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Ethical Morass

OPINION

By Cherno Baba Jallow

In 2022, a closely-held secret in President Adama Barrow’s Administration or a part of it, finally leapt into the public consciousness: that some senior members of Barrow’s cabinet had been, unbeknownst to the public, allocated lands that belonged to the state. With the tacit approval of the then Local Government and Lands Minister Alhaji Musa Drammeh, these state ministers helped themselves to the lands like a group of famished souls would a box of pizza slices. Each one took one.

“I will not return that land,’’ Ebrima Sillah, then Information, Communication and Infrastructure Minister, told The Point. He justified his ownership on the basis of time-travelled tradition —- that both Presidents Dawda Kairaba Jawara and Yahya Jammeh had allowed land allocations to ministers and other government officials. But Sillah also saw the Bijilo land transfer as a ‘’compensation’’ for the loss of his Tanji plot to the government. Which government? Better still, who decided on the compensation terms? How were they decided?

When government leaders secretly take over public lands and get away with it, it’s easy imagining what else they could do to advance their own interests at the expense of the nation’s. Now Barrow —— the President himself —— has allegedly gotten in on the action. He went for prime real estate: the official residence of the Chief Justice, a government property located in a plush section of Fajara. Opposition leader Ousainou Darboe made the charge at a press conference a few days ago.

Two years ago, public anger over the secret land allocations in Bijilo quickly dissipated. The nation went back to sleep as usual. Passivity on the part of constituents can embolden the duplicity of those in leadership. But the point is not whether Gambians are naturally weak in holding their leaders accountable. Or are oblivious to the mischievousness of the government. Or are too blinded by partisanship and tribalism to advocate for the national interest.

The point is whether a president has the right to allocate himself what belongs to the state. Barrow turning a blind eye to, encouraging even, Cabinet ministers divvying up public property is a serious matter. But the president’s willful participation in similar dealings takes the deviousness to a new height. Neither Barrow nor his surrogates have confirmed or denied Darboe’s allegations. Hamat Bah, the Lands and Local Government Minister, asked for more time to respond to the allegations. They are not talking. They are stonewalling.

This is telling.

What is also telling is this: Barrow’s governing style, an unappetizing mix of incompetence and indifference, has made a mockery of the sanctity of ethics in the conduct of government business. Of the three presidencies, Barrow’s has been the most ethically-challenged in Gambian history. Rules of convention and etiquette don’t apply. Or are easily sidestepped because the system’s fragility provides a strong incentive to double-dealing and deceit by those entrusted with the management of national affairs.

Time was, and not too long ago, dictatorship ran rampant in The Gambia. The power —- or rather the authoritarianism —- of one man (Yahya Jammeh), forced out of his acolytes’ dual allegiances: to him and to their duties to the state. He alone could be corrupt and steal from the national treasury. He alone could flout the rules and get away with it. The rest faced the risks of dismissal or imprisonment. Or worse.

Jammeh was a systemic stress test for The Gambia. On human rights and freedoms and a liberal political climate, the results were appalling. But on national security, and more importantly, on the efficient functioning of the bureaucracy, the country was on a firmer footing. But the fear of the retributive tendencies of a leader is neither an incentive to efficiency for those under him nor a precaution against their wrongful conduct. It takes a system —- a system of governance based on laws and regulations, checks and balances, dissent and consent, moral and ethical leadership, a.k.a. democracy, to advance the public good as normally understood.

Democracy has returned to The Gambia, and with it, human rights and freedoms. The rule of law, too. But what is seriously lacking is ethical conduct in the arena of governance. Our leaders have shown a disdain for integrity and openness in the governing process. They go about things secretly, caring less about betraying their own consciences and flouting the rules on conflict of interest.

Consider the $200, 000 the OIC handed to members of the Gambian Justice Ministry for prosecuting the Rohingya case against Myanmar. They shared the money amongst themselves. Consider also the $40 million government payout to media groups and Barrow’s clemency to murderers and rapists. These undertakings raise serious ethical concerns about fairness, honesty and transparency. In a strong democracy, parliamentary inquiries would come fast and furious.

Gambian democracy isn’t there —- yet. But the real frustration right now is having a president unbothered by the convulsions of impropriety around him. And he is contributing to it. If Barrow will not rescue himself from the edge of the cliff, then Gambians should take their country back from him. It’s perfectly fine that democracy gives them the choice and the possibility to act accordingly.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect The Fatu Network’s editorial stance.

The President, The Media And A Headline

OPINION

By Cherno Baba Jallow

Speaking to his party supporters recently, President Adama Barrow made some startling remarks that sent many in a tizzy. Consider: He urged his supporters to fight back against those who hurl insults at them and break the law of the land. Consider also: He likened the political bureaus of an unnamed political party to corner shops operated by Mauritanians a.k.a. ‘’Narrs’’, those Arab-Berber immigrants with longstanding ties to small business in The Gambia.

One day, Barrow said in jest, a Narr will end up taking ownership of those political bureaus. Translation: they will be turned into shops for business rather than what they were intended for. Barrow was dabbling in political humor and throwing a jab at his opponents.

A diligent reporter covering Barrow’s speech should have no trouble unpacking the news out of the President’s tirades to his party loyalists. Distilled down to its essence, a part of the speech was an invitation to bellicosity. A president urging his supporters to return fury against others is newsworthy indeed. Consider the elements of the story. The speaker: head of state. The language: harrowing. The possibility: violence and bloodshed.

But Kerr Fatou decided to forgo the actual story. Instead, it went for something unsupported by the facts. Saying that Barrow’s Narr’s comment was a reference to Mayor Talib Bensouda, who has a Moroccan background and is a potential opponent of Barrow in the 2026 presidential elections, veers into conjectural journalism. Kerr Fatou violated two —- the latter, less clear-cut —- cardinal principles of the profession: journalists should never make assumptions. They should anchor their reporting on facts and reliable evidence. And journalists should never print falsehood knowingly. That indicates preconceived biases and a blatant disregard for the sacredness of the truth and the process of truth-seeking.

Barrow’s speech, beyond its reportorial trappings, offered plenty of fodder to editorialists and others in the commentariat. His razor-edged tone needed strong rebuking. As president, you don’t deploy certain vocabulary, certainly not in the public space. You don’t partake in jocular but sensitive, banter, on ethnicities. You don’t urge your supporters to ’fight back’’ and you will “support them.’’ Barrow should know that he has long ceased being an ordinary member of society. He is president. So presidential protocol matters. And a president is expected to set the tone for the rest to follow.

But, occasionally, Barrow has shown a penchant for slash-and-burn oratory on the public stage. Between flashes of smiles and moments of levity, he can instantaneously detour into outbursts of wrath, unsettling even his most avid of supporters. Two years ago, he declared that he would put an end to political rallies if he won re-election. The condemnation was swift and widespread. A State House press release tried to explain away his comments. It fell flat.

Most politicians commit gaffes. Some are unintentional. Others are counterproductive. Barrow’s belong to the latter. As president, he has been overwhelmingly tolerant and nonthreatening. His strongest suit has been his tolerance for dissent. And under his leadership, The Gambia is enjoying an unprecedented boom time in freedom of speech. Barrow isn’t the catalyst for this freedom. This was earned. But in Barrow, a man seemingly unperturbed by all the vitriol directed at him, the nation’s new-found and bold expressiveness has found the right ally.

At a campaign rally in Wellingara in 2021 during the last presidential elections, Barrow sounded upbeat about the new dawn: “Democracy has come,’’ he said. ‘’Now you can say anything you want; nothing will happen.’’ He added: ‘’If you wish to do it, you can spend all your time castigating President Barrow; I am not going to respond to you.’’ This is how a democratic leader should be: magnanimous in power and authority. But Ebrima Dibba, a prominent member of the opposition UDP, was just arrested for allegedly ‘’insulting’’ the president.

It’s paramount that Barrow be measured and conciliatory, be wary of the creeping temptations of the authoritarian psyche and to see himself as the leader for all, not just members of his party. With a firm mastery of the four major national languages, Barrow has the ability to bring the nation together. This is easier said than done, of course. The Gambia is in the clutches of hyperpartisanship. The politics is toxic, the citizenry divided and the animosity pervasive.

And in this season of simmering discontent, the last thing The Gambia needs is a media trafficking in rage-baiting. Sure, journalists do not report on the planes that landed safely. But journalists must also know what is newsworthy and whether that item going through the reporting and editing stages has the potential to inform and educate the public as opposed to merely ginning up controversies and inflaming passions. Perhaps the Gambian media has too much freedom now and it doesn’t know what to do with it. But for its sake and the nation’s, it needs to rise above the rancor and stay in its lane.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect The Fatu Network’s editorial stance.

GFF & Sports Ministry’s “New Relationship”: A Step in the Right Direction

OPINION

By ML Drammeh

In recent years, the Gambia National Team has faced significant challenges, notably the strained relationship between two key institutions: The Gambia Football Federation and the Ministry of Youth & Sports. This discord, whether known to the public or not, has greatly affected the team, including the salary of the former head coach, Tom Saintfiet, which the GFF reportedly covered with about 50 million dalasis due to the ministry’s failure to fulfil its financial obligations.

However, I felt a ray of hope emerged during the signing ceremony of the new head coach for the senior national team when Lamin Jassey, the General Secretary of the GFF, announced that the GFF and the ministry had forged a new relationship. Better late than never, because this “new relationship,” if genuine, could bring enormous benefits and support the progress of the new coach.

I have heard so much about the two institution’s relationship, but my understanding of the relationship between them deepened during my trip to the Africa Cup of Nations in Ivory Coast. Through interactions with staff from both the federation and the ministry, I was really able to substantiate the ‘sour’ relationship, which was characterized by a focus on each other’s faults rather than collaboration, between them.

As a young football administrator, I am always absolutely inquisitive about any issues hindering the progress of our football, especially those involving the ministry and the federation. It was because of this interest I capitalised on the situation in Ivory Coast to understand the underlying issues.

After several interactions, I had not discovered any bad that was insurmountable. These were things that could have been circumvented if the leaders of both institutions had prioritized collaboration over conflict.

Take, for example, the issue of the renovation of the Independence Stadium. A senior member at the federation told me that the ministry kept them in the dark regarding the renovation and the requirements to be met. To the person, the last CAF inspection failed because the ministry managed the renovations alone, without involving the federation. Although the government, through the ministry, controlled the funding and renovations, one would expect GFF, as the body governing football in the country, to be informed or involved by CAF regulations. However, this was not done because of the perceived “sour” relationship between the two entities. This is an issue that both institutions should sit and discuss in the interests of football in The Gambia. It is avoidable and both parties should look at the interest of the people.

I found the above issue of the Independence Stadium a bit confusing partly because the General Manager of the Independence Stadium, who is also a staff member of the ministry, holds an executive position within the GFF. How the ministry shunned the federation and the reason for it is still a mystery that I cannot understand.

Another issue that highlighted the strained relationship between the GFF and the ministry in the past was the hiring of Tom Saintfiet as the head coach of the national team. Normally, the government would hire the head coach and cover his salary. However, in this case, the GFF had to bear the full responsibility for paying the coach’s salary. This financial burden is likely why Tom Saintfiet was not based in the country, despite recommendations from some quarters.

Just yesterday, a senior staff member at the federation told me over the phone that the GFF had spent about 50 million dalasis on Tom Saintfiet’s remuneration. The reasons why the ministry did not pay the former head coach’s salary remain unclear to me; I never asked the minister why, but such situations surely indicate underlying issues. Unfortunately, I left journalism in February, just as I was planning to interview the minister. Nonetheless, I am relieved that this matter is behind us, and it appears that the government has hired the new head coach, taking on the responsibility for his salary and bonuses. This is a significant improvement, as it allows the federation to allocate funds to their intended purposes rather than covering the head coach’s salary.

Impressively, many people characterized the unveiling of the new coach as unprecedented, unlike the former coach, whose contract signing was bizarrely done outside the country. Apparently, all was not well in the past, and Lamin Kaba Bajo substantiated it when he spoke during the unveiling of the new head coach. He didn’t precisely say all was not well, but he spoke about unity and how Gambians can collectively work together towards achieving our common goal in football instead of fighting for positions at the federation. Some of us, who are familiar with certain issues at the top, can tell you exactly what Mr. Bajo meant. Certainly, with united efforts, we can overcome any obstacle and move mountains and cross bridges to be successful.

“The new relationship/collaboration between the Ministry/NSC and GFF is at an all-time high which is a great thing we should all cherish and safeguard,” the General Secretary of the GFF, Lamin Jassey posted on his Facebook account as he celebrates the new relationship that they all denied Gambians of in the recent past.

In this new relationship, the GFF and Ministry should also sit and address the national team’s financial concerns. On several occasions recently, the GFF has often redirected funds allocated for other important activities to support the national team, primarily because of the purportedly insufficient government funding provided to the ministry according to the federation’s budget. Such issues should be in the past since there is a new relationship. While I encourage it to be in the past, it is only natural that the federation does realistic budgeting.

The technical department of the GFF through the finance department should do an annual budget for the games of the national team/s and forward it to the Ministry of Youths and Sports. This way, the ministry can put the budget in their budget for onward submission to the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs to be captured in the national budget for approval at the parliament.

For the game to flourish in the country, Hon. Bakary Badjie and President Kaba Bajo must collaborate closely to ensure the government fully honours its obligations to the national teams. This will avert the need for the federation to divert funds allocated for other purposes to support the national team.

My delight was undeniable when Lamin Jassey revealed their new partnership. I am quite confident that both Hon. Bakary Badjie and Lamin Kaba Bajo aspire to be fondly remembered for any achievements the national teams may accomplish during their tenure at the helm of the federation and the ministry.

Maybe, the GFF can also use this “new relationship “to lure the government into funding the national leagues, since the GFF could only convince Baluwo for a sponsorship. Let them place the project before the ministry because football has created a huge number of employments for many young people in the country, both on and off the pitch. This could entice the ministry to begin committing something to the league. Maybe, 10-15 million dalasi every year. It is very possible!

The unfortunate reality is that a senior staff member at the Ministry of Youth & Sports told me that the ministry does not trust the federation. Clearly, the federation’s financial reputation is tainted. This is all the more reason for the federation to engage with the ministry to ensure that everything is properly managed.

The GFF needs to acknowledge the ministry’s role, and the ministry must also understand its duties regarding the national team to progress in this new partnership.

The new relationship, should it extend beyond the initial presentation of the new head coach, is certainly a move towards the right direction. We possess the potential to rise to prominence. Nevertheless, despite Lamin Jassey’s remarks, we have not yet reached the status of a giant in African football. We may achieve this distinction soon, but only if the GFF starts taking appropriate actions. Our ascent is contingent upon our commitment to doing the right things.

CGTN documentary Taiwan Untangled: Unveiling the complexities and future path

CGTN, collaborates with George Galloway, member of Parliament of the UK and leader of the Workers Party of Britain presents “Taiwan Untangled,” a 21-minute co-produced documentary. This insightful film delves into the multifaceted Taiwan question, exploring its history, current situation, and future prospects.

As the storyteller of the documentary, George Galloway, a Westerner, brings a unique perspective to the table. He unequivocally emphasizes that Taiwan’s legal status has never been in doubt. Through recorded history, it is abundantly clear that Taiwan has always been an integral part of China.

In a parallel, Zhong Xiangyu, an anti-imperialist rapper, echoes Galloway’s sentiments. He points out that for most people in the Taiwan region, they think they “have roots on the mainland” and “they don’t really deny them.”

The three China-U.S. joint communiques, which states that “there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China,” form the foundation of China-U.S. relations. However, despite acknowledging the fact that there is only one China, the U.S. maintains strategic ambiguity on Taiwan. “It repeats that it’s committed to one-China policy, but then undermines it in a number of ways,” said Joseph Gerson, co-chair of the Committee for a SANE U.S.-China Policy.

On the real purpose behind the U.S.’s strategic ambiguity, experts gave their insights: “The U.S. real strategic goal was very clear: They want to prevent China’s integration with the rest of the world. They do not want China to develop,” said Victor Gao, vice president at Center for China and Globalization (CCG). “It’s like asking brothers and sisters to fight amongst themselves,” Gao made an analogy here.

Furthermore, the U.S. is involving its European allies in its confrontational approach, despite the fact that most Europeans are not seeking “de-coupling” or “de-risking” from China, let alone “a real war.” Statements made by EU “Foreign Minister” Joseph Borrell regarding “freedom of navigation” in Taiwan, former UK Prime Minister Liz Truss’s controversial visit to Taiwan, her call for an American “Nuclear Umbrella” in the region, as well as the current Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s labeling of China as “the greatest danger,” all contribute to the heightened risk of a nuclear conflict. “Taiwan hedgehog” is becoming a “porcupine.” Thus, people in the Taiwan region have good reason to feel anxious about their future.

How would the future fall upon the mainland and the Taiwan region? Wang Bingzhong, spokesperson of the New Party believed that the U.S. is “pushing Taiwan to challenge, to cross the red line of the one-China principle”, but “China’s meteoric ascent on the global stage stands as its own formidable deterrent to such wayward ambitions.” Chen Fuyu, director of the Cross-Straits Ben Post called for people in the Taiwan region to “grasp this historical opportunity” presented by China’s peaceful rise, and achieve “effective development.”

Similarly, the youth in Taiwan hold an optimistic view of the future. Taipei resident Chen Chongzhen expressed his optimism that “a more peaceful world environment will come” and envisioned a future where “Taiwan can live peacefully with the mainland, even [move] towards reunification.” Xiangyu also conveyed his sincere wish, stating, “I hope to see Taiwan not being used as a bargaining chip by foreign powers in their negotiations with Beijing, and I hope that the people here and on the mainland build more bridges and have more good-faith contact with one another.”

As Taiwan contemplates its future, it faces a choice: to be a mere “chess” piece manipulated by the U.S. or to actively pursue peaceful reunification with the mainland. The hopeful perspectives of Chongzhen and Xiangyu shed light on the possible direction the future may take. However, it is essential to note that regardless of how the future unfolds, “it’s a tale between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan,” and external parties should refrain from interfering in this narrative.

官网链接: https://news.cgtn.com/news/2024-05-18/Taiwan-Untangled-1tB3Iqzb4NW/p.html

The Fatu Network Heroes Awards 4.0: A Night to Remember

By: Dawda Baldeh

The Fatu Network Heroes Awards 4.0 brought together legends and spectators in a grand celebration of achievements and contributions. From careful event planning to the seamless execution of the ceremony, everything flowed smoothly, creating a relaxed and joyful atmosphere for all attendees.

Guests from various regions arrived at the International Conference Center and were welcomed with a warm reception. The setting featured gold or silver-plated chairs and red carpets, enhancing the sophisticated ambiance of the evening.

The event’s special guest, Guinean singer and celebrity Grand P, made his inaugural visit to The Gambia and captivated the audience with his performance, supported by the renowned Guinean band Bembeya Jazz.

The night kicked off with a performance by the King of Kora, Jaliba Kuyateh, who set a vibrant tone for the festivities. Following Kuyateh, Bembeya Jazz took the stage for their own set before they were accompanied by Grand P, adding a dynamic flair to the evening. Senegalese singer and King of Mbalax, Youssou Ndour, followed with his own unique and mesmerizing performance.

Adding to the spectacle was a drone exhibit, as drones formed words like “Personalities” and “Inspiring” in the sky, perfectly aligning with the event’s theme and adding an element of excitement.

Distinguished guests included Gambia’s Vice President Muhammed BS Jallow, Sierra Leonean First Lady Madam Fatima Maada Bio, Guinean singer and celebrity Grand P, Senegalese music star Youssou Ndour, a delegate from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including Senator Andrea Carole Sassou Nguesso, daughter of the President of the Republic of the Congo, Gambia’s Deputy Speaker, cabinet ministers, and business leaders.

The event honored individuals who have significantly contributed to the country’s socioeconomic development. Ten awards were presented to recognize their dedication and achievements.

The first special award was presented to Guinean President General Dumbuya and accepted by his delegation. The second special award was given to Julius Maada Bio, received by his wife, Fatima Maada Bio.

Person of the Year was awarded to Yankuba Darboe, Commissioner General of GRA. A posthumous award was given to the late Badara Joof, received by his daughter Awa Badara Joof. Exemplary Youth of the Year was awarded to ASP Binta Njie. The Diaspora Engagement Award went to Yahya Sonko. Health Servant of the Year was awarded to Dr. Mustapha Bittaye, accepted by his wife. The Education Prize for Excellence was awarded to MRC Holland Foundation. The Agricultural Leadership Award went to Brefet Women’s Garden. Philanthropist of the Year was awarded to Hamidou Jah. The Green Award was given to Samba Faye, and the Trailblazer Award was presented to Gaira Lamin.

The success of The Fatu Network Heroes Awards 4.0 was made possible by the dedicated efforts of Fatu Camara, CEO of The Fatu Network, the organizing committee, and the main sponsors, Africell Gambia, along with other sponsors. Their support and hard work were instrumental in making the event a resounding success.

Africa Day – The Need to Ignite Africa Integration Agenda?

By Sheriff Conteh

On this very important day called “Africa Day”, formally, Africa Liberation Day, I wish to deliberate on the need for regional integration as an instrument to liberate our beloved continent from decades-long shackles of economic and political domination – contributing to massive exploitation. Quite bothersome!

Couldn’t genuine and effective regional integration help solve this aggravating menace? Of course, only if we begin to think along the line of unity – UNITED AFRICA!

When I refer to African regional integration, my lenses see beyond the free movement of goods and services between member countries, or intra-African trade, but Africa-Europe or Africa-America trade, etc. The need to create a common economic and political union against external dominance.

From the establishment of the Organization of African Union (OAU) in 1963 to transforming into African Union (AU) in 2002, integrating Africa was amongst the main objectives placed on the table. Therefore, we can agree that our dear continent’s integration will go a long way in dismantling the foreign and economic exploitation Africa has been enduring for decades.

60 years on, or more, since the first congress of independent African states in Accra, we must begin to question ourselves whether Africa has really been integrated both politically and economically. These were issues highlighted by the founding fathers of OAU, now AU – Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of Nigeria and Sekou Toure of Guinea Conakry, etc. Must we, the Africans continue to blame these great minds? Certainly, no. They have done their parts. What is expected of this generation of Africans and African leaders?

When I say political and economic integration, I mean, for example, that of the United States. Today, if any country wants to attack Texas, you will think twice because Arkansas is already there waiting to fight you back – they have been united politically.

Despite many challenges, The European Union has succeeded in creating a common or single market for many goods, resisting external penetrations. That is a strength you will know only if you try to penetrate their market.

Has the African continent succeeded in creating a single market after decades? If there is any closer attainment, you may rate its strength and effectiveness in the faces of others – thanks to the Kigali Declaration that gave birth to AfCFTA but a lot needs to be done.

Fellow Africans, what we need to do now is to genuinely unite, for that is where our strength lies. Without this, we will continue to be exploited, both politically and economically. We have many challenging issues to be addressed.

A World Bank report estimates the share of Africans who are poor fell from 56% in 1990 to 43% in 2012. The report further stated that the poverty rate may have declined even more but because of population growth, many more people are poor.

Meaning, poverty is declining in Africa, but the number of poor are increasing. It’s like going forward and back at the same time. We have a task to free our continent from economic and political domination, but only if we genuinely integrate.

Imagine, us having a continent that defines its image and place in the global economy but is still, stagnant. There are reasons but, one of the main reasons is a lack of unity. Let’s ignite the agenda of African regional integration. The agenda must not die.

“It is clear that we must find an African solution to Africa’s problems, and that this can only be found in African unity. Divided, we are weak; united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world,” Dr. Kwame Nkrumah said. We might sometimes try to doubt this message but certainly, we are learning our lessons by day.

Fellow Africans, whether in Europe, the U.S. or Asia, as we continue to celebrate Africa Day/Africa Liberation Day, we must keep questioning ourselves how far Africa has gone or moving towards freeing itself from foreign domination and exploitation – the very reason behind reflecting on this day.

To African leaders, the individual sovereignty and integrity of your countries seem to be your number one priority but take into account that, your real sovereignty lies on the sovereignty of your continent.

Africa Liberation Day!

In The Company Of Relatives, And For The First Time

TRAVEL

By Cherno Baba Jallow

A day before I visited my maternal grandfather’s village of Hamdalaye in Dalein, north-central Guinea, I was swept up in a whirlwind of apprehensiveness. My uncles at my grandmother’s village, Djungol, where I stayed for the entire duration of my stay in this part of rural Guinea, had given me the heads up that we would visit grandpa’s family in the morning. It was a day after my arrival on a chilly December evening in 2016.

But this was going to be no ordinary visit. If arriving in my grandmother’s village was easy because I was already used to some of the kinsfolk here (they had once stayed with us in Basse, The Gambia), Hamdalaye would prove far more formidable. There, I won’t be comforted by the ease of familiarity —- I was going to meet with relatives for the first time ever. And they included the most senior members of my extended family.

I was curious. ‘’What is it going look like tomorrow when we visit Hamdalaye?,’’ I asked my uncle Boubacarr Issa Diallo. ‘’The entire clan will be there to meet you,’’ he said. ‘’It will be a lot of people, some are coming from the other villages.’’ This was going to be an awkward meet-and-greet encounter, I thought. All eyes were going to be on me, I imagined the inconvenience awaiting me. Certainly, I wasn’t oblivious to the heightened curiosity about me or to the anticipation of my arrival. I was the distant relative, this stranger in the village, who had come to the land of his forbears to trace his roots.

But I had no clue how many relatives there were. Or how the ties ran within the family. Or how to even call some of them, especially the clan elders. Brother? Uncle? Cousin? Aunt? Granny? ‘’Ko kaw-ma Mamadou eh Kaw-ma Alimou eh Kaw-ma Ibrahima Soury … . ‘’ (it’s your uncle Mamadou and your uncle Alimou and your uncle Ibrahima Soury), Uncle Issa rattled off the names of some of the people I was likely going to find at the gathering.

By mid-morning, we were on the move. I was dressed up in a turquoise Kaftan and a multi-colored local hat. I had bought both of them in Labe a few days ago in preparation for this occasion. I didn’t want to go to Hamdalaye dressed in a T-shirt, jeans and a New York Yankees hat. The occasion was too reverential for that. And I didn’t want to give off the wrong impression about my personality, certainly not on my first day with these new-found relatives.

Six of us sauntered down this well-traveled path snaking through the woodlands. The narrowness of this bush road meant that we all had to walk in tow. But by design, I was in the middle of the pack. I couldn’t lead upfront because I had no familiarity with the geography of this place. And I couldn’t be the last one walking behind the crowd because it would look awkward, discourteous even, to have a stranger walk behind everybody else, and in an eerily, unfamiliar place like this wilderness.

For the most part of this journey, I remained silent. I was more enchanted with my new environment, trying to process it all in. This was the typical African wilderness, the likes of which I had never seen growing up as a kid in rural Gambia. These were high grasses and thick trees with sprawling branches. And these were hills picturesquely perched above the treetops in the distant vicinity. Occasionally, my attention was drawn to the chatter among my fellow travelers. They laughed and jabbered and teased one another. Perhaps, it was a way for them to pass the time during this trip. But for me, the time was spent on something else: reflecting on this idyllic setting I found myself in.

In about 45 minutes, we had arrived in Hamdalaye. From my grandmother’s village, the trip was one circuitous walk through the wilds. We could have gone through B’hohel, a tiny village along the way, but it would have expanded the distance to our destination. So from Djungol all the way to Hamdalaye, only one village came into our sights: Borouwal. My travel companions passed by and exchanged pleasantries with the inhabitants here. It was the only lull during our trip.

Hamdalaye turned out to be a big village with about 25 family homes. It was bigger than I had expected and certainly bigger than most villages in the area. It was about a 20-minute walking-distance to Kolla, the ancestral home of Guinea’s main opposition leader Cellou Dalein Diallo. But like Djungol or B’hohel or Donghol Gokitereeh or Boundou Mawn’dou, Hamdalaye has no immediate neighbors. Once you step outside the village limits, you are walking into an expanse of raw wilderness.

My family members had been sitting in the family courtyard when I arrived. It looked like the seating arrangement had been carefully planned: three elderly men sat by themselves. They were the leaders of the family. Sitting close to them was a multitude of men of various ages. And further away, at the back, women, mostly elderly, huddled up.

The three elders immediately welcomed me into their orbit. They suggested that I should sit with them. And they had me in the middle. All eyes now shifted towards us as if we were the main characters on a theater stage. ´’Ko Toli,’’ (‘’welcome’’), they said. I beamed with smiles and felt an upsurge of emotion. This was a landmark occasion. It was the first time ever a distant relative from the Gambian side had set foot in this village. I was the first —- and still the only one in my family —- to make it to Guinea and to meet with the other side. My late parents never did.

I was certain that I would find no written, only oral, accounts, of the early life and times of my grandfather Thierno Mamadou Boye Diallo. He was born here, certainly between 1880 and the early 1900s. He had two younger sisters Haoulatou Diallo and Djamillatou Diallo. Granny left in the early 1920s and later resettled in Basse, ‘’Bappa Boye was a gracious and humble man,’’ Uncle Mamadou Aliou Diallo, since deceased, remembered my granny. (Uncle Mamadou’s dad and granny were half-brothers.)

Uncle Mamadou was a frequent guest of the family in Basse. He made several trips in the 1940s and 1950s during the halcyon days of British colonial rule in The Gambia. He recalled stories about his run-ins with the colonial police in Basse and granny’s interventions to get him out of trouble. He told fond memories of my late mother during her early teens, running around the family home.

It was a gathering of relatives, and an opportunity to indulge in good-natured banter and deepen the family ties. But from an epistemological standpoint, this was also a conversation about ancestry, kinship, lands and history. I sat through this meeting with a mind absorbed in the perplexities of the distant, maudlin past: When was this village founded? How was it like in the early days? Before here, where did my family live? What made them settle here in the middle of nowhere? How many generations back does the family go? Expectedly, the elders had no way of knowing with exactitude. Some of my queries had the anticipated effect of racking—- to a breaking point —- the brains of the most senior members of the clan.

As we prepared to return home, my hosts showed me around the ancestral home, a sprawling estate. ‘’Here is your grandfather’s share of the family land,’’ Uncle Mamadou said, showing me the size of the property. It was bestrewn with shrubs and gravel. An old, abandoned mud-house stood in the far corner. A mango tree hovered in the back. This property showed no signs of human occupancy —— at least, not in recent times. This wasn’t surprising. What was surprising was that my grandfather’s share was still here, and for this long. He left this village about 100 years ago.

Girls in STEM Club: Empowering Future Innovators

By: Kodou Jeng Gaye

In the ever-evolving landscape of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), it is crucial to cultivate interest and participation among young students, especially girls. Recognizing this need, a group of dedicated women in STEM founded the Girls in STEM Club. This initiative aims to nurture problem-solving skills, increase participation, and foster confidence among girls through a structured series of activities designed for each academic term.

A core objective of the Girls in STEM Club is to expose students early to research writing. This not only hones their problem-solving skills but also lays a strong foundation for academic and professional success. By engaging in research writing, students learn to think critically, analyze data, and present their findings coherently.

Increasing the percentage of girls in STEM fields is a primary goal of the club. Through advocacy and mentorship, the club aims to build confidence and provide role models for young girls. Experienced women in STEM offer guidance, share their journeys, and support students in navigating their own paths in STEM.

Engaging students in meaningful classroom discussions is vital for deepening their understanding and interest in STEM. The Girls in STEM Club facilitates these discussions, encouraging students to explore various topics, ask questions, and develop a passion for science and technology. Encouraging scientific innovation and practical problem solving is at the heart of the club’s mission. Students are inspired to think creatively and apply their knowledge to real-world challenges, fostering a hands-on approach to learning.

During the first semester, members of the Girls in STEM Club participate in a panel discussion. The club is divided into four working teams, each representing a branch of STEM. Two members from each group engage in discussions on topics provided by Women in STEM (WiSTEM). This activity aims to develop public speaking skills and deepen the students’ understanding of various STEM fields.

The second term focuses on research writing and presentation. Each group works on a specific project, which they present during an assembly. These projects are implemented practically and showcased at a STEM Fair. At the fair, participating groups present their findings before a panel of judges. The best projects represent their school at the National STEM Fair, where an inter-school competition takes place among the selected groups.

In the third term, the club organizes a Career and STEM Fashion Day. Members of WiSTEM visit the school to discuss various STEM careers with students. The highlight of the event is a fashion show where students dress as STEM professionals. Participants present on the profession they represent, blending creativity with career exploration.

The Girls in STEM Club is proud to have active chapters at several institutions, including:

– University of Science Engineering and Technology (USET)
– Gambia College
– Mansa Colley Senior Secondary School
– St. Peter’s Senior Secondary School
– Nustrat Senior Secondary School
– Marina International School
– Al Furqan Islamic School
– Methodist Academy
– Sbec International High School
– Mbolo Skills Center in Tujereng

In addition to these existing clubs, WiSTEM is committed to expanding its reach by opening new chapters in provincial schools. This expansion will ensure that more girls across the region have access to the resources and support needed to thrive in STEM fields.

The Girls in STEM Club is more than just an extracurricular activity; it is a movement to empower young girls to pursue their interests in STEM. Through carefully designed activities, mentorship, and advocacy, the club aims to build a supportive community that fosters scientific curiosity and innovation. WiSTEM is open for partnerships and collaborations to further expand its impact. As we look forward to the next academic year, we are excited to see the positive impact this initiative will have on our future innovators.

Kodou Jeng Gaye
President and Founder, WiSTEM

Guest Author: Debunking Claims of Corruption & Monopolistic Practices in the Gambian Cement Industry

By: Ahmad Jobe (aka The Pen Messiah)

The dispatch accusing Jah Oil Company and the Gambian government of engaging in massive corruption, kickbacks, bribery, and monopolistic practices in the cement industry requires careful examination. Many of the claims made are either misleading or factually incorrect, and it’s important to address these inaccuracies to provide a clearer picture of the situation. The assertion that the Gambian government’s import duty hike on cement blocks all African imports by road in favor of Eurasian imports is misleading. The policy changes are designed to balance the market and encourage local economic activities, not to favor distant imports. Jah Oil Company, for instance, imports cement and re-bags it locally, which supports local employment and infrastructure development.

The claim that Jah Oil’s market presence and success are due to connections with high-ranking government officials such as Trade Minister Baboucarr Joof, Finance Minister Seedy Keita, and others is unsubstantiated. Jah Oil’s consistent recognition for tax compliance, effective delivery outcome, quality, standards, and contributions to national development highlights our commitment to ethical business practices. The company has been awarded for being the most compliant Oil Marketing Taxpayer for five consecutive years, emphasizing our transparency and dedication to legal obligations. Jah Oil Company has always supported the principles of the ECOWAS free market, allowing outside investors, including those from Senegal, to invest in the cement business. However, it’s baffling that these investors can enter our country without paying the regular border taxes and distort our economy. Despite these challenges, Jah Oil has consistently won the Oil Marketing Taxpayer of the Year award for the past five years, including 2023.

Fellow Gambians, it is important to resist foreign dominance. Some Senegalese interests are advocating against Gambian interests, and we must be vigilant. For example, cement products like SALAM were rejected entry into Senegal because Senegalese businesses dominate that sector. Gambians must learn from this and protect our local industries. The statement that Jah Oil employs only family members from Mali and not Gambians is false. In reality, 95% of Jah Oil’s workforce is Gambian, and the company’s significant role in local employment and economic empowerment has always been based on merit and competence. The economic impact of Jah Oil includes paying over D65 million in taxes monthly, which supports national development projects and public services.

The criticism about Jah Oil’s pricing of Tiger brand cement being higher than Senegalese brands fails to consider market dynamics and the quality of products. Price differences can be attributed to various factors including production costs, import duties, and logistical expenses. The overpricing of cement in The Gambia can be attributed to various factors, one of which is the difference in quality among different varieties of cement. While some importers bring in cement primarily intended for plastering, which is of lower quality and unsuitable for construction purposes, Jah Oil Company prioritizes supplying cement specifically designed for construction. Evidence has consistently shown that the cement Jah Oil provides is of higher quality and meets stringent construction standards. This distinction is crucial because using inferior-quality cement can compromise the structural integrity of buildings and infrastructure. Furthermore, it’s important to note that while Senegal may indeed have high-quality cement, the varieties exported to The Gambia are often cheaper and not of the same standard as those sold within Senegal itself. Therefore, the pricing differences between Jah Oil’s cement and the Senegalese imports reflect these disparities in quality and suitability for construction purposes.

The accusation of monopolistic practices is not supported by evidence. Jah Oil operates in a competitive market alongside other companies like Gacem and Salam, which ensures that no single entity can dominate the market to the detriment of consumers. The existence of multiple players in the market promotes consumer choice and competition. And Jah Oil alone can supply the whole country as we are able to produce 110,000 bags daily. Jah Oil’s contributions extend beyond the cement market. The company is involved in various sectors including fuel, building materials, and basic food items. Their new warehouse complex at Bond Road in Banjul, capable of storing 160,000 metric tons of food items, is a significant investment aimed at enhancing food security in The Gambia amidst global supply chain disruptions.

Finally, the commendations from the Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA) and other officials affirm our quality delivery, standards, commitment to transparency, and tax compliance. The company’s consistent tax payments and awards for compliance for the past five years reflect our dedication to supporting the national economy through legitimate means. The accusations against Jah Oil Company and claims of massive corruption and monopolistic practices are largely unfounded and fail to consider the full context of the company’s operations and contributions. Jah Oil has proven a strong commitment to quality, fair pricing, local employment, and tax compliance, making it a cornerstone of the Gambian economy. The company’s success is a result of its ethical business practices and dedication to national development, rather than any undue government influence or corrupt practices.

Old Man Musing: A Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara Tribute

Tribute by: Hassan Gibril

H.E Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara (16 May 1924 – 27 August 2019)

He would have been 100 years old, today, 16 May. But the leader of thousands and a friend to millions had passed away peacefully.

In the same peaceful manner that he had spearheaded, amid uncertainty, our independence, he had also peacefully taken over the mantle of leadership of our country, had peacefully retired from politics, then had peacefully passed on to his final abode.

One of the most peaceful and peace-loving leaders that Africa had ever produced, he had won independence for his country without a shot being fired and ascended to power in free and fair elections.

What a peacefully great statesman but also what a graciously peaceful human being Sir Dawda (as he was fondly called) had been.

Needless to mention his deep love for his country, his unwavering commitment to the upliftment of his people, his unparalleled peaceful struggle for the promotion of the respect of one’s human rights; nay the dignity of the human being and humankind.

He had unquestionably been a global statesman and a genuinely committed internationalist who had fought throughout his public life for a fairer and a more peaceful world to such an extent, that Sir Dawda’s name had become synonymous with peace and human rights.

Indeed, we vividly recall, with tremendous pride, when Sir Dawda was appointed to head the Islamic Conference Mediation Commission which was established to bring about sustainable and enduring peace to the Iraq-Iran conflict.

We also remember when, his country, The Gambia, was meritoriously selected, out of the over 50 odd countries, as the seat and headquarters of the African Union Human Rights Commission and the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies.

No other leader in the entire Africa or indeed the Third World (past or present) could be credited with such lofty achievements.

Notwithstanding, Sir Dawda had remained true to his colours with such distinctive humility and remarkable humanity for which he was known the world over.

Suffice it to state that during Sir Dawda’s distinguished political career and leadership, he had continued to be steadfastly an ardent champion of peace, human rights and the rule of law.

Being a true patriot and Pan-Africanist like his former counterparts of our sub-region such as Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Toure, Sir Dawda had felt a special responsibility towards Africa, a strong bond of affinity and real “kinship” so much so that he had ever been readily available and willing to reach out to others and, in so doing, had touched the hearts of many people, both at home and abroad, with his compassion, empathy and in short, his selflessness.

Sir Dawda, in all truth, and in whatever he had done or had to do (whether in private or public) had always led by example and by putting others first, thereby radiating genuine warmth, brilliance and kindness, on his side, and earning admiration and appreciation from others.

Sir Dawda would continue to be greatly missed by so many around the world and would always be dearly remembered by his own people of The Gambia whom he had led for some 30 good years after independence.

He would remain forever in the hearts of all those who had been privileged and honoured to know him, work with him and interact with him – at a personal or official level.

May the Almighty God grant him “Al Jannah” as his eternal final resting place.

Goodbye, once again, Sir Dawda, the leader and father of our nation.

Continue to rest peacefully in your Maker’s hands in His blissful Heavens where you rightfully belong.

Hassan Gibril

Response to the Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education’s Memo on Teacher Participation in the National Population Census

OPINION

By Modou Musa Cham, Faculty of Education (UTG)

The recent memo from the Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education (MOBSE) dated May 8, 2024, has sparked significant concern and debate among the education community. The directive, which restricts teachers on the government payroll from participating in the forthcoming national population census, raises several questions, particularly regarding the identification of teachers on any sort of leave, as claimed by MOBSE.

The decision to exclude teachers but allow cluster monitors and other education managers to participate in the census has been perceived to be discriminatory and unjust. As one vocal critic aptly put it, “the decision to elbow teachers from the conduct of census yet allow cluster monitors and other education managers to participate in the census process is witchcraft! Explain it anyhow, it wouldn’t make sense. Any entity interested in attaining the contact hours of the education calendar would know that as much as teachers are crucial in that drive, so are cluster monitors and other education managers!”

This statement underscores the flawed logic behind the decision. Teachers, cluster monitors, and education managers are all integral to the development of the education system. Removing one group while allowing others to participate in external activities undermines the cohesion and effectiveness of educational delivery. It also signals a lack of appreciation for the critical role that teachers play, not only in education but in broader societal functions such as the national census.

The exclusion of teachers from this process can be interpreted as a missed opportunity for national engagement and civic responsibility. Teachers, by virtue of their profession, are well-placed to contribute to the accurate and effective gathering of census data. Their widespread presence across the country and their trusted position in communities make them invaluable assets in such national exercises.

In light of this, it is crucial for teachers to respect the decision in good faith, as it is an official directive. However, it is equally important for them to form a united front to demand better pay and improved working conditions. The current situation highlights the need for a more balanced and respectful approach to policy-making that genuinely considers the input and welfare of teachers.

Teachers should leverage this moment to advocate for their rights and demonstrate their indispensable role in both the education sector and broader societal functions. By organizing collectively, they can push for policies that recognize their value and ensure fair treatment across the board.

Farming in Foni After Ex-President Jammeh

By Yaya A Bojang (Bojis)

Foni, a multi-ethnic settlement in the eastern part of the West Coast region, was once home to a Gambian president. From 1994 to 2016, the country’s President hailed from the tiny Foni village of Kanilai. During his presidency, Foni was distinct from any other region in the country on so many fronts.

Gibob, a small village in the extreme sides of Foni, in the Bondali district, is one of the many Foni villages that have taken a different path in the post-Jammeh era. About 3km from the Transgambia Highway, the village has a dull population like many off-road villages in Foni. For many years, the village used to be known for its productivity, in the eras of both Jawara and Jammeh. This is because it harboured well-known traditionalists with great repetition in farming, and fishing, and also with strong spiritual backgrounds. The village used to be rich with a productive environment that included a thick forest of palm trees, which was a source of palm oil, palm kernel oil, and even palm wine and stems used for roofing.

Growing up in the village, farming was the only enterprise we knew. The job was to be either in the fields for the cultivation of crops or rearing of our domesticated animals. The dominant between the two was that of crop cultivation. For animals, it was a semi-intensive system on the side of goats and sheep and subsistence systems with cattle, especially on oxen, for drawing plough implements. This was a time when both young and elderly people (men and women) were always up to the groundnut farms or rice fields just to make sure the production never stopped. This was a time when ninety per cent of one’s feeding was self-produced at the farms by the families.

Like many other villages in the Foni, the coming of Yahya Jammeh played a pivotal role in boosting agricultural activities in the area because of his huge interest in Agriculture. His influence impacted the farming communities. The area was known for many activities, but farming was one major activity out of the many.

Many argued that the decline of farming began when many of the region’s youths started migrating to the Kombos. However, this is far from reality because, despite the urban migration, farming was considerably profitable for many villages in Foni. Besides, many ascribed the lack of interest in farming to the inexplicable seizure of tractors from farmers that were very useful in mechanised farming.

Apparently, a strong change of attitude towards farming in Foni came after Jammeh. Many villages in Foni went helpless and effortless, and in fact, the farming tools and implements were awfully damaged by corrosion. A larger part of the region slowed down on farming. The mass migration of youths to the urban centres could have a role in it, considering such farming practices need human resources but a reflective observation of the trends of farming would contend that farming in Foni significantly dropped when Jammeh left for Equatorial Guinea. What is obvious is that many villages lost their appetite for farming after this experience.

One may imagine what may result in this swift change of attitude against farming. Farming was an activity heavily promoted by Jammeh. As a result, the people of Foni were able to reinforce themselves with the commitment shown by him at the time. He served as a morale booster, a motivator, and an exemplary farmer to them. This was the time farming was really practised – maybe not as in the era of our forefathers, but greatly performed way more than it’s done today.

The desertion of farming resulted in the burning of charcoal by many villagers in the Foni to earn a living – a menace I wish to immediately end if I have the means. Many forests were deforested due to the heavy dependence on charcoal production in replacement of farming.

Jammeh’s exile caught some people off guard, which resulted in much dull energy from some natives in Foni, and a moratorium on farming was the severest effect caused by Jammeh’s exile.

Notwithstanding, the revival of the spirit of farming is gradually shaping form, and I hope that will continue to have a definite shape to regain our full definition of farmers.

Youth in the Move for Change: “Tackling Plastic Waste in The Gambia”

Plastic bags in yellow, orange, red. Black lids of the coffee to go. White diapers and crystal-clear plastic bottles. A colorful hustle and bustle of plastic where there used to be a vibrant flurry of small fish. We walk across the Manjai-Dippa Kunda Bridge. Where once clean fresh water meandered through the community, greening and enriching the area with valuable water, where children and the elderly could fish from the small river, now floats garbage. We, that is Ablie Gaye and Luisa (“Isatou”) Elleser of the youth and environmental organization Youth in the Move for Change (YMC). Ablie is a co-founder and the president of our young nonprofit organization and Luisa is the coordinator of the current project.

YMC is a grassroots youth organization that has set out with a vision to serve humanity by creating opportunities for the young generation and promoting civilization in the country with a bottom-up approach. Our areas of work are education, public health, environmental protection and gender mainstreaming. The aim is to equip our young people with knowledge and skills that will enable them to return to their respected communities and play an important role in socio-economic development. With our current project, we are addressing the issue of plastic pollution in our communities.

Plastic, once invented and praised as an effective product material that could be used to improve the problem of fresh water access through plastic bottles in which water could be filled and stored, or medical practices, among other things, is increasingly showing its darker side. The problem: plastic pollution. Plastic waste, unconsciously discarded and inadequately managed, is becoming a pressing environmental problem worldwide and also in our country, The Gambia. We see it everywhere. Basically anywhere you go, plastic waste will be the first things to greet you.  Not just in the Manjai stream, but on every street, every green space, on the beach and even in schoolyards, markets and parks  and private properties. And it is an issue to be tackled as it has a devastating impact on marine and terrestrial life, on our precious mangroves and the associated oyster industry, on the fishing sector, on accelerating climate change and, last but not least, on animal life and human health.

Plastic is made from fossil fuels, i.e. oil and gas, which are finite and environmentally damaging resources as their extraction contributes to the climate change we are experiencing here every year with rising temperatures and increasingly frequent flooding of the River Gambia. The problem with this material is firstly that we consume more than we need and that half of the plastic designed and used is for single use only, meaning. used once and thrown awayAnother problem is that it is not biodegradable, i.e. it does not decompose, but breaks down into very small particles the size of a sesame seed, so-called microparticles, which remain in the sea, penetrate the soil and eventually enter the bodies of animals and our own bodies via the food we grow on the polluted soil and the fish contaminated with microplastics from the sea. Finally, there is the problem of inadequate waste management and pollution of our environment.

People’s attitude towards the environment is very poor, they dispose of their waste on a whim without caring too much or thinking about what consequences their actions will have for the country in the future.

And this is where our project comes into play. Our ongoing initiative addresses the issue of plastic pollution and focuses on raising awareness of the problem, highlighting people’s responsibility and empowering them to make positive changes in their daily lives and contribute to a more sustainable future. We are also reaching out to different stakeholders to engage them in terms of joint cooperation, technical and financial support and in particular to put pressure on governments at different levels, i.e. local authorities such as city councils as well as the respective ministries and government officials to create and enforce existing measures.

At a national level, there are indeed various policies that theoretically address the issue of waste and plastic waste in particular. There is the National Environmental Management Act of 1994, which provides a framework for environmental standards and also covers waste management practices. We have the Waste Management Act of 2007, an Anti-Littering Ordinance of 2008 that prohibits indiscriminate littering and makes it a public offense, and provides for a nationwide monthly clean-up campaign. And finally, in 2015, a ban on the sale, import and use of plastic bags was enacted and a contract was awarded to private companies.

But what good are all these measures if people, including authorities, police officers, public figures and every individual, turn a blind eye when waste is thrown out of the Gelli Gelli at random or mountains of garbage are simply burnt, accompanied by dark gray clouds of smoke that damage the environment and our lungs? Or in other words: What good is the law if it is not enforced?

Then it simply becomes empty words. And that is exactly what we are experiencing with the current policy. Another reason for us to put pressure on the authorities. Another reason for us to educate the public and empower them to take positive action on an individual and community level.

Our project “tackling Plastic Waste in The Gambia”, whose main objective is to raise awareness and ultimately reduce plastic pollution, has four main components: Firstly, interactive school workshops where we visit eight different schools in our four target communities of Sanchaba Sulay Jobe, Keirr Serign, Bijilo and Kololi, give theoretical inputs on plastic change with a special focus on The Gambia and the role of the individual, conduct interactive discussions and group work and conclude with a joint clean-up of the schoolyards and surrounding areas. Secondly, our outreach work where we conduct door-to-door campaigns and workshops in the communities to educate and raise awareness about plastic pollution. Third, together with community members, we conduct clean-up campaigns in public places, parks, beaches and the aforementioned river in the four target communities, involving as many people as possible, helping not only to clean up and improve the aesthetics, environment and microclimate of the area, but also to further raise awareness among community members. And finally, fourthly, our media work, involving private and state television stations, radio stations and newspapers like the one you are reading right now, and publishing posts on social media.

We all bear our own responsibility. Both as government representatives and single one of us in the community. This issue is closely linked to so many other environmental, economic, social and political issues and as such needs to be addressed holistically and at different levels. But we as a grassroots organization believe in change from the ground up. We believe in the power of the individual as a positive changemaker. We believe in the ability of each and every one of us to act. Together, we can help shape a greener, more beautiful, healthier and more sustainable future.

Of Sizes And Summits

OPINION

By Cherno Baba Jallow

Geography hasn’t been kind to The Gambia. Consider its size: The country is only 4, 363 square miles. Consider also its location. The country is in the heart of another country. But for its juxtaposition with international waters (read: the Atlantic Ocean), The Gambia would have been a fully enclaved state, one completely surrounded by another state. Like Lesotho surrounded by South Africa.

The Gambia, physically elongated and skinny, has been at the receiving end of contemptible mockery. My Guinean cousin once suggested, in jest, that The Gambia should consider annexation with Sénégal. “What is the point of having a small country like The Gambia exist on its own?,’’ he said. Being often reminded that yours is the “smallest country in mainland Africa’’ is annoying.

Annoying further, when your country is looked down upon because of its size. From the onset, when The Gambia finally extricated itself from the trammels of colonialism, doubts about the country’s chances of survival were already in motion. The country’s smallness, more than anything else, captured the American writer Berkeley Rice’s imagination in his groundbreaking 1967 book ‘’Enter Gambia: The Birth of an Improbable Nation.’’ It’s one thing for a young and newly-Independent country to lack the human and capital resources to run its own affairs. It’s quiet another, and a big one at that, for that country to be too minuscule to fight for its own survival. But The Gambia soldiers on, 59 years since the dawn of Independence.

Just a few days ago, The Gambia hosted a summit for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the second largest inter-governmental organization after the United Nations. It was a big deal for the micro state. Sure, only a few heads of states came. No matter. The fact that member states attended the summit and discussed global matters on Gambian soil is something to be proud of. Gambians should be in the habit of thirsting for occasions that put their country in the spotlight and give it some say in world affairs.

A few years ago, The Gambia’s international standing was in tatters. Former President Yahya Jammeh occasioned the country’s strained relations with the West and international civil society. He took The Gambia out of the Commonwealth. He threatened to withdraw the country from the International Criminal Court. From 1994 to 2016, The Gambia became infamous for what its leadership represented: authoritarianism, vanity and eccentricity.

In 2009, The Gambia hosted the African Union summit. Jammeh used it as an opportunity to position himself, to burnish his utopian pan-African ideals. He wanted to be seen as a regional leader, a deal-maker in the sub-region. But he bombed out. It’s hard for any leader to gain international credibility when your own backyard wallows in desolation.

In 1990, the late President Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba hosted a peace summit for Liberia during a brutal period of that country’s civil war. On October 24, 1990, the Banjul III Agreement was signed for the ‘’cessation of hostilities and peaceful settlement of conflict in Liberia.’’ The Banjul talks also discussed the idea of ECOMOG, the peacekeeping military force that eventually intervened in Liberia.

The ECOMOG experiment represented the first time a sub-regional group in Africa conducted military operations to return order and sanity to a troubled spot on the continent. The idea of sending soldiers to Liberia may have been conceived in Nigeria, but it was certainly fleshed out on Gambian soil. Perhaps, The Gambia was chosen for the venue of the Liberian peace talks because of its standing as a beacon of democracy, peace and stability in the sub-region.

“Democracy,’’ H. L. Mencken famously said, “is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.’’ In 2016, Gambians knew what they wanted and worked hard for it: a return to a political life free from muzzled speech, arbitrary arrests and detentions, forced disappearances and extra-judicial killings. But perhaps they also wanted their country to let go of its battered image and return to its halcyon days of international admiration. So, a resumption of constitutional order was key.

For The Gambia, the first African country visited by a sitting US president, one of the most peaceful on the continent and with the third strongest currency in the sub-region, its size hasn’t mattered after all. The country isn’t far-removed from the giants on the issues that bind nations together. And it’s well aware that to make up for its smallness and be an entity to reckon with in the international arena, it has to go big in the following: strong institutions, good leaders, peace, stability and democracy. The objective is to adhere to this mindset. Permanently.

Harnessing Gambia’s Potential: A Call to Business Owners to Drive Economic Revival

OPINION

By Bakary J. Janneh

Business owners have a responsibility to salvage the country’s food insecurity.
The Gambia yet, despite its fertile lands and rich agricultural heritage, the country grapples with the daunting challenge of soaring living costs, particularly in essentials like rice. As we navigate the tenure of President Adama Barrow, it’s clear that tackling these issues demands a concerted effort beyond government initiatives alone. It beckons the entrepreneurial spirit of our business community to step up and lead the charge towards economic resurgence.

At the forefront of this endeavour lies the imperative for business owners to reevaluate their investment strategies. Instead of perpetuating a reliance on imported goods, which only exacerbates the burden on citizens’ wallets, they must pivot towards domestic production. The solution lies not in the shelves of foreign markets but in the untapped potential of our own soil.

The call to action is simple: invest in agriculture. The Gambia boasts vast expanses of arable land, tailor-made for cultivating staple crops like rice. By redirecting resources towards this sector, business owners can contribute to national food security and alleviate the strain on household budgets. Imagine a Gambia where locally grown rice fills our plates, nourishing both body and economy.

However, this transition requires more than just financial commitment. It demands a fundamental shift in mindset and a return to the drawing board, where the focus shifts from profit margins to societal impact. It’s about recognising the interconnectedness of business success and community prosperity. By prioritizing investment in domestic production, businesses not only safeguard their long-term viability but also sow the seeds of sustainable development for generations to come.

Moreover, this paradigm shift presents a myriad of opportunities for innovation and entrepreneurship. From modernizing agricultural practices to establishing value-added processing facilities, there’s ample room for businesses to carve out their niche in the burgeoning agricultural landscape. By harnessing technology and expertise, we can transform the agricultural sector into a dynamic engine of economic growth, creating jobs and fostering resilience in the face of global uncertainties.

Together, we can build a Gambia where prosperity is not a distant dream but a tangible reality for all. To the business owners of The Gambia, the time is now. Embrace the opportunity to be catalysts for change, to transform challenges into triumphs, and to sow the seeds of a more prosperous tomorrow.

Book Review: The Law and Naturopathic Medicine Practice in Ghana – Prof. Nyarkotey has shown legal scholarship in Natural Medicine

By Anthony Goodnuff Appiah Larbi, PhD Candidate

As a legal researcher and ardent reader, when I was initially given this book to read, I set a goal for myself to finish it to learn what the author wanted his readers to know about Naturopathic Medicine and the law.

Prof Nyarkotey Obu is without a modicum of doubt, a notable researcher in the field of Naturopathic Medicine in Ghana, as well as a mentor to budding researchers. As far as the Ghanaian Naturopathic Medical Profession is concerned, he is well-known. This book as in Latin res ipsa loquitur means the thing (book) speaks for itself and Prof. Nyarkotey Obu has created a legacy in the Medical sector as far as the law and Naturopathic Medicine are concerned; he cannot be bypassed and would take decades for anyone to set new records in this field. His Name and Naturopathy in Ghana are analogous to the Ghanaian jurisdiction.

Despite its title, Prof Nyarkotey’s book is not limited to discussing exclusively Naturopathic medical practice. It includes an in-depth look at the Ghanaian legal system, which is taught at the LLB (LAW) level.

Never be concerned about the length of this book; it is well worth reading because the author has done extensive research on Naturopathic medicine across the world and its use in the legal arena. In Ghana, medical negligence trials receive less attention; the belief that “Fa ma Nyame,” to wit “Give it to God,” has taken hold in many Ghanaians’ thoughts, and the tortuous part of it is never subjected to legal scrutiny in our courts of justice.

After reading this book, I believe that every law student should pay close attention to the topic of medical law, as medical negligence is growing more common in Ghana.

It is trite law that, everyone has the right to seek the type of medical care for himself as succinctly stated in article 30  of our 1992 Constitution; “A person who by reason of sickness  or any other cause is unable to give his consent shall not be deprived by any other person of medical treatment, education  or any other social or economic benefit by reason only of religious or other beliefs”.

It is time we give patients the right to seek their alternative medical care. Naturopathy is part of the alternative medicine system group. It is, nevertheless, a different system of medical practice in and of itself. Naturopathy, in its most basic form, is the practice of natural medicine with a focus on current scientific methodologies. This book does not criticize mainstream medical treatment, but it does allow medical practitioners to include a Naturopathy approach to treatment.

The intriguing part is that, after explaining the notion of medical law in Chapter Three (3), this book elaborates on the elements of medical and healthcare legislation. Are you aware that healthcare laws are more extensive than medical laws? Health law, on the other hand, encompasses a broad range of health-related rules, as well as procedural issues and the administration of the public health system. Medical law finds its use in everyday practice regarding patients’ health, such as life, physical integrity, health, self-determination, and human dignity.

Are you aware that Ghana has a plethora of medical and healthcare laws? In this book, the author has included all of Ghana’s medical and healthcare legislation for simple reference. In Ghana, how much medical and healthcare legislation have you happened to read? When confronted with a violation of the Acts, one cannot claim ignorance of the law. As a result, medical and healthcare practitioners should read this book for the joy of learning more about their field of work and defying the odds in medical and healthcare practice.

The Law and Naturopathic Medicine Practice in Ghana is a genuine treasure trove of knowledge and thought-provoking analysis on the practice of Naturopathic medicine and health ethics in Ghana. It is written with clarity and attention to the numerous technical elements required to be relevant to health practitioners, law students, lawyers, judges, and others. This book will benefit a broader audience, namely, everyone who is interested in medical and healthcare policies in general.

 

Anthony Goodnuff Appiah Larbi

PhD Candidate in Development Studies

Africa Research University, Lusaka, Zambia.

Currently works at the Judicial Service of Ghana, Circuit Court, Cape Coast.

AFRICA MUST RISE

By: The Perpetual Poet (Grammarian Komma)

The future of Africa is anchored in hygienic politics. Unless this concept is embraced by the electorate and politicians, our development policies, governance agenda, and economic wellbeing will deteriorate, falter, and languish.

Let’s discuss Africa’s economic standing in general. What is our economic performance? Why is our economy still stagnant?

Rwanda today boasts one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. The question is, what strategies did Rwanda adopt?

Rwanda prioritized political freedom, ethnic harmony, religious tolerance, and social stability, laying a foundation for their nation’s future.

The end of tribal conflicts that led to the Rwandan genocide was a turning point. Today, they have left behind negativity and work collectively for the Rwandan people’s interests.

Many African countries overlook the economic drivers. Instead, politicians focus on deceiving voters.

Africa possesses valuable minerals and resources that can transform the continent, yet African elites often hinder progress.

What impedes Africa’s progress, and what are our representatives doing to address these challenges?

Africa possesses the power to defend itself and elevate its economic profile.

Let’s look back. China was once a third world country facing development challenges. Today, it’s a global manufacturing hub.

China’s technological prowess and skilled workforce contribute to its global influence. Many African countries rely on Chinese expertise for infrastructure projects, highlighting Africa’s dependence.

As Africans, especially the youth, we must address these challenges. Blaming others won’t solve our problems. It’s time to make informed choices for economic, political, and social growth.

Quoting veteran Gambian politician Halifa Sallah, “We are all liberated; our actions are our own.”

Africa has lost its strength, integrity, and humanity. We must unite to reclaim our greatness.

Women in Africa face challenges despite their crucial roles. They deserve equal opportunities and recognition in governance and decision-making processes.

African mothers are the backbone of our continent. Excluding them from governance and decision-making is a recipe for disaster.

Africa must rise!

After the OIC Summit -What Next?

OPINION 

By D. A. Jawo

The much-anticipated summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) for the past five years has finally come to a successful conclusion, some people would say.

While success is a relative term in this instance, the very fact that it happened against all the odds, as well as predictions by some people that it would never take place, is definitely a success.

However, there is absolutely no doubt that President Adama Barrow and his administration were not quite so upbeat about the turn-out, mainly because out of the 57 member states, only five heads of state attended, and not a single one of the heavyweights made it to the summit. Obviously, any OIC summit without any of the kings, emirs and powerful princes of the Middle East smacks of some sort of a failure.

While we are waiting for analysts to interpret the summit’s outcome, there is no doubt that some of the hitches associated with the preparations may have had some bearing on the failure of virtually all those heavyweights from attending. One of those possible hitches is the failure of the government to get the five-star hotel project off the ground after all the noise and fanfare made during the foundation stone-laying ceremony.

While we have heard President Barrow express disappointment with the failure to get the hotel constructed, he never disclosed what went wrong. All that we know is that the Senegalese businessman who was supposed to pre-finance the construction of the hotel is involved in a civil suit, claiming millions of Dalasis from a lady whom he alleged had promised to get married to him and later disappointed him.

Without the hotel, it meant that all the guests were instead accommodated in various local hotels and other guest houses, which no doubt had some bearing on security and other logistics. Getting all the VVIP guests in one place would have greatly enhanced security, and it is possible that some of those who failed to attend had some security concerns that had kept them away.

Whatever the case, however, the summit had successfully taken place, and we should congratulate both the local OIC secretariat for all the efforts that went into the preparations and President Barrow for assuming the chairmanship of the OIC for the next three years. Most Gambians and residents of the Gambia are also quite happy with the beautiful roads and other projects associated with the summit.

However, now that the summit is over, many people ask what is next. It is pretty evident that many of the roads and other projects associated with the summit were not fully completed, and people are asking whether the government would carry on getting them completed or will relapse into the usual lackadaisical attitude and drag the work indefinitely. This is especially true of the Bertil Harding Highway, which is far from complete, including the absence of footbridges to facilitate pedestrians crossing from one side to the other, as well as the side roads and exits.

Another concern of most Gambians is what would become of the hundreds of brand-new vehicles acquired for the summit. We were made to understand that apart from the 100 new vehicles procured by the government, there were also another 100 vehicles acquired from Mauritania.

We were also told by the CEO of the local OIC secretariat that they were promised enough money to hire other vehicles if the need arose, which I hope never did. Was it essential to acquire all those vehicles, especially considering the cost involved? There is a consensus that the vehicles acquired from Mauritania, together with the vast fleet of government vehicles, should have been enough to take care of the transportation needs of the summit rather than spend so much scarce resources in acquiring so many cars.

Therefore, the question everyone seems to be asking is what would become of all those vehicles after the summit. The government already has quite a large fleet of cars, and any additions to that number would drastically increase the fuel bill and other running costs such as wear and tear.

“I would not be surprised if they sell those vehicles to themselves and their family members at giveaway prices,” predicted a critic of the government. Of course, some concerned Gambians would not be inclined to dismiss such a possibility outright, and we expect the authorities to be entirely transparent in how they would handle those vehicles and all other assets acquired for the summit from public funds.

Another noticeable phenomenon of the summit was the poor electricity supply experienced by many people around the Greater Banjul Area during the summit. This is despite the promise that the hosting preparations included a package for NAWEC to enhance their services.

It, however, appears that virtually all the available electricity supply was directed at the summit, leaving the ordinary people to endure the hottest few days ever experienced in this country in living memory.

Nomination of Yahya Sonko for the Heroes Award Diaspora Engagement Category

By Bakary Ceesay

Yahya Sonko, who is nominated for the Heroes Award Diaspora Engagement category, is a German-based Gambian human and migration rights activist who has dedicated his time to the well-being of Gambian migrants in Germany and other parts of Europe. He is so passionate about integrating Gambian migrants into German society, as well as leading the various campaigns against deportation of various youths and human rights Violations of Gambians in Europe.

Mr Sonko is among the founders of the Gambia Refugee Association Europe Branch where he served as a spokesperson for years by inspiring and mentoring young Gambian migrants on integration into German societies by going to school or taking up vocational training and being a great Ambassador of the country. He also works with some migrant social workers in helping Gambian migrants with their asylum case legal proceedings.

Due to his passion and huge interest in migrants’ rights, he was elected as ‘SPRECHER INNA RAT’ (one of the speakers) at the Refugee Council of Baden-Wurttemberg state of Germany where he was a liaison officer in charge of disseminating information to refugees within the state.

Always wanting to give back to Gambia, ambitious Sonko set up Niumi FM in his native village to create employment for the youths by informing and educating residents in the region on the daily happenings in the country.

He is also the founder and chairperson of the Network of Reintegration and Irregular Migration Data. They collect data on all the migrant returnees in Lower Niumi and Upper Niumi to know the statistics, with the data they can know the hot zone and how to reintegrate the returnees.

The objective of the organisation is how to reintegrate (sustain) youths and returnees in the Gambia.

My Uncle Naphew Jallow: Veterinarian, Political and News Junkie, Gentleman

IN MEMORIAM

My Uncle Naphew Jallow: Veterinarian, Political and News Junkie, Gentleman

By Cherno Baba Jallow

In 1981, Senegalese troops entered Gambian soil to enforce the return of Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara to power. He had been overthrown in an armed rebellion in that year.

In 2016, the Senegalese returned again, and this time to install Adama Barrow. The defeated incumbent, Yahya Jammeh, had refused to exit the scene. Senegalese and other West African troops eventually forced him out and into a life of exile.

As I watched, on social media. the entry of the Senegalese troops into Gambian territory in 2016, my mind hearkened back to a mid-morning, early August day —— the second or the third? —— in 1981 in Basse. I was a little boy. We had been playing soccer at the High Level football field. In the middle of our game, a distraction forced a lull in play. Our attention was drawn to the sirens coming from afar. But these turned out to be no ordinary ambulance sirens that rapidly go out of earshot They were faint at first. And then they reached a crescendo as the blaring reached the center of town. We all ran to the scene, the contiguous areas of the Basse market and the St Joseph’s Primary School, to be exact. We stood and watched as a Senegalese military convoy gradually eased its way out of town.

The soldiers, perhaps from Tambacounda or Jawbeh or Kolda, sat quietly, their guns, perhaps AK-47s, resting on their laps. They just glanced at us, showing no interest in any hand-waving, V-signs and public displays of machismo. Instead, they sat still, sheltered in armored countenance en route to the battlefield. They were headed to Banjul to quell Kukoie Samba Sanyang’s bloody rebellion.

Among the onlookers was my late uncle Mamadou Naphew Jallow. We all had converged on the main road to see what was taking place. We became unwitting witnesses to history.

The armed rebellion of 1981, which led to hundreds of civilian casualties, not counting those among the Senegalese intervention force, brought Gambian democracy to its knees. Jawara and his ruling PPP administration lived precariously, between comatose and dead.

To ardent supporters of the PPP, like Uncle Naphew, it seemed like a political world turned upside down. Their man Jawara had been toppled from power, albeit temporarily. Dissatisfaction with economic deterioration and unpunished corruption under his watch, had triggered the armed rebellion. Like many Gambians, Uncle was totally against the 1981 incident. There was no need for it, he would say. He was also concerned about the damage to Jawara’s standing and political fortunes in the incident’s immediate aftermath.

But the 1982 general elections, although leading to a decrease in PPP’s parliamentary majority, didn’t cause much dent in Jawara’s political dominance. He won 72.45% or 137, 020 of the total vote. His main rival Sheriff Mustapha Dibba of the National Convention Party, who campaigned from detention due to his alleged involvement in the incident of 1981, polled 57.55% or 52,136 of the total vote.

“Jawara did a lot better than I thought he could,’’ the Washington Post, quoting an anonymous Jawara critic, reported at the time. “After the chaos of the rebellion, people were more concerned about security than the price of bread or who was getting kickbacks on government contracts.”

******************
The 1982 general elections were consequential in two regards: First, it was the first direct presidential elections in The Gambia. And second, it was also the first time, and a feat that has still not been repeated in Gambian elections, that as many as five Independents won seats in the parliament in an election year. They all had wanted to run on the PPP ticket, but were rejected by the party’s leadership in favor of others, the incumbents. Buba M. Baldeh of Mansajang Kunda was the most popular one among these Independents. He easily defeated the incumbent MP Alhaji Kebba Krubally for the Basse constituency.

On the night of the elections, I sat with Uncle and a few others in the family courtyard waiting for the results. Uncle was a PPP man who went all in for Krubally, a next-door neighbor. Even though he had seen and acknowledged Baldeh’s popularity, Uncle was still optimistic of Krubally’s victory. It didn’t happen. Krubally’s defeat sent a shockwave in town and took an emotional toll on Uncle and many others.

All night long Uncle had been writing the results as they came in. He had been buoyed by Jawara’s numbers. Sometimes he would throw a fist in the air and blurt out an emphatic “Yes” to the announcement of yet another PPP seat-capture. Uncle was on a roll, but Krubally’s defeat was deflating. He had taken part in his campaigns, attending his rallies in Basse. In that year, Uncle also went on the campaign trail, joining fellow PPP supporters in trucks bound for Tumana, Kantora and Jimara constituencies. Sometimes he would be gone the whole day only to return home tired and hungry.

*****************
Uncle was born in Basse on November 8, 1944, two years after the opening of St George’s Primary School in Basse and once one of the best schools in rural Gambia. He attended St George’s, and Crab Island School in Banjul. He later went to Ghana in the early 1960s to study veterinary science. He nearly didn’t go. His parents, Guinean immigrants from Labe, didn’t want him away from the family. He was young and was moving to a far and foreign place. Parental worries, you know.

On his return from Ghana, Uncle picked up employment with the Department of Animal Health in Banjul. “With his salary, he was able to take care of all of us, me, your grannies and your mum,” Uncle’s and my mum’s younger brother, the late Alhaji Yaya W. Jallow, formerly with the Gambian Accountant General’s Office, told me.

Uncle later moved to rural Gambia, doing veterinary work in Karantaba Tenda, Baja Kunda, Kulari, Sare Sofie, Fatoto and other parts of the country. He visited several parts of the Upper River Region —- Walliba Kunda, Sare Gubu, Pasamass, Foday Kunda, Diabugu, Koina, Jeddah and others.

Following the Gambian government’s introduction of the Economic Recovery Program (ERP) in 1985, Uncle would be among many to be retrenched from the civil service. They were offered severance packages to start business ventures on their own. Uncle took his abrupt departure from government with a leap of faith. He was largely a very contented man.

******************
Uncle was generous, friendly and humble. He never cared that he was the one brewing the Attaya green tea and serving us, the young ones, lazying around. Usually, it should be the other way round —- the young brew Attaya for the old. Uncle didn’t mind. He was open-minded. We would have small debates on Gambian politics and soccer. He would narrate to us stories about Basse, about his travel experiences in rural Gambia and about his days in Ghana. He was a great collector of people. He made friends wherever he went. And they visited him at the family home, coming from various parts of the Upper River Region.

A product of the rigorous colonial educational system, Uncle spoke and wrote beautiful English. He wrote long beautiful letters to grandma, his two wives and my mum —- I know so because I read many of those letters for their recipients. Uncle also spoke fluent Serehule, Mandinka, Wolof and passable Aku.

Almost 25 years since his death, Uncle Naphew periodically enters my imaginations. I got my passions for the news and for politics from him. I grew up watching him read books and newspapers, religiously listen to the BBC and the Voice of America (VOA). And I also watched him in action, discussing national and international affairs with other people. He was well informed on the happenings, whether it was about The Gambia’s economic crisis in the early 1980s or about Jonas Savimbi’s decision to plunge Angola back into war in the early 1990s after losing the elections.

I am sure Uncle didn’t love politics merely for the fanfare of it. He certainly believed that he was doing it as a dutiful citizen, an active participant in his nation’s affairs. He also certainly believed that it was a government’s role to create the necessary conditions for sustainable livelihood. Public institutions and resources exist to cater to the welfare of the people.

On this fateful day in 1999, Uncle fell sick. He was taken to the Basse Health Center. It turned out that he needed a blood transfusion. Fast. But a matching donor couldn’t be found for him in Basse. So in a last-ditch, desperate move, he was rushed to the Bansang Hospital. Too late. Uncle died on the way.

The system failed him.

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