argued that if these leakages were properly managed, it would lead to better salaries and the creation of meaningful employment opportunities.

Manneh called for Gambians to take ownership of their country and its economic future. He proposed that certain businesses should be exclusively operated by Gambians, with non-Gambians required to partner with local citizens. “Gambians must be the dominant players in our businesses,” he stated.

He outlined a vision for empowering Gambians in various sectors, including agriculture, construction, and business, by providing modern farming equipment and promoting local production. “We want a farming system that will bring about enough money to farmers so that they can be financially independent,” he said.

The PAP leader also emphasised the importance of transforming raw materials into finished products, advocating for the establishment of factories and support systems for local farmers and businesses.

He expressed confidence in the untapped resources and talents within the country, stating that with proper support, The Gambia could become self-sufficient not only in food, but also in various resources needed for development.

Manneh drew parallels with successful economies, stating, “Europe has done it, Asians have done it, the Chinese have done it — we can do it.”

He proposed that with the right support, The Gambia could foster local businesses capable of generating significant wealth and employment opportunities.

He envisioned a future where, under a PAP-led government, the country could see the emergence of multiple Gambian millionaires, which would lead to increased investment in the local economy and improvements in social services. “If we support people who have the capacity but lack resources, their businesses will grow,” he noted.

Manneh criticised the current practice of contracting foreign companies for infrastructure projects, suggesting that local businesses could be equipped to handle such tasks, thereby keeping profits within the country and creating jobs.

On the issue of food security, he questioned why Gambians are not involved in importing essential goods like rice, sugar, and flour, stressing the need to empower local entrepreneurs to fill these gaps.

He cited successful companies in Japan and South Korea that grew into global brands with government support, illustrating the potential for Gambian businesses to achieve similar success with the right backing.

In conclusion, Manneh’s vision for The Gambia focuses on self-reliance, local empowerment, and responsible leadership, believing that the nation has the potential to thrive without heavy reliance on international financial institutions.

Stakeholders discuss statute for special tribunal to prosecute Jammeh-era crimes

By Haddy Gaye

On Friday, 11 July, the Ministry of Justice, in partnership with the Gambia Bar Association, convened a meeting with stakeholders to discuss the ECOWAS Decision and Statute establishing the Special Tribunal, a critical institution within The Gambia’s Special Accountability Mechanism (SAM).

The meeting brought together legal experts, transitional justice practitioners, and representatives from civil society, focusing on ensuring adequate knowledge and understanding of the Statute, as well as the broader legal framework for prosecuting human rights violations and crimes committed between July 1994 and January 2017.

In her opening remarks, the President of the Gambia Bar Association, Neneh MC Cham, stressed the importance of ensuring accountability for crimes highlighted in the findings of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. She reaffirmed the Bar’s dedication to this cause, as well as other ongoing legal reforms aimed at ensuring accountability and justice.

Ida Persson, Special Adviser to the Attorney General and Head of the Post-TRRC Unit, delivered opening remarks on behalf of the Hon. Minister and also, presented on the objectives and structure of the SAM, namely, the Special Prosecutor’s Office responsible for investigations and prosecution, the Special Criminal Division of the High Court tasked with hearing domestic cases and the Special Tribunal, charged with adjudicating international crimes. She noted that the Special Accountability Mechanism Act and the Special Prosecutor’s Office Act were passed by the National Assembly in April 2024, and the Decision and Statute for the Special Tribunal were passed in December 2024 by the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State.

Whilst the entire SAM legal framework is being operationalized at varying degrees, Persson described the strong political will and commitment to justice by the Government, partners, victims and civil society to see this legislation passed and implementation processes commence. She informed that the Ministry of Justice is in the process of finalizing appointments for key positions, including the Special Prosecutor, and also noted that the Ministry will be considering all options for robust resource mobilization efforts for the SAM.

Mr. Martin Petrov, an international consultant providing expert advisory services to the Hon. Minister of Justice, guided the analysis of and discussions around the Statute. During these deliberations, he stressed the independence of the Tribunal, its regional importance, and international significance. He described the Statute as a foundational instrument that anchors accountability for the atrocities committed during The Gambia’s authoritarian past, but also highlighted the wider implications of this mechanism. Mr. Petrov noted that The Gambia is increasingly viewed as a regional leader in transitional justice and that the international community is closely observing these developments.

Participants commended the consultative nature of the process and raised important questions related in particular to victim participation, witness protection, resource mobilization and international collaboration. There was consensus on the need to uphold transparency, guarantee the Tribunal’s independence, and adhere to a clear timeline for implementation.

The meeting concluded with a collective commitment to support the Ministry of Justice in securing justice for victims and preventing the recurrence of similar future abuses and crimes.

The Special Tribunal is expected to serve a central role in prosecuting those responsible for enforced disappearances, torture, and other grave offenses documented in the TRRC’s final report published in November 2021.

Magistrate Krubally slams TV stations over sign language exclusion: ‘That’s discrimination’

By Alieu Jallow

Magistrate Muhammed Krubally, chairperson of the Gambia Federation of the Disabled (GFD), has called on national and private TV stations to include sign language interpretation in disaster-related programming, emphasising that persons with disabilities (PWDs) have a right to equal access to life-saving information during emergencies.

Magistrate Krubally highlighted the absence of sign language interpretation on both national and private television channels, calling it “discrimination.”

He made the call during a two-day training held from 30th June to 1st July 2025, on promoting and protecting the rights of persons with disabilities. The event, held in partnership between the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA), focused on inclusive disaster risk reduction (DRR) policies and emergency response planning.

“When disasters strike, everyone deserves to receive information on an equal basis, including the deaf and hard of hearing. Very rarely do we see sign language interpretation on national or private television. That’s discrimination,” Magistrate Krubally said.

He stressed that the media’s failure to cater to PWDs, particularly by excluding sign language in DRR programmes, leaves a significant portion of the population uninformed and unprepared.

“You see people sitting as panellists discussing national emergencies, but there’s no interpreter. That’s a violation of our basic rights under Article 1 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” he added.

The GFD chair further highlighted that access to timely, clear, and accessible information could empower PWDs to engage in national and global conversations, especially around emergency preparedness.

“Without interpretation, the deaf are just spectators in their own country,” he said.

He also pointed out that limiting DRR communication to radio excludes blind and visually impaired persons, many of whom rely on alternative formats, such as braille, screen readers like JAWS (Job Access With Speech) and NVDA (NonVisual Desktop Access), and other assistive technologies.

“These are readily available solutions. Low vision individuals, for example, can access content if fonts are made larger or bolder.”

Krubally also called for the translation of disaster content into local languages in audio formats for those who may not understand English.

“We have to recognise that not everyone speaks or reads English. Translating information into local languages and accessible formats is not a luxury, it’s a necessity.”

Referencing the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), particularly Article 2, he said effective communication strategies during disasters should consider all forms of disability and communication needs. “We can’t talk about resilience while ignoring those most at risk.”

As climate change increases the frequency and intensity of disasters, Krubally’s call is a reminder that inclusivity must be central to national disaster risk management strategies.

Editor’s Column #003
Justice for Gaza Has a Voice
– and It’s Not the West

OPINION by: Seringe S.T. Touray 
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

We’ve grown up with the script: China is the villain, the West is the moral compass. As a former Western colony, shaped by the worldview of London and Washington, we were conditioned to believe that the United States and Europe stand for democracy, human rights, and international law. China, on the other hand, was cast as the autocratic power to be feared or distrusted. But the irony today is as stark as it is uncomfortable. On the issue of Gaza, and more broadly, on Israel’s conduct, China is sounding more like us than the people who taught us what justice is supposed to mean.

Take China’s stance on Israel and Palestine. It has been sharp, consistent, and legally grounded. On 1 April 2025, during hearings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on Israel’s responsibilities as an occupying power, Ma Xinmin, Legal Adviser to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a Member of the United Nations International Law Commission, stood up and said what many Western powers wouldn’t.

“Palestinians in the occupied territory have endured persistent suffering,” he declared. He outlined Israel’s legal obligations under international humanitarian law and said it must “allow and facilitate humanitarian assistance from third parties,” calling the blockade of Gaza a violation of those obligations.

Ma also defended the role of UNRWA, which he called “indispensable and irreplaceable,” and criticised Israel for obstructing its operations. He quoted President Xi Jinping, stating that “the humanitarian cause is humanity’s shared mission,” a rare statement of moral clarity in a time when the language of human rights has been so heavily politicised.

On 13 June, at the United Nations Security Council, Fu Cong, China’s Permanent Representative to the UN, issued a similarly forthright condemnation, this time of Israel’s strikes inside Iran. He warned of the “grave consequences” of such actions, denounced the violation of Iranian sovereignty, and stressed that escalating conflict “serves no one’s interests.” This came just days before President Xi Jinping echoed the same concern in a bilateral meeting with Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev on 17 June, where he opposed “any actions that violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries,” and offered China’s support in restoring peace and stability.

These are not empty declarations. China has backed them with diplomatic action, humanitarian support, and legal argumentation. It has urged evacuations from both Israel and Iran, supported international mechanisms, and, unlike much of the West, has not shied away from naming the aggressor.

Compare this to the posture of the United States and much of Europe. These are the same governments that endlessly lecture the world on human rights, yet continue to send weapons to Israel while shielding it from international accountability. They have actively undermined South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ. They blocked UN resolutions for ceasefires. They say they want peace, but their actions suggest impunity.

That said, not all of Europe is complicit. Countries like Spain and Ireland have taken courageous, principled positions. They have condemned Israel’s actions and recognised Palestinian statehood. But they remain in the minority. The broader Western bloc, led by Washington, has looked away. As Gaza suffers, they continue to speak in euphemisms, offering “concern” instead of condemnation, and “support for humanitarian access” while refusing to halt arms exports that fuel the crisis.

Meanwhile, footage continues to emerge from Gaza that should shatter any illusion of moral high ground. Just yesterday, CNN verified a video showing machine gun fire near an aid distribution site in southern Gaza. Eyewitnesses said the Israeli military opened fire on Palestinians waiting for food. Dozens were seen lying flat on the ground as bullets kicked up sand around them. The Israeli military has said it is reviewing the video. But the world is watching, and remembering.

And it is not just China speaking up. Our own neighbour, Senegal, is doing so too. Under President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Senegal became a founding member of the Hague Group, alongside countries like South Africa, Bolivia, Colombia, and Malaysia. Formed on 31 January 2025, this coalition is currently holding its first emergency summit in Bogotá, where it is discussing coordinated legal and diplomatic measures, support for ICC arrest warrants, restrictions on arms transfers, and an end to the impunity that has enabled Israel’s war on Gaza. Senegal has been a steady voice for justice, and its leadership stands in contrast to the silence of many others.

Even The Gambia, despite early hesitation, has found its voice. Back in May 2024, Foreign Minister Dr. Mamadou Tangara said The Gambia would not sever ties with Israel, insisting the country was “a sovereign state” that does not “act by reacting to the reactions of others.”

But by June 2025, the tone had shifted. At the OIC Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Istanbul, Tangara strongly condemned Israel’s strikes on Iran, calling them “a blatant act of assault against a sovereign state.” He warned of famine threatening 290,000 children in Gaza and reaffirmed Gambia’s support for Palestinian statehood based on 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital. “The diplomatic route is the only viable and durable solution to the conflict in the Middle East,” he said.

That reversal should force a moment of reckoning. This isn’t about cheering for China or pretending it has no flaws. It’s about confronting an uncomfortable truth: on one of the most important moral issues of our time, the people who told us they stood for justice are failing, and the ones we were told to fear are showing leadership where others have walked away.

Former Janneh Commission SG reveals budget challenges: ‘99% of our needs were directed to the MOJ’

By Mama A. Touray

Alhaji Mamadi Kurang, the former Secretary General of the Janneh Commission of Inquiry, has disclosed that nearly all operational needs of the high-profile commission were funnelled through the Ministry of Justice (MOJ), a process he described as inefficient and delaying critical work.

Testifying before an ongoing inquiry into the commission’s operations, Kurang stated: “The MOJ was the line ministry we were dealing with directly. 99% of our needs were directed to the MOJ, and when we requested [supplies], it went to the ministry, and we were given the material”.

Kurang explained that while the commission initially drafted its own budget, the Ministry of Justice later assumed control. “We started working on a budget to know how much items would cost and shared it with the Attorney General. But along the way, we were told the budget would be under the ministry and that we would make requests to them for provisions,” he said.

This arrangement, he argued, hindered the commission’s autonomy. “If we had no control over the budget, then you will not have full control over what you do,” Kurang emphasized.

A key frustration, according to Kurang, was the absence of an on-site accountant. Instead, an official named Alagie Babou Joof, tasked with handling allowances, operated remotely. “He was not at the commission; he would come to deliver [payments]. He was supposed to be under my department, but he was not,” Kurang testified.

The former Secretary General painted a picture of bureaucratic bottlenecks, where even simple requests faced prolonged delays. “A material or request that was supposed to take 24 hours took 24 days because [the accountant] was not based at the commission,” he said. “I am supposed to be his boss, but in this case, my subordinate was my boss. I had to beg him.”

Kurang acknowledged that the Attorney General had clarified commissions’ budgets traditionally fall under the MOJ’s purview. However, he insisted the setup slowed operations. “The fact that the commission did not have any control over its budget delayed a lot of things. Requests for materials or allowances were frequently delayed,” he noted.

The hearing, which aims to scrutinize the Janneh Commission’s operations during its tenure, will resume with further testimony from Kurang. Observers expect deeper insights into the commission’s challenges, including resource allocation and administrative hurdles.

The Janneh Commission, tasked with investigating financial mismanagement under former President Yahya Jammeh’s regime, has been a focal point for accountability in The Gambia. Kurang’s revelations now spotlight the structural difficulties faced by such high-stakes inquiries.

Barrow Launches Agriculture Projects Aimed at Boosting Food Security and Climate Resilience

Written by: The Fatu Network Newsdesk

President Adama Barrow has launched three new agricultural initiatives aimed at strengthening The Gambia’s food systems, improving climate resilience, and expanding access to agricultural finance, according to a statement issued Tuesday by the State House.

The initiatives—the REWARD-Gambia Programme, the P2-P2RS Sahel Resilience Initiative, and the Gambia Incentive-Based Risk Sharing System for Agricultural Lending Establishment Project (GAMIRSAL)—are expected to roll out nationwide.

“In recognition of agriculture as the backbone of the nation’s economy and key to ending poverty and hunger, His Excellency President Adama Barrow today launched three transformative agricultural projects,” the presidency stated.

The REWARD-Gambia Programme seeks to introduce modern irrigation infrastructure, improved seed systems, mechanisation services, and market access through private sector-led integrated rice production clusters. The project is expected to directly target 8,000 households and reach over 120,000 indirect beneficiaries across the seven agricultural regions.

The P2-P2RS Sahel Resilience Initiative will support interventions in 19 districts through the rehabilitation of gardens and rice fields, provision of agricultural machinery, and distribution of climate-resilient seeds, fertiliser, small ruminants, and poultry. The programme targets 67,200 vulnerable Gambian households, both directly and indirectly.

The third project, GAMIRSAL, aims to improve agricultural financing by providing access to credit through a national risk-sharing system. According to the government, it is expected to reach 5,000 direct and 20,000 indirect beneficiaries.

The statement noted that all three projects are designed to ensure that at least 50 percent of their beneficiaries are women and youth, in an effort to promote inclusive participation in agricultural production.

The Barrow administration has identified agriculture as a central pillar of its development agenda, with the newly launched projects forming part of broader efforts to reduce poverty and enhance national food security in the face of climate challenges.

Breaking: Nottingham Forest Sign Gambian Striker Lamin Sillah on Three-Year Deal

By: Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

Nottingham Forest have secured the signature of Gambian forward Lamin Sillah from Olympiacos on a three-year contract, the club confirmed today. The former Steve Biko FC star, known for his pace and clinical finishing, joins the Premier League side after a standout stint in the Greek Super League.

The transfer, finalised with the guidance of Sillah’s agent, former England youth international Cherno Samba, marks a significant step in the 23-year-old’s career. Sillah’s performances in Greece attracted interest from multiple European clubs, but Forest won the race to bring him to the City Ground.

“I’m thrilled to join Nottingham Forest and play in the Premier League,” Sillah said. “I’m grateful to my family, Cherno, and everyone who supported me. I’m ready to give my all for the fans and the club.”

Samba praised his client’s potential, stating, “Lamin is a hungry, talented striker. This move is a big step, and he’s ready to make an impact in England.”

Sillah’s arrival bolsters Forest’s attacking options as they aim to strengthen their position in the Premier League. The signing also marks a proud moment for Gambian football, with another homegrown talent breaking into one of the world’s top leagues.

Janneh Commission Chair Testifies on Appointment of Commissioners and Others

Written By: Mama A. Touray

The former Chairperson of the Janneh Commission, Sourahata Babucarr Semega Janneh, has testified before the National Assembly Select Committee on the sale and disposal of assets identified by the Janneh Commission. His testimony focused on the mandate and appointment of commissioners and other staff of the commission.

It may be recalled that the Janneh Commission was established shortly after the election of President Adama Barrow, the third president of The Gambia, to investigate the financial dealings of public enterprises and the former president.

Testifying on how he came into contact with the commission, Chairperson Janneh narrated that the former Attorney General, Abubacarr Ba Tambadou, was a close friend of his and, as far as he could recall, it was Ba who initially spoke to him about taking up the chairperson position.

He informed the committee: “We had several meetings with the Attorney General, and these meetings were held in his office. I recall meetings in which the lead counsel and the secretary were in attendance. These were just preliminary meetings and the most important thing.”

On how they operated, he stated that the commission was established under the Commission of Inquiry Act of 1903, clarifying that the Janneh Commission worked under this Act, whereas “the TRRC was established by an actual Act of Parliament setting out what the government and parliament wanted.”

He further explained: “We had to depend on our mandate — that is, Section 202 of the Constitution, the Commission of Inquiry Act of 1903, and the Terms of Reference. So we had to sit — the three commissioners, lead counsel, secretary, and the Solicitor General.”

Janneh testified that during their meetings, it was made clear to them that they would have no independent budget. “It was made clear to us that we would have no budget of our own, we were to spend no money, and we had to completely depend on the government for everything,” he said.

While testifying on the difference between his role and that of the other commissioners, Janneh said: “The chairperson has no special role except that he chairs the commission. When you have a chairperson, the chairman naturally has the casting vote — even though that’s not in this document. There was no special role mentioned in the Terms of Reference. We all had the same powers.”

At this point, Counsel Dibba gave the witness three letters — one addressed to him (as chairperson) and the other two to Commissioners Abiosseh George and Bai Mass Saine. In the letters addressed to the two commissioners, their Terms of Reference were attached, while the chairperson’s letter instructed him to familiarise himself with the mandate of the commission.

Reacting to the letters, Janneh maintained: “If you talk about a particular TOR — no, I have not been served with a TOR,” he said.

Still testifying on the commission’s mandate and Terms of Reference, the witness referred to Section 200 of the 1997 Constitution in defence of the commission’s establishment. Counsel Dibba pointed out that this particular section refers to the president’s powers in establishing a commission of inquiry.

Maintaining his position, Janneh responded: “Everything in the Constitution prevails — even against what the President of the Republic believes, thinks, or writes, including the TOR.”

Janneh informed the committee that the commission had over 50 personnel and defended the number: “We had to gather evidence not only on Jammeh but also on his close associates and family members — that is why we needed quite a number of investigators. We never contacted the investigators ourselves; they were contacted by the Ministry of Justice, and it was the Ministry that prepared the budget. We did not have any budget.”

On the payment of these personnel, he stated: “I never signed anything to pay anyone. We never had a budget. Right from the beginning, there was a draft from the Ministry of Justice. I can confirm that many of them were from the judiciary, and they helped a lot — but how they were paid, I don’t know.”

Janneh also testified that the role of the secretary at the time was to serve as the custodian of documents coming from government and other institutions. “He was the court clerk as well, administered oaths for witnesses, and was assigned to sell,” he said.

Young Gambian Offers Free Solar Installation to Sinchu Njabo School After Power Outage

Written by: Alieu Jallow

Following a report published yesterday by The Fatu Network highlighting a prolonged power crisis at Sinchu Njabo Lower, Upper, and Senior Secondary School in the Sabach Sanjal District, a young Gambian has stepped forward with an offer of assistance.

The school has been without electricity for nearly three years due to failed solar batteries, affecting both teaching and learning. As The Fatu Network reported on July 14, the outage has left classrooms without lighting or access to digital learning tools, and has disrupted study sessions, especially during exams.

In response to the school’s public appeal, Enssa L. Marong, a solar and electrical technician, has offered to provide free installation services—if the required materials can be made available.

“When I saw the post about the school, I instantly felt for them. I do solar and electrical installations, so I understand the importance of electricity. Life without electricity is difficult in today’s world, especially for students and teachers. Without it, teachers can’t deliver their lessons properly, and that’s not good for the students,” Marong told The Fatu Network.

He added: “So I want to give free solar installations, if the materials for the installation are available.”

Marong, who has worked on similar community-based projects in the past, said he is driven by a passion to help underserved communities and believes national progress depends on mutual support among citizens.

“To be kind and supportive to each other—we are all brothers and sisters,” he said. “Together, we can make The Gambia bright.”

His offer has been welcomed as a beacon of hope as the school community continues to seek sustainable solutions to its electricity challenges.

Editor’s Column #002
Ba Tambadou and the UDP: How One Man Silenced a Party Built on Outrage

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

In a country where political hypocrisy is increasingly becoming the norm, the United Democratic Party (UDP) now finds itself entangled in a silence that says far more than any press release ever could.

This is about Ba Tambadou, former Attorney General and Minister of Justice, government darling, and for a moment, the UDP’s pride. Once celebrated for his role in The Gambia’s transitional justice process, Tambadou was the poster child for reform. On March 17, the UDP formally endorsed his candidacy for a seat at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), with party leader Ousainou Darboe calling him “eminently qualified” and praising his “deep commitment to the rule of law.” The statement, published by The Fatu Network, offered “unreserved” support.

Then April 30 happened.

That’s when The Republic, an independent investigative outlet, published a bombshell: “The Assets of Gambia’s Former Dictator Go for a Song.” The report accused Tambadou of overseeing an opaque and highly questionable asset disposal process involving Yahya Jammeh’s seized wealth — properties, aircraft, luxury vehicles, company shares, and more. Much of it allegedly went to politically connected buyers at bargain-basement prices. According to the investigation, among the beneficiaries was Tambadou’s now-wife, Binta Sompo Ceesay, who reportedly acquired land through a company linked to her and, as alleged in the report, acted as a sales agent for Alpha Kapital, the firm hired to auction Jammeh’s assets, while Tambadou was overseeing the process.

Tambadou denied any wrongdoing in a detailed 12-point rebuttal published by The Fatu Network on May 3. But the timing of these revelations triggered a string of consequences — at least for some.

The Edward Francis Small Centre for Rights and Justice (EFSCRJ), which had endorsed Tambadou in February, swiftly withdrew its support on May 4, citing “acts of corruption, abuse of office, and unethical conduct.” The organisation called for a full investigation, publication of all relevant sale records, and described Tambadou’s rebuttal as “raising more questions than answers.”

The government itself eventually buckled, quietly withdrawing Tambadou’s ICJ nomination by early July as reported by local media, including The Fatu Network. Even if some claim it was a diplomatic move, the optics are clear — something is seriously wrong here.

But while watchdogs barked, youth groups rallied, journalists were arrested, and state institutions backtracked, the UDP — the self-declared crusaders against corruption — fell completely silent.

This is the same UDP that routinely lambasts President Barrow’s administration for corruption, mismanagement, and impunity. The same party that demanded investigations into Russian oil deals, shady land transactions, and procurement scandals involving their political rivals. But when it came to Ba Tambadou, someone they had publicly backed, the party had nothing to say. Not a word. Not even a whisper.

Let’s be clear: this is not a call for the UDP to denounce Ba Tambadou or withdraw its earlier endorsement just for the sake of political symmetry. But silence? That’s a statement too. And it reeks of selective outrage.

If the UDP believes in transparency and accountability, as it so often claims, then surely it owes the public at least a position. Either you stand by Tambadou, or you don’t. Either you call for further investigation, like you did when Barrow officials were accused, or you explain why this case is different. Because right now, your silence reads like complicity.

Let’s rewind briefly to the facts.

According to The Republic, Alpha Kapital Advisory — a firm allegedly co-founded by Tambadou’s acquaintance Alpha Barry — was awarded the asset disposal contract without a public bidding process. The Ministry of Justice at the time argued that such appointments did not require procurement vetting. The contract entitled Alpha Kapital to a 10 percent commission on all asset sales and 5 percent of share liquidations, which the report estimated amounted to at least D89 million dalasis.

Some assets were sold below market value. A Fajara property, once valued at D8.5 million, was reportedly re-acquired for just D3.15 million by a close associate. Other assets, including luxury vehicles and aircraft, were sold through closed bids, often without proper valuation records. Livestock, paintings, and even presidential furniture allegedly ended up with insiders and auctioneers themselves. One parliamentary investigation described the land deal involving MOAB Capital, a company reportedly owned by Tambadou’s now-wife, as a “violation of land allocation procedures,” and noted that the development levy was only paid after staff petitioned parliament.

Public outrage was swift. On May 13, the civil society group Gambians Against Looted Assets (GALA) issued a five-point petition demanding the withdrawal of Tambadou’s nomination, full publication of asset disposal records, and a presidential address on corruption. They cited insider dealing, lack of transparency, and failure to publish sales data as signs that “the entire exercise now threatens to undermine public trust.”

GALA’s protests led to mass arrests. On May 8, The Fatu Network reported that more than 20 peaceful protesters were detained and taken to unknown locations after police denied them a permit. Two journalists covering the protest — Sheriff Conteh and Alieu Ceesay — were also arrested. The Fatu Network’s cameraman, Matarr Jassey, was nearly dragged into a police vehicle. The Gambia Press Union condemned the arrests, warning that police intimidation of journalists was eroding press freedom.

The detainees were held for days before the police, under mounting pressure, announced their release. The GPF warned that future “unauthorised protests” would be dealt with severely. In the meantime, Gambians were left wondering: if this many citizens are speaking up, why is the UDP still silent?

Even when UDP leader Ousainou Darboe finally addressed the matter at a recent press conference, he said nothing about the corruption allegations. Instead, he used the opportunity to defend Ba Tambadou once more, praising his competence and expressing disappointment over the government’s withdrawal of his ICJ nomination. “If I were president, I would have stood by him until the voting outcome,” Darboe said, adding that he supported Tambadou “not because of tribe, but because he’s a competent Gambian.” In that moment, with the nation watching, Darboe could have shown leadership by acknowledging public concern or demanding accountability — but he chose instead to repeat the endorsement and ignore the scandal altogether.

It is this mountain of red flags that prompted EFSCRJ to pull out. It is this that led to protests, arrests, petitions, and a National Assembly inquiry. And it is this that should make any party serious about integrity speak up.

But the UDP? Still silent.

This is a dangerous pattern. It tells Gambians that accountability is only weaponised when convenient. It tells us that political loyalty, not principle, guides who gets exposed and who gets a free pass. And it tells us that even the loudest anti-corruption voices can go stone-cold quiet when the accused wears the right colours.

The UDP owes Gambians more. If your commitment to justice only applies when it embarrasses Barrow, then perhaps it was never about justice to begin with. The public deserves to know where you stand, not just when it’s easy, but when it’s hard.

UDP Slams National Assembly Over “Draconian” Election Deposit Hikes

Written by: The Fatu Network News Desk

The United Democratic Party (UDP) has issued a strong condemnation of the recent decision by the National Assembly, dominated by President Adama Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP), to impose sharp increases in election deposits. The party describes the move as a blatant attempt to suppress opposition participation and undermine democratic principles in The Gambia.

Election deposits are upfront monetary payments required from candidates in order to contest elections. Though meant to discourage frivolous candidacies and help offset administrative costs, they must remain affordable to ensure fair and inclusive participation.

In a strongly-worded statement released by its media team on Monday, July 14, the UDP characterised the changes as “draconian” and “anti-democratic,” warning that the amendments are designed “to crush opposition participation and cement President Barrow’s authoritarian agenda.”

Under the new provisions, the deposit required for presidential candidates has surged from D10,000 to a staggering D1 million, representing a 9,900 percent increase. National Assembly candidates will now be required to pay D150,000, up from D5,000, a 2,900 percent increase. Mayoral and Chairperson candidates will pay D100,000, while councillor candidates, who often emerge from grassroots movements, must now pay D10,000, up from D3,000, a 233 percent increase.

“This is a direct assault on democracy,” the UDP declared. “These changes mirror Jammeh’s 2015 playbook, where he raised presidential deposits by 4,900 percent to D500,000 to bankrupt opponents.”

While proponents of the legislation claim the adjustments are necessary to ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the UDP rejected such arguments as a façade.

“The NPP’s justification, framed as ‘election integrity,’ is a sham,” the statement read. “The true aim is to exclude grassroots candidates. Councillor deposits now exceed the average Gambian’s annual income.”

The UDP also drew attention to regional legal frameworks, stating that the new rules run afoul of Article 2 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, which obligates member states to ensure equitable and affordable access to electoral processes.

“This move violates ECOWAS principles,” the party said, urging immediate regional intervention. “The UDP demands urgent action from ECOWAS to rectify this action of Barrow and the NPP. The UN, AU, and the international community are hereby put on alert of the Barrow regime’s continuous stifling of democracy in The Gambia.”

“This is a ploy to protect NPP incumbents,” the party warned. “The D1 million presidential fee ensures only Barrow’s wealthy allies can compete.”

Calling the development an “economic coup,” the UDP urged all political parties and civil society to resist what it called an orchestrated attempt to impose financial barriers to electoral participation. “Gambians must resist this economic coup,” the statement concluded. “When tyranny becomes law, resistance becomes duty.”

Mayor Lowe Pushes Back on Corruption Claims: “I Did Nothing Wrong”

Written by: Seringe S.T. Touray
Editor-in-Chief, The Fatu Network

Banjul Mayor Rohey Malick Lowe on Monday, July 14th returned before the Local Government Commission of Inquiry, where she defended her travel history, procurement practices, and controversial council decisions amid mounting scrutiny over governance lapses and alleged conflicts of interest.

Her latest appearance comes days after businessman Nandu Rajwani told the Commission that he paid a total of 20 million dalasis in two separate transactions for land allocated by the Banjul City Council (BCC), a claim that directly contradicts the mayor’s earlier testimony.

According to Rajwani, he initially paid D15 million in 2019 to an intermediary, Chabell Elhajj, for a plot of land behind the National Assembly, under a lease reportedly issued in Elhajj’s company name. When work on that site was halted by the authorities, Rajwani said Mayor Lowe personally assured him that an alternative parcel on Bond Road would be made available, instructing him to pay an additional D5 million. The full sum of D20 million, he alleged, was communicated to and known by the mayor. Lowe has categorically denied this, telling the Commission two weeks earlier: “I don’t know who Mr. Rajwani is.”

On Monday, the Commission shifted focus to Mayor Lowe’s financial stewardship, with questions on her international travels, the use of public funds, and several council appointments and contracts that lacked formal approval.

One line of questioning concerned a 2019 trip to Washington, D.C., where Mayor Lowe attended the International Women’s Day Conference hosted by the Women’s Democracy Network. While the mayor was officially invited, her personal assistant was not, and the organisers made clear in a written communication that they would not cover the assistant’s costs or guarantee her access to all conference activities. Despite this, BCC paid D89,950 from public funds to support the assistant’s travel.

“Is it a crime for my personal assistant to accompany me?” Lowe asked defensively, arguing that the assistant was part of her working team and had internal clearance. “I travel with my assistant if I believe the conference is going to be a big one,” she added.

When asked whether a formal council resolution had authorised the expense, former BCC Chief Executive Officer Mustapha Batchilly, who appeared alongside the mayor, admitted: “I don’t think the council went that far.”

Counsel Patrick Gomez, lead counsel for the Commission, emphasised that public funds must be spent with formal approval and proper documentation. “You were the one invited. The public cannot be made to pay for someone who was not invited, unless due process is followed,” he said.

Mayor Lowe also faced questions over a multi-country official trip covering Kenya, Morocco, Indonesia, and Malaysia, during which she upgraded her flight tickets to business class on certain segments. She told the Commission that she was issued an imprest to cover her travel costs and that she completed the “retirement” — the official process of submitting receipts and accounting for the funds — by handing over the relevant documents to the then-CEO’s office. However, she said the former CEO later informed her that the documents could no longer be found when the Commission began its investigation. As a result, she paid D200,000 from her own funds to reimburse the council and stated that she would request a refund if the original receipts are eventually recovered.

Investigators confirmed that no documentation had been submitted to the Commission, and in the absence of those records, the upgrade expenses could not be validated under public financial regulations.

Another issue raised was the awarding of a D13.8 million contract for the supply of 3,000 waste bins to a company linked to the mayor’s younger brother, Kebba Lowe. Each bin was procured at D4,600, although market prices at the time were estimated at below D2,500, according to figures cited by the Commission. “Yes, Kebba is my younger brother. We’re very close,” the mayor acknowledged. She denied any wrongdoing, stating, “Kebba went through the right process. I don’t see why he should not do business with the council.”

The Commission questioned the use of restricted tender in the contract award, which is generally reserved for urgent or highly specialised procurement. When asked whether a market price check was conducted prior to the purchase, former CEO Batchilly admitted, “No, a market survey was not done,” later adding, “Maybe it was an oversight.”

A Commission member responded by asking hypothetically, “If you go to the market and they charge you that amount, would you buy it?” Batchilly did not give a direct answer.

The Commission noted that the lack of a market survey, coupled with the use of restricted tender, appeared to violate the Gambia Public Procurement Act. Lead Counsel Patrick Gomez stated, “Kebba was not a specialised operator, and this does not meet the exceptions allowed by law.”

Mayor Lowe also defended her decision to appoint Makumba Sanyang, her former campaign manager, as a paid adviser. “He was my campaign manager. I saw the need to have his advice,” she said. When asked what role the adviser served, she explained, “He cannot give legal advice. He cannot give financial advice. But he was helping with many things on the ground.”

Lead Counsel Patrick Gomez questioned whether the use of public funds for a politically affiliated adviser was appropriate, noting that the position lacked a formal mandate and did not meet the requirements of an administrative or technical appointment. “That is not in the law,” he said.

Both the mayor and former CEO Batchilly also admitted that legal services contracted by the council were hired without going through the required public procurement process. “I didn’t know lawyers had to be registered with GPPA,” Batchilly said. The Commission dismissed this as unacceptable, stating, “There’s a history of total disregard of procurement regulations at this council.”

Mayor Lowe and former CEO Batchilly were told they may be recalled to clarify inconsistencies once the Commission reviews newly submitted documents.

The Local Government Commission of Inquiry, which began in 2023, is investigating procurement irregularities, land misallocations, and suspected financial mismanagement across The Gambia’s local councils. The Banjul City Council has emerged as one of the most scrutinised institutions, particularly in light of the EMK land transaction, in which Nandu Rajwani claims he was misled into paying D20 million for plots the mayor now denies allocating. As proceedings continue, the Commission is expected to call more witnesses and review further evidence related to BCC operations.

Students and Teachers of Sinchu Njabo School Appeal for Urgent Government Intervention Over Power Crisis

Written by: Alieu Jallow

Students and teachers at Sinchu Njabo Lower, Upper, and Senior Secondary School in Sabach Sanjal District are urgently appealing for government intervention following a prolonged power outage caused by failed solar batteries.

According to school officials, the institution has been without a reliable source of electricity for nearly three years, ever since the solar system’s batteries stopped functioning. As a result, students and staff lack lighting, access to digital learning tools, and essential utilities—particularly during exam periods and evening study sessions.

Assan Gaye, a teacher at the school, said the situation is seriously affecting the quality of education.

“We have the solar panels, but the batteries are dead. We are appealing to the government and any philanthropists to help us, either by replacing the batteries or connecting us to NAWEC electricity. Without power, we cannot print exams or secure teacher quarters properly,” he said.

The school previously benefited from a project implemented by PSI PMI, which provided smart boards, overhead projectors, and ceiling fans for three classrooms. A computer lab was also set up. However, none of these resources have been used due to the lack of electricity.

“It’s frustrating to have all this equipment just sitting there unused,” Gaye added. “It’s a waste of potential that could make a real difference in our teaching and the students’ learning experience.”

Boto Dibba, a student, echoed these concerns, saying the ongoing power crisis has disrupted their academic progress.

“We need electricity to attend night classes and study after school hours,” he said. “We are asking for your help to restore our electricity supply. It will greatly improve our learning conditions.”

The school administration and the entire village community are now calling on the Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education, the Government of The Gambia, and development partners to intervene by either providing durable solar batteries or connecting the school to the national power grid.

The case of Sinchu Njabo underscores a broader issue: the persistent infrastructure gaps in rural areas and their direct impact on educational equity across the country.

Attorney General Testifies on Janneh Commission Staff Appointments

By Mama A. Touray

The Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Dawda A. Jallow, appeared before the National Assembly’s Special Select Committee today to testify on the appointment of staff to the Janneh Commission, which was tasked with investigating the sale and disposal of assets under the previous administration.

The public hearing, held under the theme “Accountability Safeguards the Nation”, focused on the selection process for the commission’s lead counsel, secretary general, and support staff.

When questioned about whether it was standard practice to appoint a lead counsel from outside government, Jallow stated: “It’s normal to hire private legal practitioners.”

He clarified that while he was involved in selecting the lead counsel and secretary general, he was not directly responsible for recruiting other staff. “I don’t know how other staff find their way to the commission,” he said.

At this point, committee member Counsel Dibba pressed for clarity, insisting that Jallow should specify whether he knew how staff were selected. Jallow was then presented with documents showing that the Ministry of Justice had requested transcribers, clerks, and other personnel for the commission.

Jallow confirmed that support staff received allowances from the commission while continuing to draw salaries from their original government offices. “They get an allowance from the commission but still receive their salaries from their office,” he said.

He emphasised that once assigned to the commission, staff were no longer under their ministries’ direct supervision. “When staff of the ministry are assigned to the commission, they are physically and authoritatively detached from the ministry.”

However, when shown a letter from the commission inquiring about the status of three staff members, Jallow responded: “Probably they were working with the commission while at the ministry.”

Jallow admitted he did not know who appointed additional legal officers assisting the lead counsel. When asked about their terms of reference, he stated: “They are all bound by the TOR [terms of reference] of the lead counsel. I don’t see how you can have different TOR for people working under the same unit.”

He added that support staff were there to assist the lead counsel, not to carry out separate mandates.

Explaining the relationship between the commission and the Ministry of Justice, Jallow said, “We are responsible for the communication between the commission and the government, and we see the commission as part of a broader transitional justice process.”

The hearing continues as the committee seeks further clarity on the commission’s operations and staffing.

Pattern of Vulture Deaths Emerges as Headless Birds Discovered in Bonto Kuta Village (WCR)

Residents of Bonto Kuta village in Kombo East district discovered more than eleven dead vultures over the weekend, all found decapitated in different parts of the community, according to JollofNews.
The grim discovery has left villagers disturbed and puzzled, with speculation ranging from poisoning to spiritual activity. This incident comes just nine days after 23 hooded vultures were found dead in the coastal town of Gunjur on July 5th, with poisoning suspected as the cause in that case.
Lamin Jabang, Chairperson of the Bonto Kuta Village Development Committee, noted a similar incident occurred during the 2021 presidential elections, calling the deaths “unusual” and “not something ordinary.” Local resident Amadou Jarjue, who first discovered the birds, initially suspected poisoning but grew suspicious of spiritual involvement after noticing all the heads were missing.
The pattern of mass vulture deaths across different locations has heightened concerns, with the community calling for an official investigation by wildlife and security authorities to determine the causes.

Mayor Lowe Reaffirms Denial of Involvement in D20 Million Land Deal

By: The Fatu Network News Desk
Banjul Mayor Rohey Malick Lowe today reappeared before the Local Government Commission of Inquiry and once again firmly denied any involvement in or knowledge of the controversial land transactions between EMK Stores CEO Nandu Rajwani and intermediary Chabell Elhajj.
Her renewed denial follows Rajwani’s testimony last week, in which he claimed to have paid a total of 20 million dalasis – 15 million for an initial plot behind the National Assembly, and an additional five million at the mayor’s direct instruction after that site was deemed unsuitable, prompting a switch to a larger plot on Bond Road.
Rajwani alleged that Mayor Lowe was fully aware of the payments and was regularly updated after each transaction. However, the mayor stood by her original position, claiming she had no dealings with Rajwani and that the Banjul City Council only leased land to Elhajj for two million dalasis.
More updates to follow.

8 Years in Exile: Former President Jammeh Maintains Influence in Gambian Politics

Written by: Dawda Baldeh

While still in exile, eight years after his 22-year iron-fisted rule over The Gambia, former President Yahya Jammeh continues to exert significant influence over the country’s political landscape. From his base in Equatorial Guinea, where he has lived since January 2017, Jammeh has used social media—particularly WhatsApp—to organise large rallies in The Gambia and even sack executive members of his APRC party, which has since split into rival factions.

In this explainer, The Fatu Network chronicles The Gambia’s post-Jammeh political trajectory and how the country’s most controversial former leader continues to assert his presence from abroad.

After losing the 2016 presidential election to current President Adama Barrow, Jammeh initially refused to step down, prompting an ECOWAS military intervention. He was subsequently exiled to Equatorial Guinea under an agreement brokered by the African Union and ECOWAS to end the political crisis.

Not long after his departure, remnants of the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) began calling for his return, praising him as a “builder of bridges.” In 2020, thousands of Jammeh supporters marched across the Greater Banjul Area demanding his return. “He can come as a private citizen and stand for election and win. He can also become the president. We want him to be the president of this country. We see what he has done. We have seen it. He is a peaceful man,” one supporter said of the former leader—widely known for his repressive rule.

Indeed, the man who once sat at the epicentre of Gambia’s political power and intrigue is relishing the idea of returning home. From the comfort of his farm in Equatorial Guinea, Jammeh told thousands of supporters via a recorded WhatsApp audio that he would “soon return.” He added, “I don’t want any violence. I don’t want anyone to touch anything or destroy anything. The agreement must be implemented,” referencing what he claims is a deal with the African Union that would facilitate his return.

Before the 2020 rally, Jammeh had already made his intentions clear to supporters in Kanilai, declaring via WhatsApp, “From today, I want to take full leadership of the party as outlined in the APRC Constitution. I am the supreme leader, the flagbearer, and the party chairman, and I want to make this very clear.” This was his first public statement since leaving power in January 2017.

Jammeh, who insists he remains the party’s supreme leader, expelled seven executive members from the APRC faction. In a January 22, 2025 WhatsApp message, he announced he had taken control of his faction and dismissed interim leader Yahya Tamba. In February, he again removed one of his loyalists, Bakary Badjie, just days after Badjie declared his intention to run in the 2026 presidential election.

On several occasions, Jammeh has released audio messages criticising the Barrow-led government. In one such message, he accused Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko of stealing Gambia’s natural resources, including oil—an allegation that further intensified public debate on the matter. While rights groups, opposition parties and civil society continue to demand transparency around Gambia’s natural resources, President Barrow has publicly denied any collusion with Senegal over oil dealings.

More recently, Jammeh released a 56-minute WhatsApp audio in response to rumours that he had endorsed Foni Berefet lawmaker Amie Colley’s affiliation with Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP), a claim he firmly denied.

APRC Factions and ‘Unholy’ Alliances

After Jammeh’s departure, APRC deputy leader Fabakary Tombong Jatta took over the party’s leadership. On 4 October 2021, the APRC announced an alliance with President Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP). The announcement sparked widespread criticism from activists and victims of Jammeh’s regime, who denounced the alliance due to the human rights abuses committed under Jammeh’s rule.

Jammeh, speaking again via WhatsApp from exile, condemned the alliance as “unholy” and distanced himself from it. He went further, dismissing leading members of the party, including Tombong Jatta. Despite Jammeh’s objections, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) continued to recognise Tombong as the official party leader. Those Jammeh sacked remained loyal to Tombong, while the other faction—known for its “No to the Alliance” stance—rallied behind Yahya Tamba.

Instead of aligning with Barrow’s camp, Jammeh declared his faction’s alliance with the Gambia Alliance for National Unity (GANU), led by his former Justice Minister, Sheikh Tijan Hydara.

APRC Divided

While Jammeh vehemently rejected the APRC-NPP alliance, President Barrow defended the partnership, stating it was in the national interest. Once one of The Gambia’s most powerful political parties, the APRC now faces serious fragmentation.

2022 National Assembly Elections

Leading up to the 2022 National Assembly elections, both APRC factions fielded candidates. The faction led by Yahya Tamba won five seats in the Foni region—Foni Jarrol, Bondali, Kansala, Berefet, and Bintang—all strongholds of Jammeh, though they contested as independent candidates. Meanwhile, the Fabakary-led APRC, still recognised by the IEC, secured two seats in Jeshwang and Bundungka Kunda, both located in the Kanifing Municipality.

Conclusion

The Gambia’s political chapter with Yahya Jammeh is far from closed. The next chapter—whether it involves his return, potential prosecution, or continued exile—remains uncertain. Will Jammeh be held accountable for the atrocities he is accused of, or will Gambians choose to move on and consign his authoritarian legacy to history? Only time will tell.

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