It is rather sympathetic and disheartening that most African leaders are of the myopic thoughts that a country could only be developed through the promotion of science and technology, failing to realiz that science and technology cannot effectively take its due in a country which is economically paralyzed and the Gambia is not an exception to this.
This tragic perception was strongly married to by two of Barrow’s predecessors in the names of His Excellency Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara and His Excellency Yahya Jammeh, and the Barrow led administration is also following the same trend and yet the development of the country is still snail crawling.
The billion dollar question one might tend to ask is: why is it that the Gambia still remains as one of the poorest countries in the world when her leadership, for almost fifty (50) years, have been at the forefront in the promotion of science and technology?
The simple answer is: science is too expensive; science is all about innovation; hence for any to effectively register unprecedented development, there must be a genuine unprecedented developmental cycle comprising of social scientists, economists, and scientists.
Facts of history taught us that most developed countries today were able to get to the mountain top by making sure that there is “political will”which allows social scientists to enact and make informed policies that helps in resource generation (it is the stage when economic growth starts to take its cause); then the economists ensures that there is sustainability and proper management of the resources generated as a results of the informed policies made by the social scientists; as years pass by, when there is a lot of economic growth, then the resources generated could be used in the promotion of science and technology. Therefore, for science and technology to be able to effectively take its due, both social scientists and economists have a very pivotal role to play. Hence, the belief that a country could only be developed through the promotion of science and technology is a misrepresented one.
Barrow must also strengthen education, especially tertiary institutions with critical focus in the University of the Gambia if he really wants to register sustainable development for the Gambia. Development as technocrats put it “cannot be sustainable it is it not back by education”. Empowering the University will allow the state to produce technocrats in all spheres of development; from civil engineers, enough professional Nurses and Doctors, professional and a disciplined security force etc. In that, the republic will not rely on the Chinese and Indian engineers for our infrastructural needs; Cuban and Chinese Doctors for our critical health needs, and above all not cross borders for simple treatment.
Barrow again should pay a huge attention to the department of social sciences in schools for they have the cure to the major ills facing our country today which is the cause of our slow development drive.
The sickness that is holding our development process is our parochial political culture. It has caused the current division in the Gambia both politically and socially. In the Gambia, one could deduce that there is no tribalism but there is what we call “political tribalism”. Believ us even Lord Regard or Magret cannot take this country forward with the current political and ethnic misrepresentation.
The political executive should also take full control of the Republic’s sovereign wealth that will support the development process and not only look for loans or aids. The Republic should not put more concentration on the tax base as revenue, but together with the non-tax base of our economy/ national endowed (God giving) wealth.
It is shocking to learn that other mining sites have been given to profit grabbing capitalists at the expense of the state. This is unwise and non-developmental. All mining of our blessed soil must be control by the state for the benefit of all.
Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara in 1975 asserted that
“It is our effort far more than what happened outside the Gambia is the principal determiner of our failure or success”
In essence, outside efforts are only needed to compliment ours. That is to say, development must be domestic driven.
For example, let’s take the Republic of Burkina Faso as a case study during Thomas Sankara reign from 1983 to 1987. To mark his first year in office, Sankara changed the country’s name from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso, meaning “the land of the upright people”. In contrast with most African leaders who exploit their country’s merger resources for their personal gains, Thomas Sankara launched upon a series of measures unheard upon the continent, his first move; to cleansed the power structures of all social injustice; he reduced the salaries of ministers and chief public servants starting with his own; he also made sure that public servants were no longer seen in expensive Mercedes but in cheaper cars, not a single privilege remained to government officials; members of the security forces were well trained as per their roles and duties in a Republic, as in one of his famous quotation he said
“A soldier without any political or ideological training is a potential criminal; he ensured that the national endowed wealth was strictly utilized for the development of the state. All the measures taken were geared towards rapid economic growth because Burkina Faso was economically paralyzed when he took over through a coup in 1983.
Measures implemented by Sankara, unreservedly, changed the face of the country. Within four years, he was able to transformed Burkina Faso from being an economically dependent country to an economically independent country; coupled with that, Burkina Faso was able to attained food self-sufficiency during his tenure.
If Burkina Faso was able to attained food self-sufficiency within four years why not the Gambia? It is rather ironical when the Barrow led administration keeps on singing that they inherited a broken economy when the chief servants are scrambling for per diems like the way Europeans where scrambling for colonies during the partition of Africa in 1884.
Thus, if the Barrow led administration wants to paint her name in our history books, then they have to be very much cognizant of the challenges facing our country today. We should know where we came from; where we are; and where we heading to.
In that, appropriate policies should be put in place to help guide the crusade. The Barrow administration must make sure that national interests guide their actions otherwise all lofty presumed developmental hurdles crippling our country shall one day become mere illusions.
May God bless the Gambia.
Sheriffo Sanyang and Sanna Badjie
Political science students
University of The Gambia
On the Appointments of the Executive Secretary, Deputy Executive Secretary and Possibly Other Staff to the TRRC
Dr. Omar Janneh (PhD)
In my view the TRRC Act, 2017 has bestowed too much power onto the President to appoint, upon consultation with the Minister and the Public Service Commission, the Executive Secretary to the TRRC [TRRC Act, 2017; section 22(2)]. I hold the same view in regards to the power the Act confers on the Minister to appoint a Deputy Executive Secretary to the Commission.
Overall, the powers conferred to the President by the Act is excessive: The President is empowered to appoint the members (TRRC Act; section 5(1), Chairperson & Deputy Chairperson (TRRC Act, 2017; section 5(2), Executive Secretary (TRRC Act, 2017; section 22(2) as well as fill any vacancies that arise (TRRC Act, 2017; section 12). Further, the President is able to remove Commissioners (TRRC Act, section 10(1-3) and may also be able to remove the Executive Secretary (TRRC Act, 2017; section 22(6). It can be argued that the President may be prejudiced in his hiring, firing and rehiring of some Commission staff. Further, we must also realise that the President, the Executive Secretary and probably the Minister fought against the tyrannical rule of the previous regime whose human rights abuses the Commission is set up to investigate. To my mind, the conflict of interest is obvious. Some of the victims who have waited so long for justice may see nothing wrong with conflict of interest. To the perpetrators of the crimes (and most likely the international community), the appointments and possible firing/rehiring of conflicted individuals (President, Minister, and Executive Secretary) may be prejudiced and may be justifiably perceived as being fair. I am not a lawyer, but I believe justice has to be seen to be delivered fairly.
[Some questions that will not go away from my mind are: Were the victims or families of affected victims ever asked what they want or expect out of the TRRC prior to the construction of the Act? If not, would it not have been more reasonable to construct the Act at the conclusion of a comprehensive public consultation on the matter? To me, it seems that the Act was constructed without public consultations and it is only now that they are doing the public meetings. If this is true, then the Act is a work of fiction. If they had constructed the Act following due process, they would have a good chance in capturing something in the Act that matches the expectations of the victims. The current Act cannot deliver what it promises – the last time I checked, the streets of the Gambia were not paved in gold. Why do we like to put the cart before the horse in the Gambia?]
One would have thought that such appointments should not have been left, at best, in the hands of an individual. The work is complex and potentially toxic and so appropriate checks must be applied to ensure that appropriate vetting took place so that the most suitably qualified individual is always recruited. This can only be effectively carried out if we take corrective measures that ensure that we carefully plan what it is that we want to do and assemble a team composed of individuals who have the intuition to do such complex work. Thus my suggestion for a better procedure in regards to composing the team in the TRRC Secretariat, and where possible staff to the Commission, would have been as follows:
On the appointment of the Executive Secretary to the TRRC: It is my view that the TRRC Act, 2017 conferred too much power onto the President to appoint an individual, upon consultation with the Minister and the Public Service Commission, to this post. Anyone who has read the TRRC Act, 2017 and knows the academic qualifications, skills and competencies which are explicitly stated and implied to do the work would know that the President has got the appointment of Executive Secretary to the Commission very wrong. For a start, the President is conflicted – he fought against the previous regime and should not have been empowered by the Act to appoint an Executive Secretary to the Commission who also brings conflict of interest to the post. Most of us, if not all, know that Dr. Baba G. Jallow was wronged by the former regime, resulting in his exile in the US for some 16 or more years, so he may well have to appear before the Commission. I think the perpetrators of the crimes may be justifiably concerned that the process may not be impartial or perceived to be fair. Is this what we mean when we say new Gambia?
Heading the Secretariat is a challenging assignment, but also a potentially rewarding one if the work of the Commission can be successfully completed as it will make attractive the resumes of those involved. But what about the rest of us when the TRRC goes wrong, as it is likely to? While it can be considered almost wrong or a weakness to shy away from challenges, we must declare if some challenges are a little beyond our capabilities, i.e., whether, in the interest of doing the job well, one is suitably qualified to take on some challenges. Having read the TRRC Act, 2017 which specifically addressed the criteria and responsibilities of the Executive Secretary, it is my view that Dr. Jallow could have declined the job offer from the President on grounds that he does not fulfil most of the items which could be broadly described as essential and desirable. Further he too must know that he brings conflict of interest to the job. I have come to the decision, with regret, that Dr. Jallow is not suitably qualified for the post of Executive Secretary of the Commission and some of my reasons can be summarised as follows:
I do not doubt Dr. Jallow’s abilities as a fine historian and a fine writer too, which is necessary for this work, but I question his other skills and competencies to do this assignment well. We must not confuse title/knowledge/capacity to do a job with leadership. Titles hold no value when it comes to leadership or capacity to do a job and do it well which is always of paramount, most especially here. Leadership may often be assigned, or awarded, but true leadership is earned and one has to invest in it for a considerable amount of time to acquire good leadership skills. By appointing someone with even lower qualifications, leadership skills and influence as Deputy Executive Secretary, I believe we are missing the opportunity to establish a strong team in the Secretariat of the TRRC.
On the appointment of the Deputy Executive Secretary to the Commission: The TRRC Act, 2017 empowers the Minister to appoint the Deputy Executive Secretary to the Commission upon consultation with the Executive Secretary (TRRC Act, 2017; section 22(7). However, the appointment of Ms Musu Bakoto Sawo to the Deputy Executive Secretary could have passed some very basic checks. In my view, empowering the Minister and the conflicted Executive Secretary to appoint a Deputy Executive Secretary undermines the impartiality of the Commission and may be perceived improper. Further, it is not sufficient for the (conflicted) Executive Secretary to give the recommendation to appoint Ms Sawo as Deputy Executive Secretary a nod without the (conflicted) Executive Secretary exercising his duties by using the provision the Act confers upon him, in regards to appointments. Here, section 24(1) of the TRRC Act, 2017 says ‘The Executive Secretary mayappoint through a competitive recruitment process, such other staff as the Commission mayrequire.’ In my view, it would have been reasonable, justifiable and proper for the Executive Secretary to work within the spirit of the provision of the Act in regards to making his position known to the Minister so that public funds are used appropriately. After all, it is the Executive Secretary who has responsibility over the use of the Commission’s funds (TRRC Act, 2017; section 28). In short, did Dr. Jallow ask the Minister if the recruitment of Ms Sawo to the Commission pass the competition test (TRRC Act; section 24(1)? I suppose I can see how the (conflicted) Executive Secretary could feel awkward asking such a question, because his own appointment may not have passed the competition test. Will we ever know?
The point here is that if we can shout our lungs out when we are on the touch lines, we must ensure that we do what is expected of us when we are in theatre. It is an insult to our intelligence to assume that we can be fooled; perhaps some can be, but not all. We have all lived through some failures (-I mean governments but I suppose applicable to self). Therefore, going forward, we must work in a manner that shows that we have understood and learnt from past failures. This reflective practice is important for our recovery. Let’s abhor mediocrity; we can either choose to do the TRRC well or ask the victims what they want/expect for the wrongs they endured under Jammeh. To do it well, we would need to bridge the capacity gap by securing the engagement of highly skilled individuals, Commissioner(s) and an able Chairperson who bring impartiality to the task and can help direct the functions of the Secretariat (TRRC Act, 2017; section 23(1)(f) and the Commission. And the recruitment and selection of staff to the Commission must be done by individuals who will not undermine the impartiality of the Commission.