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Youth Development is a Priority for my Government, Barrow Says

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By State House Media

President Barrow has once again reiterated that the empowerment and development of young people occupies a special attention in the development blueprint of his government.

The President made the remarks while receiving in audience a visiting delegation from Young Men Christian Association- YMCA – Finland at the State House in Banjul on Monday,

“Youth development is a priority area for my government’s National Development Plan (2018-2021). My government places high premium on their development as future leaders of this country,” President Barrow said as he reacted to news that the Finnish government is collaborating with YMCA to support young people in the country.

He expressed optimism that their intervention will greatly complement the efforts of his government in attaining its development goals.

President Barrow thanked the YMCA Gambia for their support to The Gambia over the decades.

Officials from the YMCA- Gambia Chapter accompanied their Finnish counterparts to the presidency. During the closed door discussions, the group informed the President of the approval of €400, 000EUR by the Finish government towards supporting young people in The Gambia.

They held discussions around the organsation’s programmes in The Gambia, particularly in the areas capacity building and peace advocacy for the youths.

“We thanked the president for acknowledging the work of YMCA when he took office in 2017. We also informed him that our proposal to Finland government for a project for our young people has been approved,” said Mr. John C. Njie, the Executive Director, YMCA- Gambia, who led the delegation to State House.

The secured €400,000 is earmarked for young people in The Gambia with special focus on advocacy in peace building, skills development and entrepreneurship, especially for returnees.

“We are all overwhelmed with the returnees coming back… we need to help them reintegrate into society through skills building, providing start-up capital for entrepreneurs to enable them engage in the productive sector,” Mr. Njie told the President.

 

News Review, Monday March 25, 2019

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News Review, Monday March 25, 2019

Gassama Clarifies His Social Media Comments

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By Lamin Njie

Nominated national assembly member Foday Gassama has said his social media comments have been taken out of context.

Gassama recently told journalists government should regulate the use of social media in the country. His comments have since been taking him flaks.

Speaking in an exclusive interview with The Fatu Network on Monday, Gassama said what he said was taken out of context.

He said: “I only hear about it. It’s crazy but for me I’m very careful when I’m talking. The only time I gave an interview was when I was sworn in. Since then I have not taken part in any interview.

“What I said was very clear. I told them everyone who uses social media including myself should put it to good use, in the interest of The Gambia. That was the statement I said. I don’t think that’s a bad thing.

“I said when it’s put into good use, it’s fine because it has contributed a lot when Jammeh was here. I said we should put it to good use than to castigate each other.

“When you say control it’s for those people who misuse. Those people are not contributing towards the development of The Gambia. So I said they should control people that are misusing it. They are abusing it. That’s the reality.”

BREAKING: SEIZED GUNS: Police Investigation Clears Abubakary Jawara

By Lamin Njie

The Gambia Police Force has said that its investigation has found no evidence that Abubakary Jawara imported assault rifles into the country.

Police and other security operatives in January impounded hundreds of guns at the port belonging to the top businessman. Many Gambians called for an investigation into the development.

The Gambia Police Force said on Monday it has concluded its investigation in which it has found no evidence the guns are for military use.

A statement signed by the public relations officer of the force Lamin Njie said: “Following an exhaustive investigation into the cache of suspicious guns discovered at the Banjul seaport on 9th January, 2019, belonging to GACH Security Company, the Office of the Inspector General of Police wishes to inform the public that, the investigative panel comprising experts from the Gambia Police Force, the Army, and Intelligence Services has concluded its findings.

“It can be recalled that in the wake of the discovery of 13 suspicious weapons out of a total of 1,263 pieces of firearms packed in 252 boxes, the Gambia Police Force immediately launched an investigative panel to make a definitive determination, if the said weapons were hunting guns as alleged by the importer Mr. AbubakaryJawara, or conventional weapons of warfare beyond the limits of his legally acquired hunting guns license, through the Office of the Inspector General of Police.

“The office of the Inspector General of Police wishes to remind the public that importation of guns and ammunitions is regulated by the Arms and Ammunitions Act which was first promulgated by Act number 14/1924 and it went through a series of amendments culminating in Act number 12 of 2008, Cap 21:01, Revised Laws of the Gambia, 2009.

“During the thorough investigation lasting almost two months, specimens of all the weapons were taken to a ballistics expert at the Gambia Armed Forces who upon comprehensive examination, concluded that all weapons are classified as hunting guns which can only use cartridges and not conventional ammunitions.

“In view of the above circumstances, the prosecution of Mr. Abubakary Jawara, proprietor of GACH Security Company, on a charge of importation of non-hunting guns cannot be substantiated based on the findings of the ballistics expert and the legal advice that all guns submitted as specimen fall within the categories of hunting guns.”

Brit Disagrees with Sun’s Gambia Sex Paradise Article

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By Lamin Njie

A British woman who often travels to The Gambia has poked holes in an article written by The Sun describing The Gambia as a sex paradise for retired British tourists.

The UK newspaper in an exclusive piece written by Georgette Culley and published on Sunday March 24, 2019 says “The Gambia has become a sex paradise for British grans that makes Magaluf look tame.”

Magaluf is a major holiday resort on the Spanish island of Majorca which primarily caters to the European holiday market.

Jodi Goodwin reacting to the highly exaggerated piece said: “The Gambia is an extremely beautiful but poor country. There is an element of ‘sex tourism’ in a very small area of the country.

“Articles like this put travellers off visiting the Gambia, it is over exaggerated and applies to only the most touristy areas. I know several mature ladies who live/travel there for the healthy sunshine and sea air and they do not behave in this way.

“At the end of the day, to each her own and as long as both parties understand the situation and are not hurting anyone why not let them be!!! I love the country. I would not like this irresponsible journalism and Mrs Leeth’s view to damage the badly needed tourist industry supporting the Gambia.”

‘A Date with Destiny’ by Demba Ali Jawo

Book Review 

Launching Ceremony Saturday 23 March 2019, Paradise Suites Hotel, Kololi


By: Madi Jobarteh

 

Salutations

 

It is said that a person, in writing about himself or herself, writes about his or her age, its trials and tribulations, triumphs and glories, and wishes and aspirations for the future. The book ‘A Date with Destiny’is therefore not only about the life of the author but also a reflection of our society and struggles within.

For that matter let me make an unsolicited disclaimer on behalf of the author. That is to say that, autobiographies are often blunt, uncharitable, revealing, disturbing, upsetting and unsettling. So is this autobiography. I can tell you that Demba has been mercilessly blunt, frank and unequivocal about himself, family, friends, colleagues and indeed anyone and everyone he has come to interact with over the course of his life including the President of the Republic and the issues that surround them. That notwithstanding this autobiography is devoid of pettiness or bitterness but hugely responsible, forward looking and mature as the author himself!

 

I have known Demba Ali Jawo for more than 20 years now, I can say, since I started as a cub reporter at Radio Gambia in 1992. I used to know him as an editor at the Daily Observer where I had my first journalist training in June/July 1994 before that 22nd day of infamy erupted to change our lives forever!

 

Since then until today he has earned my respect and admiration for his stance on fundamental issues in defence of his principles and the common good. It is therefore an immense honour and privilege that he has asked me to review his autobiography – how can a younger man review the life story of an older man, I asked myself when he handed me a copy of the book last week Friday! But this is from where the honour and respect came which has grown exponentially as I read through the pages of ‘A Date with Destiny’!

 

This book is more than an autobiography. It is a testimony of a man with a mission or should I say, a rebel with a cause! In this book DA, as we affectionately call him, did not only narrate, with so much imagery and metaphor, his birth and childhood as a young Gainako and the circumstances of his family and the Gambia of his youth to adulthood, but DA also gave us insight into his convictions and the trials and tribulations he encountered in the first and second republic to life as a minister. More than a life story ‘A Date with Destiny’is also about a public servant rendering account of his tenure; his performance and the management of affairs and resources entrusted to him as a Minster.

 

Rest assured that in this book you will notice the same DA as the author of the ‘Focus’column in the erstwhile Daily Observer – blunt, critical, direct but progressive! Let me give you a taste of this fact in few of the pages of this book as he talks about his stint as a Minister. In his final chapter entitled, ‘An Encounter with Reality’ DA acknowledged that while indeed the country suffered a longstanding period of dictatorship during which governance and life revolved around one person however two years is also enough time for a new government to find its footing right.

 

Unfortunately, his experience in the Cabinet points to a government that is in disarray where ministries and agencies work in parallel with little to no consultation among them – a situation that has constantly put him in embarrassing situations. As the Minister of Information and Government Spokesman then there was huge expectation that he would have had first-hand information on issues, or he could pull and make things happen such as arranging for a foreign television station to interview the President. But the reality was that he was actually hardly involved, consulted or given information!

 

On foreign travels, DA was honest that indeed given the previously pariah status of the Gambia there was need for ministers to travel to connect the country with the outside world. However, he also acknowledged that a lot of the travels by ministers were too many, unnecessary or could be delegated to other officials or even to embassies abroad so that those minsters could attend to issues at home. It was for this reason that he used to delegate or turn down a lot of the travels to which he was invited.

 

What he found even more perplexing was the frequency of the President’s travels with huge entourages and on chartered flights. DA has indeed given us an extensive information and analysis of his personal experience and perspectives as a Minister about the current dispensation, highlighting the challenges and missed opportunities. But more importantly he has also given lot of suggestions to the President and his Government including local governments in terms of how to better govern, build institutions and serve the people of the Gambia. At the same time the book has also offered invaluable advice and suggestions to public servants in general and especially to his immediate successor Ebrima Sillah and the current Government Spokesman Ebrima Sankareh while of course also appreciating them for their longstanding friendship.

‘A Date with Destiny’is a beautifully written piece of work; easy to read and understand that gives a very succinct analysis and contrast of many things in the Gambia – society, culture, history, religion, politics, leadership, the flora and fauna of the Gambia and even humour! For example, he lamented the fact that while as Minister scores of people had sought to engage him, befriend him and seek his support, at personal and professional levels, but he became quite shocked to notice how he was immediately abandoned by most of these people as soon as he received his marching orders!

 

Demba Ali Jawo was born in the village of Choya, a predominately Fula community in the Central River Region in the “beginning of the 1950s” as he said, to his father Ali Mawdo Jamanka and his mother Abbeh Baldeh, both of blessed memory.

 

DA comes from parents and a community that was traditional in form but liberal in substance. It is no wonder that this man here became a voice for all regardless of ethnicity, gender, nationality or vocation; which is why he can defend any issue or take any position without fear of contradiction because he was guided by universal principles that underpin humanity, learned from his father and mother.

 

The late Ali Jamanka was one person who would walk from his community to visit their Mandinka neighbours to share milk and pleasantries to discuss issues in order to ease tensions as the cattle of the Fula would encroach on the farms of the Mandinka, a scenario that could have potentially led to a Rwanda-type situation if not well managed. His father addressed that matter in those days.

 

In this book we therefore see the life of a village boy going to herd the cattle and even sleeping in the kraal when wild animals like hyenas lurk around. In the environs around Choya to the Sofanyama Bolong DA gave us an interesting insight about the fauna and flora of his childhood period when that stream was infested with crocodiles. He laments that due to climate change and human activity including his own, today there are no crocs in that bolong.

 

As a child DA and his fellow kids would go near the stream to steal crocodile eggs for the family’s evening meal. But the day that young boy, Demba saw a gigantic crocodile on the banks of the stream gaping its mouth wide open – its only when you read this book you will know that even the bravest men and women have something to fear! Yaya Jammeh could not get Demba to flee the Gambia, but a single resting crocodile made him take to his heels! Read the rest in the book!

 

Demba has been a rebellious type ever since. Anytime his mother placed jujus around his wrist, arms or waist, rest assured Demba will throw them off. When society considered women to be weak Demba, since as a child, believes in the equality of men and women. Like his father he has never raised his hand to hit his wife or children. Thanks to his upbringing around cattle and other animals Demba upholds animal rights. He strongly believes in one-man-one-wife and certainly not in favour of ‘wife inheritance’ as he turned down the offer when his late brother Ilo Sonko died, a man who was extremely instrumental in his education.

‘A Date with Destiny’is an insight into the life of a people, particularly young people in the provinces, a reality that still confronts them – i.e. the limited to lack of facilities and opportunities while beset by several sociocultural barriers. Demba would have never known how to read and write if not for some unpleasant events and the determination of others and of course because of the open-mindedness of his father. It was in 1961 that the catholic Bishop of Banjul visited Choya to hold a meeting with villagers for the possibility of setting up a school there given that the nearest school was in Sare Gainako, six kilometres away.

 

When the villagers agreed, the plan was each compound would send at least one child to school, and in the home of Ali Mawdo Jamanka, the lucky child was Yero, the younger brother of Demba Ali Jawo! But as fate would have it, Yero unfortunately got sick and therefore could not make it thereby creating the unpleasant opportunity for Demba to go to school. Happy that he was going to school, the story however nearly got sour because his father was adamant that Demba had enough schooling and should now go back to herd the cattle. If not for the determined intervention of Ilo of blessed memory, Demba would have been one of the world’s celebrated Gainako today!

 

From Mount Carmel School in Sare Gainako and then moving higher to Crab Island Modern Secondary School in Banjul, Demba recounts the people he met and impacted on his life until today. It was headmaster Jacob Baldeh in Mount Carmel who defended his right to put on a beret in class because of ringworms all over his head which embarrassed him in front of his peers. But more significantly thanks to Jacob, Demba was able to secure a guardian in Banjul with Jacob’s brother Pateh who worked in the then Cable and Wireless company so he could go to school. Pateh was unmarried then and despite his meagre income happily accommodated Demba and fellow provincial boys in a strange city with lot of people and cars whose hooting scare the hell out of him! But by then, as he recounts, Banjul was a very clean city with every street paved and people indeed looked after one another, a far cry from what we see today, not only the Banjul but in our entire society!

 

Demba lived a difficult life nonetheless in Banjul; hunger was his constant companion. Without parents around and with poor guardians, DA had to watch with watery mouth as richer schoolboys would buy ‘nyanbeh nyebeh’ while he gazes incessantly because he had no money to buy for himelf.

 

In exposing the life of DA, ‘A Date with Destiny’also gives an account of the story of a host of individuals in the 70s who would become the movers and shakers of the Gambia years to come. From Crab Island to Gambia College and eventually into the teaching field, DA built acquaintances with a myriad of folks who would become part of the future leaders of the Gambia. Some became comrades in the fight against dictatorship and others became targets of his resistance!

 

His college mates included former APRC Vice President Isatou Njie Saidy, former PPP Minister Alkali James Gaye and former IGP Pa Salah Jagne while former Cabinet colleague Badara Joof was not only a friend but was in fact part of his inner circle of friends known as ‘The Gang of Four’ whose other members were Abdou Rahman Sise and Momodou Lamin Faye. It is interesting to note that DA was also a student of the current TRRC Vice Chair Adelaide Sosseh at Gambia College and before that, at Crab Island. The late former Minister Omar Sey, the late Mrs. Belinda Bidwell former Speaker as well as the late Ralphina de Almeida all taught Demba at college! But also, during the first year in teaching practice in 1973, he also taught the current ambassador to the EU Tenengba Jaiteh. The Gang of Four of course expanded eventually to include Imam Baba Leigh, Samsudeen Sarr former deputy CDS under Jammeh and others!

 

An insight into the nature of the PPP Government came to light as the author moved out of the teaching field to pick up a job in the then GUC, Gambia Utilities Corporation. Not only did he encounter discrimination, favouritism and denial of opportunities but he also became a person of interest because of his writings in The Nation newspaper and his association with its publisher the late William Dixon Coley, the doyen of Gambian journalism! At GUC and living in Haddington Street in Banjul DA’s apartment became known as the ‘Temple’ – a meeting place of many young radicals and an avenue that saw him become hugely active in youth and sporting activities.

While serving as a staff of GUC the author continued to publish articles in The Nation until sometime in 1979 when he was arrested and detained by the police for publishing a very critical article about police administration. It was clear that indeed the time has come for him to abandon his Government job due to harassment and suppression and enter into the journalism field in full to pursue his convictions without fetters.

William Dixon Colley is undoubtedly one of the Gambia’s foremost and bravest, if not the leading human rights and democracy activist ever! It is no wonder therefore that the moment DA encountered this great man, he could never rest until today!

 

William had an immense impact on DA in every way imaginable and the author loved and respected and admired this patriot beyond measure. In fact many people even came to consider Dixon Colley as his father! It was his association with this great man, at whose office at No. 3 Box Bar Road in Banjul that DA would spend his entire time that he also came to meet many more young people as time went by who were also attached to the doyen!

 

Among these young people included current presidential adviser Mai Ahmad Fatty, current National Assembly Member Halifa Sallah, former ambassador Sarjo Jallow and former MOJA member Dumo Sarho. DA was scheduled to meet Koro Sallah eventually who was seeking to recruit him to join MOJA when the Kukoie Samba Sanyang insurrection took place in 1981 thus thwarting that meeting in Half Die. Consequently, DA could not become a member of the left-wing group as Koro himself was eventually implicated in that incident and had to flee the country.

Here is the bombshell: Demba Ali Jawo was a founder member of the People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS) and much more; it was DA who designed the PDOIS flag! Wow!

 

‘A Date with Destiny’is therefore not just a book about the life of Demba, it is a documentation of the socio-political history of the Gambia. Think of any Gambian of stature in government or business and society today and you will find his or her name in this book! However out of principles and dedication to service as a journalist. DA had abandoned all political affiliation to PDOIS and never to align himself ever again with any political party. This is a trait of all great journalists who wish to remain independent and credible in the eyes of the society that one cannot belong to any group, no matter how well meaning they are! Journalism is DA’s destiny and he has fixed a date with the profession for which he does not wish to betray!

 

‘A Date with Destiny’is hugely about journalism and one cannot find a more up to date account of the trials and tribulations of the Gambian media than what is provided in this book, particularly with the advent of the military coup in 1994. Not only is the account quite detailed but it is also glaring for the fact that DA was himself a key participant in all of the ups and downs that the media went through under the dictatorship.

In the first place DA described the emergence of the Daily Observer as the beginning of the golden era of Gambian journalism as we saw for the first time a newspaper printed on newsprint and not on an ordinary A3 size xerox paper! But also, in terms of content the earlier emergence of Topic magazine of Nana Grey-Johnson and The Point newspaper of the late Deyda Hydara, the late Baboucarr Gaye and Pap Saine all contributed, together with the Daily Observer, to witness a marked turning point for the Gambian media into modernity, professionalism and recognition!

The life of a journalist in the Gambia is a bitter-sweet story. While Daily Observer in practice also became a school of journalism as it massively churned out large numbers of smart young journalists, at the same time the Jammeh dictatorship ended becoming the beast that also nearly devoured the media to extinction! Yet it was the Gambian media that stood its ground, as a protagonist as well as a tool to be employed by many other forces, not least our political parties to fight that monster to extinction! In traversing the plains of journalism, the book gave an interesting account of the various actors, incidents and issues including the disappointments and threats in which we witnessed physical assaults, arson attacks, assassinations as well as closure of media houses and mass exodus of journalists!

 

Hence the killing of Deyda became a watershed moment in the life of the media and journalists. As the author narrated, that assassination generated fear, but DA refused to be silenced as he continued to write critical articles against the Government to the discomfort of his family and friends afraid for his safety. Even when DA had a very good paying job in Dakar, he insisted on coming to visit family in Kanifing periodically, against the wishes of his wife, just that Jammeh does not think that he had succeeded in banishing all journalists out of the Gambia.

 

DA joined the Gambia Press Union in 1980 when Dixon Colley was the Secretary General. DA himself became the Secretary General in 1992 and then president until 1998 when he stepped down. The story of GPU is intertwined with the life of the author who, together with Deyda had to seriously struggle in ensuring that the union survives when there was little support. Not only did the union face resource challenges but it also went through lot of turbulence as internal wranglings among members over benefits nearly derailed it. However, the book reveals that DA traversed a path that was laden with difficulties – from financial to security issues to social pressures and personal fears especially after the death of Deyda!

 

Life in exile in Senegal brought lot of gain and pain to DA. Not only did he gain a more rewarding job financially and built strong and lasting relationships with a myriad of people and institutions, but he also became a huge source of support to fellow Gambians in Dakar or those Gambians fleeing through Dakar or coming there to seek visas or medical attention. In fact, his kids would tease that their father’s house became a ‘Transit Hotel’ because of the numbers of people who would come by.

 

Like many Gambians DA joined the current Gambia Government not because he wanted to share in the spoils of war. His fight against the dictatorship was for nothing other than to salvage his country and secure the freedoms and progress of his people including himself, in any walk of life one might be. Hence, he never imagined becoming a minister such that when a request came for him to send his CV to the Government he flatly refused. Thanks to the intervention and encouragement of four remarkable fellow women fighters – Fatou Jagne Senghore, Aisha Dabo, Ndey Tapha Sosseh and Veronic Wright that DA eventually succumbed; and of course, because Pres. Barrow had expressed to him that he admired and also preferred DA to become the Minster of Information.

 

Life as a minister was indeed instructive for Demba. Instead of the environment becoming smooth and supportive rather DA actually became a victim as soon as he accepted the office of a minister. The book has given a rather vivid picture of the environment inside the Government. DA pointed to a situation of chaos, flaws, missed opportunities and unnecessary reactions. As the Minister of Information and the Spokesperson of the Government DA was not only side-lined on fundamental issues of the Government but was poorly or not consulted at all in many instances and even where he sought answers from even the top, he either gets no response or a very diluted explanation without head or tail!

 

Indeed, DA did not enjoy his time as a minister. Not only was he excluded and even labelled as ‘Mr. Complain’ because of his incessant demand for answers or explanations, but he became extremely disappointed at the amateurish manner of addressing issues and the failure of the Government to be transparent or accountable.

For example, the confusion about the Brussels roundtable that the Government was coming home with money when only pledges were made could have been better addressed if enough information and engagement was made. Amazingly DA was left out of that meeting. The immature reaction of the President towards Dr. Ismaila Ceesay of UTG or the question ‘where were you’ should not have come from a President. The donation of vehicles or the D11 million provided to pilgrims or the China money transferred into the First Lady’s foundation account are all incidents that were badly handled by State House simply because the necessary sharing of information, coordination and engagement were not taking place. Consequently, DA faced series of embarrassments when he faced local or foreign journalists asking about simple issues about which he had no idea because no one shared information or true information with him.

 

Not only was DA a victim of exclusion and non-cooperation from even inside the Cabinet, but he faced incessant interference in his ministry on issues such as the liberalization of the International Gateway or the granting of TV licenses to applicants such as the Ahmadiyya among others. DA was seriously committed to transforming the media landscape through legal and institutional reforms but unfortunately received little to no cooperation from Cabinet colleagues including the President except for the Minister of Justice who seemed to recognize and value his role as a fellow minster.

 

Above all the book gave us insight into the kind of leadership in the country where courtesy and the national interest do not seem to drive the agenda. For example, the author’s termination letter was handed over to him by the Secretary General and he wondered why the President could not have simply invited him to discuss why he was being sacked as a matter of courtesy and leadership. But as the book recounts nothing like that happened in the first place when VP Tambajang or Mai Fatty was sacked. Hence when it was his turn to be also fired unceremoniously, the author acknowledges that he and his Cabinet colleagues must also take blame for that because they also never stood up to enquire from the President why their former colleagues were being sacked. If they had demonstrated such responsibility probably, they would have seen a different and better show of leadership by Barrow next time he wanted to sack a minster. But since they never cared to ask the President, it means the President also considered that he is indeed the bus driver and he can onload and offload minsters as he likes!

 

DA is not a bitter man after all. Rather his stint in Government gave him a better understating of our society and its circumstances. He came to better understand where our troubles lie and how to solve them. While he seems concerned that there are some invisible forces and interests driving the agenda around Barrow, he however offers quite succinct pieces of advice and recommendations to the President, ministers, local government authorities, fellow journalists and indeed every citizen.

 

For example, he cited the various cabinet reshuffles as missed opportunities where Barrow could have re-branded himself by adding more women and young people or appoint someone from the other smaller ethnic groups into his Cabinet to reflect diversity and unity of our people. Furthermore, he cited the lack of a Christian in the National Assembly which could have also been addressed if the President had utilised his authority to nominate a Christian person. Rather we see how Barrow further closed his Cabinet to women and youth by appointing more elderly men! He reminded the President to stick to his words as a mark of honour and refuse ‘wakh wahet’ noting that even Abdoulaye Wade could not survive the trick!

 

In conclusion, I have never been prouder of DA after reading this book. It is rich, blunt and accurate in its information content, objectivity and user-friendly in its consumption! As he said, he and many Gambians supported the Coalition in 2016 to salvage the Gambia and not to seek power and privilege. He remained unflinchingly committed to that agenda as a minister even though he was frustrated and concerned at the limited support of this Government to empower Gambians by protecting fundamental freedoms.

 

On the Coalition – whether it exists or not, and the political future of the President and the risks and threats, and the intrigues of partisan politics and the rest – I won’t tell you. Read the book!

 

Thank you for your kind attention.

 

Dibba Says He Was Sacked as Agriculture Minister While on a Trip to Chad

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By Lamin Njie

Former Minister of Agriculture Lamin Dibba on Saturday said he was in N’Djamena, Chad when he was sacked by President Adama Barrow.

Speaking to a crowd of UDP supporters at a rally held in Bundung on Saturday, Dibba sarcastically said he happens to be among those who exited the bus when he had in fact never boarded it.

He said: “I am also one of those people who have been removed from the bus. Ousainu said he was removed but the time the bus was departing, I didn’t board because I was in N’Djamena, Chad. The time people were being removed, I was not here, I was in Chad. So I didn’t enter the bus.”

According to Dibba, members of the United Democratic Party who were in cabinet were working for the country not UDP.

“It was about the country not UDP. UDP was formed because of the country. So when we entered the government, we were working for the country. That’s our belief,” he said.

Sacked Sanneh Says Barrow Has Shown Himself a Red Card

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By Lamin Njie

Amadou Sanneh has said that President Adama Barrow has issued himself red card over his decision to sack Ousainu Darboe.

The former Minister of Trade stated this at a UDP rally held in Bundung on Saturday.

Sanneh said: “We are all in the party. Some came yesterday. Some have been members of the party since 1996. But you can remind President Adama Barrow [of] when did he come to UDP. Was it in 2006? He’s a newcomer. If he says UDP was fighting for power for 22 years that that 22 years we couldn’t defeat Yahya; that he came in three months and removed Yahya…

“Where did he first stand? It was the parliamentary elections where he contested against Mamma Kandeh and lost. He contested again and lost. So he came to UDP. He was covered with a UDP blanket. Because of this he was chosen by UDP.

“So today if you say you’re sacking the secretary general [of UDP] (Darboe), you say that you’re sacking Honourable Lamin Dibba and myself, you haven’t sacked us. You guys should tell him he has in fact issued himself a red card.”

Barrow is Engaged in Daylight Cheating – Darboe

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By Lamin Njie

The administrative secretary of the United Democratic Party has said that President Adama Barrow is behaving dishonestly towards his fellow coalition partners.

“People say it’s betrayal. I say this is not betrayal. This is what you call broad daylight cheating,” Alhagie S Darboe told a crowd of UDP supporters at a rally held in Bundung on Saturday.

President Barrow last week fired Ousainu Darboe as the vice president of The Gambia in a major move that also saw the sacking of Lamin Dibba (Minister of Agriculture) and Amadou Sanneh (Minister of Trade). The three men are all senior members of the UDP.

According to Alhagie S Darboe, President Barrow is in power today thanks to the efforts of UDP.

He said: “This is our sweat, it’s our tears, it’s our blood that he is sitting on. We want to tell the president that it is through our effort that the change came. So he cannot beat his chest to say that it’s the constitution that has given him the power to fire our people.

“If the other parties don’t speak up, UDP will. We all own it so if you say we should not be part of it, you are cheating us and we will not forgive you and Allah will not forgive you.”

Barrow’s Foday Gassama Gets Savaged for Calling for Regulation of Social Media

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By Lamin Njie

Nominated national assembly member Foday Gassama has been rebuked for calling on the government to regulate social media.

Gassama who was sworn in as a nominated member of the national assembly on Monday after weeks of controversy exclusively told The Standard that “social media played an important role in the change of government but today it is being abused.”

He also told The Standard he thinks the government should act now to look into the issue like what China did to censor information disseminated via social media through technology.

His comments have drawn him flaks with US-based Gambian Coach Pasamba Jow commenting on Facebook on Friday: “Calling on the government to emulate China in suppressing freedom of speech is beyond ridiculous.”

Lolley Nyang-Mbenga reacting to Jow’s comment, said: “He (Gassama) needs to learn the difference between injunction and conjunction before talking about how to control social media…”

Citizen Jarju said: “He is bought just to come and do that. Forgetting that his master is here today because of social media.”

Mama-sabally Samateh said: “Ignorance at its highest level.”

Njie Explains Why the Coalition is Collapsing

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By Lamin Njie

The spokesperson of the Gambia Democratic Congress has said that the continued collapse of the coalition has nothing to do with the interest of the country.

Mambanyick Njie in an exclusive interview with The Fatu Network said the continued disintegration of the coalition is as a result of a bitter tussle for power.

Njie said: “”It’s all political, it’s all politically motivated. Who should lead or who should be in power for the next five or 10 or 15 years. That’s the bone of contention. I have no doubt that the bone of contention has never been that these people have argued so much and so vigorously against each other in terms of what type of programmes or policies we should implement for the betterment of the Gambian people.

“So it’s just so unfortunate that while Barrow is there so focussed on maybe securing a second and a third term, others also are thinking that, ‘no, Barrow has betrayed the principles of the coalition, he shouldn’t be there.’ At the end of the day it is the Gambian people that will suffer.”

The GDC senior official chipping into the removal of Ousainou Darboe as the vice president of The Gambia and the sacking of two ministers said “constitutionally, the president has the power to appoint and dismiss his ministers.”

“However, one would have though that since this was a coalition government or is still a coalition government I would want to believe, that they would have stuck together; to understand that the country is bigger than all of them that are in that government. That the country is bigger than all these party leaders in those respective parties that constitute the coalition such that they would be more concerned about the policies and programmes that they would really want to implement to upgrade the lives of the Gambian people, to upgrade the standard of living of the Gambian people, to really focus on institutional reform as they have promised, to focus on the reform of the civil service, security reform,” he said.

Gambia at crossroads?

Hmm ?. Don’t think so. it could be a mirage. I remember OJ Garmeh Jallow being let go, NO crossroads! Tambajang Jallow, Same fate, NO crossroads! Super Interior Minister, Fatty, NO crossroads! Why are we then now scaring folks that Gambia will no longer develop because your corner got damp? Not trying to equate talents here but aren’t all coalition members created equal with the mighty #70Delegates? EXACTLY. True, the broom took some legends but hey, the former removed are legends in their own rights! We respect and salute them for standing tall when many cowered under some rocks! It’s POLITICS as one hot and cold dude laments on his “platform”, “in politics there are no permanent friends or foe but permanent interests”! I think that’s how he sings it! ?. Anywho, separate the men/women from the posts especially public posts!!!!!

That being the case, let all dress their wounds in their comfy corners and not proverbially “pee” in the public pool!!! Remember the kid in the movie that peed in the pool and it turned different color? Blue to green? Whether it was a chemical that did it or the compounds of the urine changing the pool color, the boy and parents dashed out with guilt and shame! So, it’s very advisable to NOT pee in the pool to safe your face!:)

There is no need to run around looking for “fence sitters” to win over or call for others to resign just because the birthday boy unvited you to the cake cutting! Hey, at your rehearsal cake cutting you chose your favorites di! Let Others be and if they are cutting cake, not frown as they revel in the creamy portion of the cake! Bear in mind, the presumed fence may only be an imagination. Politics is a spectator sport to some hence, not participating doesn’t mean “spectators” favor one over the other. They may just be waiting for half time to pick team or not at all. It ain’t that serious for some. Let people be and do YOU!! The marbles you lose may be your own!:) It’s sometimes repulsive to see how an issue gets sectionalized, it’s sad actually in National discussion ?. See the red white and blue as a uniting force and don’t further tatter our once unpatched social fabric! You’ll live to regret it after the dust settles!!!

Oh! Quit the guilt trips and fear mongering! The Gambia I see, is like the shark tasting blood! They believe in the strength of the teeth and speed to race to the source of food without miss. Removing Jamus with marbles empowered and will forever empower and embolden generations to come. #NeverAgain will my people take that for granted! Best believe! If anything, the biggest concern should be about anyone flamboyantly waltzing with what the majority fought against as in APRC. This however is sadly happening on both ends!!!

The bus driver may cross white line, in some areas the yellow line (pun intended) and get ticketed, but as long as the double yellow lines are unbothered, he may live to drive again! Crossing the double yellow line in this instance is the Gambian populace. They, at the end of the day, hold the final verdict with the beautiful shiny marbles!

God grant us the serenity to change the things we can, accept the ones we can’t and the wisdom to know the difference ??❤

The Honourable Ya Kumba Jaiteh and the Imperative of Executive Adherence to Legality

By Lamin J. Darbo

With mounting interest I follow the debate on whether there is authorisation under the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia (“the Constitution”) for His Excellency, Adama Barrow, President of the Republic of The Gambia, to fire the Honourable Ya Kumba Jaiteh (“Jaiteh”) as a nominated member of the National Assembly.

Is there indeed incontrovertible authorisation for the President to nominate National Assembly members, or is section 88(2) nullified, or at the very least seriously called into question, by section 96 of the Constitution, on the one hand, and by accepted principles of democratic constitutional theory and practice on the other? According to section 96 (1), “there shall be a general election of all members of the National Assembly which shall be held four months after the date of election of office of the President”.

What schizophrenic Constitution!

Our Constitution is a disaster for even the theoretical underpinnings of democratic pluralism, effectively emasculating, as it did, the National Assembly, and Judiciary, by reducing these constitutional pillars of the state to mere appendages of the Executive through the unjustifiable centralisation of all power in the President. Be that as it may, the Constitution remains valid and I approach the Jaiteh controversy in that context.

The Jaiteh saga is a spectacular rerun of Ramzia Diab’s firing in 2004 by our eminent man of letters doubling as President of the Republic. Entering the ring on the side of his employer, then Attorney General S T Hydara postulated the highly questionable assertion that “the drafters of the Constitution were no fools”. Writing out of the jurisdiction, I advanced the counter contention that the “drafters were clearly no visionaries for saddling us with a document which must be revamped in the Gambia’s impending Third and final Republic as its general thrust was inimical to both the doctrine of the rule of law, and the concept of the separation of powers”.

Witness the establishment of the Constitutional Review Commission!

Some fifteen years later, and a peoples revolution as backdrop, our nation is faced with an incomprehensible replay of the Ramzia affair under circumstances more egregious and unjustified than that original Executive misadventure into forbidden terrain.

Without question, the Constitution’s convoluted nature is a glaring manifestation of its perverse intent. In a laughable, if tragic way, the hope was nurtured that this may constitute a blessing in that under properly mounted challenges against routinely arbitrary Executive conduct, the courts will find it impossible to anchor sensible and defensible decisions favouring any President in this greatly compromised and labyrinthine document.

That hope is clearly misplaced as spectacularly demonstrated by the Supreme Court in its interlocutory decision in the Jaiteh saga!

In the debate that ensued over Ramzia’s dismissal, the late legal luminary, Pap Ousman Cheyassin Secka of respected memory – in his defence of the President – refers to the entrenchment of separation of powers in the Constitution. Then as now, I wonder which document that postulation refers to. The preamble is not a part of any Constitution, and even where it would ordinarily constitute a true reflection of the letter and spirit of the main document, it has no edifying character as regards our law of laws.

As in 2004, my interest in the Jaiteh saga is public spirited and constitutionally focused. But how little times have changed! In reaching their conclusion on the legality of Ramzia’s dismissal, then Attorney General, and Cheyassin, that late giant of jurisprudence, contended that there is a universal “age-long aphorism that he who has the power to hire also has the power to fire”.

Then as now, I emphatically reject that proposition as a principle of general application.

Under both constitutional theory and practice in a proper system of democratic governance, a president who nominated, and, or, appointed, a NAM, or Judge, should become functus officio on the basis of the doctrinal logic that a particular hiring traverses constitutional demarcations.

In other words, he should have no authority whatsoever to fire either NAMs, or judicial officers ranging from Magistrates, to Justices of the Supreme Court. In similar vein, constitutionally envisaged independent agencies like the Independent Electoral Commission must reside outside the purview of presidential influence. This is not to suggest that these categories of officers are exempt from legitimate control mechanisms, but that they must not be subjected to the whims of the Executive as preeminent wielder of the police power. Once appointments are made in these areas, there must be no removal powers available to the President as an individual.

As demonstrated by the overwhelming public interest in the Jaiteh saga, the values at play constitute the silent tributaries along which the streams and rivers of democratic life flow to the great seas and oceans of personal conscience and freedom. We must learn to restrain our leaders within the boundaries of legality and their legitimate authority. The presidency is a majestic office with awe-inspiring powers, but that notwithstanding, it is a short-term tenancy, and a tenant must not have the capacity to destroy the landlord’s estate. As landlords, our estate, The Gambia, its nurture along the paths of tolerance and pluralism, must remain our supreme project.

It is common territory that the Constitutional text is silent on how a nominated NAM should be unseated. In that case we must step outside the document to examine the architecture of democratic governance and the underpinnings of republicanism with its entrenched values of limited government anchored in separated power and the rule of law.

On a straight application of the doctrine of separation of powers, the President can have no authority to fire a NAM. Notwithstanding baseless assertions by some commentators, the powers under sections 167, and 231(5) are not triggered as a NAM – nominated or otherwise – is not a public office, thereby making it unnecessary to refer to the Interpretation section at 230 as Jaiteh is explicitly excluded from holding a public office by section 166 (4) (a) of the Constitution.

It is indeed instructive that Jaiteh’s dismissal, communicated through no less a figure than the Secretary General – that great supervisor of the Public Service, sounding board of the President, and his preeminent confidant in normal times – relied on no authority other than a baseless Executive Directive for such a momentous missive. It was disconcerting for the SG to convey a Directive of such magnitude without anchoring it in any legal provision. The holders of the great offices in public service must learn to say no when occasion demands.

Even a casual reading of Chapter XI, sections 166-171, provide insight into the Constitution’s understanding of public office, especially at: 168, on Head of Civil Service; 170, on Restriction of Political Activity; and 171, on Retiring Age. The perversity of the Constitution to clothe the Executive with power to micromanage every aspect of national life has needlessly triggered a constitutional crises in the Jaiteh affair. The document is proving to be a minefield, especially considering the plethora of superficial analysis against the clear command of section 166 (4) (a).

In similar vein, the attempt by some commentators to categorise Jaiteh’s purported dismissal as the functional equivalent of an electoral recall is clearly unworkable considering there must be legislation to activate the recall provision in the Constitution. Even assuming that this provision is available to the President – and it is not – the Constitution suggests that it must be a serious matter as one third of registered voters in a constituency must support the recall petition.

What did Jaiteh do? Absolutely nothing going by the letter from the Secretary General! If indeed the Constitution authorises the President to nominate one in every ten members of the National Assembly, the fate of this category of member must not be left to chance as sooner or later a political relationship in a developing democracy like ours is bound to poisonously collapse.

In the Constitution, power is theoretically separated between the Executive, the Legislature, and what the document itself calls the Judicature. Globally, these are the traditional demarcations in constitutional democracies. The abiding principle is that power must not be concentrated in one branch of government, a philosophical position triggered by the conduct of the mighty monarchs of Europe in the long stretch of history to the Enlightenment, also known as the Age of Reason. “Enlightenment thinkers in Britain, in France and throughout Europe questioned traditional authority and embraced the notion that humanity could be improved through rational change”.

Enlightenment thought was the inspiration and precursor of the great and hugely transformative revolutions in America and France in the eighteenth century, an era when absolute power was fully located in European monarchies. The clamour for diffusing power led to the establishment of the legislature and the judiciary as independent arms of government. Then as now, it was always the Executive that needed restraining due to its centrality to public life and same applies in the Gambia of modern times.

When a president is accorded authority and opportunity to overreach he will do so and that is a historical fact. A brilliant example was the relationship between President Eisenhower and Earl Warren, his nominee to the US Supreme Court. Both were blue blooded Republicans but on the bench of its hugely influential Supreme Court, Warren stood for America and its enduring values of equality before the law as enshrined in the pivotal and liberalising fourteenth amendment to the U S constitution. Eisenhower referred to his appointment of Warren as “the biggest damn fool thing I ever did”.

When in later years he was asked whether he made any mistakes, Eisenhower eagerly answered “Yes: two. And they are both sitting on the Supreme Court”. The other mistake was William Brennan Jr., one of the great liberal jurists to sit on the Court in the twentieth century. Like Warren, and Brennan, to Eisenhower, Jaiteh too owes President Barrow nothing. Her loyalties must first and foremost be to The Gambia and her dismissal as a NAM on the grounds of disloyalty was wrongful and regrettable.

The closest thing to our nominated NAMs is the United Kingdom House of Lords. After nomination by the political leadership and appointment by the monarch, the appointing authority became functus in the fortunes of a member of the Lords. Any removal must be done within the rules of the Lords but not by an unhappy political leader or monarch.
About unhappiness and redress, Jaiteh went to the Supreme Court for a declaration of the invalidity of the President’s attempt to remove her as a NAM. She also asked for a restraining order to forestall the wrongful swearing of her replacement. Although a decision on the substantive question remains pending, her application for a restraining order was refused on the grounds of “… the presumption of regularity of all official acts [and] the applicable principles of law relating to the grant of interim restraining orders”.

The Supreme Court was wrong in its conclusion.

The decision was a Judicial Directive in that offered no reasoning on what it meant by “… the presumption of regularity of all official acts [and] the applicable principles of law relating to the grant of interim restraining orders”. Jaiteh went into the Court whole and came out reduced. She came back empty handed and shackled by the weapon she pleaded with the Court to interpose between her and her traducers.

For the benefit of the reading public, there are settled principles around the grant or refusal of interlocutory injunctions/restraining orders. It is of course an accepted legal position that the grant or refusal of an interlocutory injunction lies squarely within the jurisdiction of the Court (Madikarra Jabbi v Alhagie Lansana Sillah (2014-2015) GSCLR 246, at 253. An injunction is an equitable relief and consequently it is granted at the discretion of the court. It is not granted as a matter of grace. The discretion must be exercised judiciously and judicially” (see Ayorinde v AG Oyo State (1996) 2 SCNJ 1998).

The Court’s discretion notwithstanding, a judicious application of that discretionary power based on law and reason anchored on the particular facts before the Court is expected (Madikarra Jabbi v Alhagie Lansana Sillah (2014-2015) GSCLR 246, at 253. “For a Court to declare whether or not to grant an injunction … it has as of legal necessity to go into the consideration of the competing legal rights of the parties to the protection of the injunctive relief. It is a duty placed on an applicant seeking injunction … to establish by evidence in affidavit(s) the legal right she seeks to protect by the order which of necessity makes it mandatory for the court to go into the facts to determine whether such entitlement has been established” (Aboseldehyde Laboratories Plc v. Union Merchant Bank Limited & Anor. (2013) 54 (Pt. 1) NSCQR 112, at 144).

According to the Gambia Court of Appeal “a discretion is judicially and judiciously exercised if it is done with regard to what is right and equitable in the peculiar circumstances of the case, the relevant law, and is directed by conscionable reasoning of the Trial Judge to a just result” The State v Isaac Campbell (2002-2008) 2 GLR 354).

The Supreme Court offered no reason whatsoever for its conclusion!

In its highly celebrated decision in American Cyanamid Co. Ltd v Ethicon Ltd (1975) 1 AER 504, the widely considered primer on interlocutory injunctions, the United Kingdom House of Lords, as it then was, stated that in considering an application for an injunction, regard should be had to the following:

Legal right
Substantial issue to be tried
Balance of convenience
Irreparable damage or injury
Existence of alternative remedy
Conduct of the parties

That Jaiteh has a legal right in retaining her status as a NAM is clearly uncontested.

On that basis alone, there is compellingly a substantial issue to be tried.

As to the balance of convenience, Lord Diplock, in American Cyanamid Co. Ltd v Ethicon Ltd (1975) 1 AER 504, supra, at 507, states:
… when an application for an interlocutory injunction to restrain a defendant from
doing acts alleged to be in violation of the plaintiff’s legal right is made upon contested
facts, the decision whether or not to grant an interlocutory injunction has to be taken at
a time when ex hypothesi the existence of the right or the violation of it, or both, is uncertain and will remain uncertain until final judgment is given in the action. It was to mitigate the risk of injustice to the plaintiff during the period before that uncertainty could be resolved that the practice arose of granting him relief by way of interlocutory injunction; but since the middle of the nineteenth century this has been made subject to his undertaking to pay damages to the defendant for any loss sustained by reason of the injunction if it should be held at the trial that the plaintiff had not been entitled to restrain the defendant from doing what he was threatening to do. The object of the interlocutory injunction is to protect the plaintiff against injury by violation of his right for which he could not be adequately compensated in damages recoverable in the action if the uncertainty were resolved in his favour at the trial; but the plaintiff’s need for such protection must be weighed against the corresponding need of the defendant to be protected against injury resulting from his having been prevented from exercising his own legal rights for which he could not be adequately compensated under the plaintiff’s undertaking in damages if the uncertainty were resolved in the defendant’s favour at the trial. The Court must weigh one need against another and determine where” the balance of “convenience” lies.

The Supreme Court settled for a Judicial Directive by reaching a conclusion without offering a scintilla of reasoning in support of that result.

On the “…presumption of regularity of all official acts …” it has no relevance to this case.

On whether non-lawyers can competently comment on this matter, I merely state that a Barrister-at-Law designation is not a dispenser of super wisdom or of any wisdom at all. Gambia’s public intellectuals must engage with the public space and help dissect the great issues of the day for the benefit of larger society. I urge them to emulate the likes of Anthony Lewis, legal columnist for the New York Times, “… an American public intellectual and journalist” who covered the United States Supreme Court for his paper. “Early in Lewis’ career as a legal journalist, Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter told an editor of The New York Times: “I can’t believe what this young man achieved. There are not two justices of this court who have such a grasp of these cases”. Eulogizing Lewis, the Dean of Columbia University’s School of Journalism said: “At a liberal moment in American history, he was one of the defining liberal voices”.

I therefore urge our Nieman Fellow, and our Country Representative of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, among others, to plough on and empower their people.

In his anger, the President wronged Jaiteh and the country he leads. On one of these moonlit nights, I urge him to take a lone walk along the serene grounds amidst the beautiful flowers and trees of the national house he calls home. I urge him to reflect on the rise and fall of the previous tenants-in-chief of that house, to come to terms with his mortality, and the transiency of his office. Let him survey the majesty of the presidency and reflect on the purpose for which he was sent to Number 1 Marina. The monuments we will remember and celebrate him for are not going to be the physical structures he left behind but the unseen symmetric beauty of governance under law.

The President was wrong to purportedly fire Jaiteh, and the Supreme Court was wrong to restrain her whilst refusing her application to restrain her replacement and others from violating her accrued legal rights under colour of law.

NOVEMBER 11 KILLINGS: I Thought They Were Taking them to Mile Two – Sanyang

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By Lamin Njie

Lieutenant Colonel Babucarr Sanyang of the Gambia Armed Forces has told the TRRC he thought Mile Two was the fate of a group of officers who were linked to a coup plot in November 1994.

At least six middle-ranking officers of the Gambian army were arrested in November 1994 after they were accused of of trying to overthrow former president Yahya Jammeh’s government. They were briefly detained at Yundum Barracks before being taking to a forest in Brikama and killed.

“When the Land Rover was packed and then the officers were asked to board and they took them, for me I thought they were going to Mile Two because at that time Mile Two was the order of the day,” Sanyang told the TRRC.

According to Sanyang, the operation which saw the execution of officers like Gibril Seye, Bakary Manneh and Abdoulie Bah was led by then army captain and vice chairman of the APPRC government Sanna Sabally.

On the Paradox of Self-Regulation: Letter to the Minister of Information

Honourable Minister,

I am not a fan of Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Joseph Stiglitz. In fact, in the clash of the titans between him and then IMF Research Chief,  Kenneth Rogoff, I sided with Rogoff; but one thing Stiglitz said really resonated with me and I have since held it as a sacred natural truth. Stiglitz once asserted  that the word “self-regulation” is an oxymoron. And that is certainly true.

So when I started seeing claims and lobbying from professional groups in our own country trying to get government to endorse their proposals, or even to pass bills, aimed at entrenching self-regulation, I cringed…

I do know that you are a career journalist and you would naturally be inclined

to support your brethren in the media fraternity but the business of self-regulation should never be accepted by our government. For very obvious reasons, backed by tangible evidence, self-regulation should not be entertained in our system. The recent case of the brazen attack on an innocent journalist by the current GPU President and the GPU’s uncharacteristic silence on this matter is a serious signal.

It is true that the media is a critical element of democracy and the protection and empowerment of media practitioners is of critical significance; but where elected bodies and individuals are subjected to independent external oversight in our governance system, I see no reason why another arm of the same national structure should be treated as a sacred cow and allowed to be referee and player at the same time.

Therefore, it is urgent  that an independent body be set up for oversight of our media practitioners and the GPU’s overtures of self-regulation should be rejected in the interest of the public.

Our evolving democracy has had its ups and downs and the executive branch of government has (in the past) taken undue advantage of the media and other institutions due to the dominance handed over to them by our statutes but it is a fact that the conduct of some of these media personalities and institutions has also had adverse effects on other entities and persons weaker than the media behemoths in our state of affairs.

So while we labour to correct the errors of our past by empowering institutions like The Gambia Press Union, we must not make the mistake of rendering these institutions too powerful to the extent that they could become oppressors of the weak and meek.

Honourable Minister and my dear brother, beyond the potential effects of media malpractice on individuals and organisations, it is my conviction that the greatest threat to our new-found freedom and entrenched peace is the actions of some unregulated, untrained, misguided,  ill-intentioned operators in our media space. We still have competent and prudent journalists in this country doing a good job for the common good; but when the floodgates of press freedom were flung open with the advent of the current dispensation, the media waters became muddied by some dangerous elements.

Daily we witness insults, incitement of violence and tribal acrimony in our media space and nothing is being done to control this. As if the Rwanda’s tragedy is not enough of a lesson, we sit and fiddle in our cosy zones while our precious Pax Gambiana is slowly but surely being poisoned with insidious cinders.

Lest the charge comes against me of speaking against press freedom, let me categorically state here that I am all for press freedom and a highly conducive environment for the efficient operation of our fourth estate. But that does not obviate the need for reasonable and effective oversight in the Business of our fourth estate. It is fitting to pick an import quote from a brilliant article by the current Secretary General  of the GPU on the undesirable activities of some media outlets titled “The Gambia: Towards A One-Stop Media Regulator”: “Supporters of the press are reconsidering their position: well, I’m a believer of press freedom but how could they do that. Oh, no.”

The current Chief Justice of our country recently made a statement to the effect that

The Gambia is blessed with a unique opportunity hard to come by of in the evolution of many nations: The opportunity to change and virtually rewrite all our laws and transform our institutions of governance . If this opportunity must not be missed, or under-utilised,  then we must not be infected by the bug of irrational exuberance by trying to overcompensate institutions that were negatively affected by our past to the extent of creating new Frankenstein’s monsters in our governance process.

In conclusion, Honourable Minister, I respectfully submit the foregoing premises with a view to re-ignite a national conversation on the relevant subject matter. I am hoping this dialogue is not muted but promoted. We must never lose sight of the fact that democracy and its institutions are not meant to be ends in themselves but vehicles towards the attainment of optimal human welfare and progress. Therefore it behooves us to be objective in our quest to hold one another to account in the interest of our common welfare.

In the service of our dear nation,

Momodou Sabally

Former Presidential Affairs Minister and author, Momodou Sabally is the Former Director General of the state Broadcaster GRTS as well as Managing Director and Editor-In-Chief of the Observer Company, publishers of The Gambia’s erstwhile leading newspaper the Daily Observer.

Welfare of Police Personnel a Pressing Concern – IGP

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By Lamin Njie

The Inspector of General of Police has said that the conditions of service of police officers are not commensurate with the costs of living in professional policing experience and qualifications.

Mamour Jobe also said employment emolument for police officers are not also attrative as those of other public servants even though police officers are prone to serious and life-threatening risks in the line of their duties.

The IGP made these remarks on Wednesday during the opening of a three-day workshop to validate the revised police act of The Gambia. The event was held at Senegambia Beach Hotel.

According to the IGP, police officers “don’t enjoy any medical insurance, compensation for disability or death resulting from official duties is the the order of the day.”

“It is our sincere hope that the police bill will address some of these pressing concerns in line with democratic policing. It is important for the police officers to have all the legal backing they need to enforce the law efficiency without fear or favour,” the IGP said.

TRRC: Top Army Officer Says Alagie Kanyi ‘Was Very Active, Liked the…’

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By Lamin Njie

A senior officer of the Gambian army has told the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission that Alagie Kanyi who confessed to killing at least nine people was very active while working as a soldier.

“Alagie Kanyi was then a corporal but the mere fact that he was made a drill sergeant was he was very active when it comes to drill and ceremonies and then he liked the field,” Lieutenant Colonel Babucarr Sanyang told the TRRC on Wednesday as he gave evidence on his time as drill sergeant in the Gambian army.

Alagie Kanyi who was a member of the Gambia National Army in the 1990s last month told the commission he participated in the killing of as many as nine people who were accused of trying to overthrow Jammeh’s government in 1994.

He also admitted taking part in the gruesome murder of The Gambia’s minister of finance in 1995 Ousman Koro Ceesay.

Lieutenant Colonel Babucarr Sanyang who is currently the commander of the Gambia Armed Forces Training Taskforce said he worked alongside the prolific self-confessed killer.

“As a drill instructor and also a drill sergeant I was there with John Gomez who is now a major at Fajara Barracks. Alagie Kanyi was also a drill sergeant. He was also with us,” Sanyang said.

Police Launch Manhunt for Alleged Killer of Buba Jammeh

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The Gambia Police Force has said violent clashes between Kombo South communities of Gunjur and Berending have led to the death of one person.

The public relations officer of the force Lamin Njie in a statement he signed on Tuesday said they are looking for a man believed to have been the one who shot and killed Buba Jammeh.

The statement said: “The Office of the Inspector General of police, wishes to inform the general public that on Saturday 16th March 2019, a communal land dispute erupted between the villages of Gunjur and Berending which resulted to the death of Buba Jammeh and four others were injured.

“Buba Drammeh the suspected assailant is currently at large and the cooperation of the general public is solicited in providing any useful information regarding his whereabout.

“The suspect Buba Drammeh is a young man, approximately six feet tall with a medium build. He is dark in complexion and has moustache. He looks young, perhaps between 30 and 35 years of age.

“Meanwhile the office of the Inspector General of Police implores the people of Gunjur and Berending to exercise calm and restraint while thorough investigations are conducted. The cooperation of the general public is highly solicited.”

Call it Self-Sabotage: How Gambian Journalists are Jeopardising their own Freedom

Call it the absurdity of the year! The Gambia’s press corps has been yearning for freedom of operation for decades and one would only assume that once that freedom is finally earned, they would cherish and protect it like a piece of diamond or the first born child of a Kanyelengwoman and name it Maabally (untouchable).

Alas, Gambians are good at endangering their own good fortune. Indeed we have witnessed several cases of individuals and entities throwing their very own victory right into the jaws of defeat in New Gambia, but the press as a group should know better; and definitely a group that is well placed to enlighten the masses should never be in want of wisdom as a collective entity.

So what went wrong at the nation’s apex body responsible for the welfare and protection of Journalists in this country?

Those who are familiar with the set up at the executive committee of the GPU would not be too surprised. Their carefully choreographed election surely delivered for the wheelers and dealers of the GPU when close friends captured the key positions as the top guns of the media union.

As if that is not enough of a risk for the effective running of the affairs of this institution of the most crucial importance to our nation building process, executive members started showing their political colours way too soon. It is an open secret that Gambians know exactly which political party key members of the GPU executive dally with. Indeed the American philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson is right “What you do speaks so loudly that I cannot hear what you say.”

The recent verbal assault meted out to journalist Lamin Njie by the current President of The Gambia Press Union Sheriff Bojang Jr. on the sidelines of the Ya Kumba Jaiteh case at the Supreme Court revealed a lot. Why would an innocent request for an interview on a matter so critical evoke so much negative emotion and palpable sense of vengeance?

There are many cases exhibiting the inherent malaise within the top echelons of the GPU and the space here would not allow a full rendition but a recent case is worth a mention. A local journalist with close blood ties with the GPU leadership was caught trafficking drugs but once the incident happened there was a quick complot among the leading journalists to hush that news and indeed they succeeded in making sure that the case, that was dropped due to interference from relatives of that journalist in the government, was ‘silenced’. If this case involved a non-journalist, it would have been all over the Gambian news cycle and in search engines.

With all the whistle blowing about the abuse of human rights during the former regime, some major media houses played roles, active and tacit, in the suffering of certain victims but you can be rest assured that those matters regarding the press will be muted in our current TRRC process. The case of the late Ousman Koro Ceesay was ‘investigated’ by a particular newspaper and declared an accident at the time; but was this matter mentioned in the TRRC’s investigation of that particular incident so far? The late Famara Jatta was fried as Finance Minister thanks to a case of unprofessional journalistic conduct. Certain people fell victim to circumstances due to the unprofessional conduct of certain media houses; this is a known fact. But there was no admission of guilt or apology about such unfortunate incidents to date.

We must acknowledge that the President of the GPU did publicly apologise for his unwarranted toxic attack on a fellow journalist. Personally I am not calling for the GPU President to resign but the silence of the GPU as an institution in this matter is deafening.

If we must make genuine progress as a nation, those tasked with holding others to account must behave in ways above board by all means. I am hoping the GPU as an institution will rise up to the occasion and use this particular case as an opportunity for soul-searching and rectification.

We are all Gambians and we must nurture the spirit of magnanimity and empathy that is characteristic of us as a cultured nation. But truth must be told and accepted for what it is if our collective conscience should remain healthy and resilient.

Momodou Sabally

The Gambia’s Pen

Bold Barrow’s Sacking of Dinosaur Darboe Signal’s Putting Country Before Party

It all had the ring of a soviet coup, political machinations of the Politburo, the death hand of courter comitas and perfect plot of backroom operators. If it was not true, it could have been taken straight from a non-fiction book on the wrangling and wrestling of power at the heart of the soviet union. Or from a highly sophisticated sci-fic novel. But it is true, and it is real: the sacking of Ousainou Darboe, the big beast of the UDP, with Amadou Sanneh and Lamin N Dibba from the government of Adama Barrow. The Gambian media, for once, like a thermostat, not a thermometer, was able to shape public opinion, not reflect it – a sign of how an independent media can inform the citizenry, keep the-powers-that-be accountable and strengthen democracy.

Last Monday, most of the newspapers splashed on rumours rumbling on social media: that President Barrow sacked his scared cow deputy Ousainou Darboe. Like Joseph Gobbles, the suave, savvy and smooth propagandist of Hitler, Ebrima Sankareh, Barrow’s spin doctor pirouetted: the story, he claimed, is “false”, cooked up from the figment of the overstretched imagination of people.

If it was an act of displacement activity, designed to distract his master’s prey from jumping the ship of state before being pushed, well he succeeded. And Darboe, his sharp political acumen betraying him, believed in the false sense of security he was lulled in. It is akin to having your lawn being packed with tanks pointed towards your direction for complete obliteration and annihilation, and being told “ hang on a minute, don’t read too much into it, because it is a simulation exercise, working out ways to rescue you when Armageddon struck.” For Barrow and his team, pulling this trick was a stroke of genius. For Darboe, it was political miscalculation over-masticated. How could he not see it coming?

For months relations between Barrow and Darboe were enveloped in envenoms chalice. As president and vice president, they cut an odd couple. That their bromance degenerated into such pitiful state was extraordinary. To Barrow, Darboe was a self-admitted political god-father. The latter saw the former as a protege who would parachute to the direction pushed towards. But power pinches a paroxysm of poison into what could have been a solid political partnership.

I used the cold war analogy in my previous article to put into sharp focus the power struggle going on between the two. Victory of the  first skirmish, no doubt after the successful putsch of Barrow’s team, belongs to them – yet. Brace yourself up Gambians, fastened your seatbelts and shot your heads towards the direction of travel, because the fight over who will control the wheels of state will drone on until 2021.

The starting pistol was fired after the firing of Darboe and his political chums. It might come as a surprise that Barrow wielded the political knife, and scalped the head of his political paterfamilias, rendering himself a political patricide. There will be howls of betrayal, cries of heresy and damnation of apostasy against him for doing so. But are they justified? Are they politically sound? Could he not live with the causation and forget about the consequences his frosty relationship with Darboe wrought? To the eye of the politically uninitiated, the simple and straightforward answer would be: cohabitation, not casus belli, should be the modus vevendi. How wrong! To come to such black and white conclusions, risks being wrapped and woofed, into – to use the former British Prime Minister who deftly lifted the political fortunes of the political left moulding “the white heat of technology” in its favor , Harold Wilson’s phrase – you are either a charlatan or a simpleton. The former is risible. But the latter is reprehensible.

In our presidential system of government, like any of its kind around the world, there should be complete confidence and trust between the president and his deputy. The vice president serves at the pleasure of the president, must command his/her full confidence and abide by collective cabinet responsibility. To have a rivaled power block within government shatters the authority of the president, fatally undermines the authority to get things done and paralyses the machine of state. The buck stops with the president. The clue is in the name: the president presides, and the government governs. The vice president is like the other half of the president, responsible for deputising where instructed and authorized to. That was precisely why Barrow’s decision to sack Darboe was as bold as it was bang on point. By doing so, he has signaled to Gambians and the wider world that, contrary to conventional wisdom, he is not a  touchy-feely headless chicken. He has shown that his famous death stare exudes determination, his sombre face seriousness, his slow purposeful steps practicality and his clip responses in conversations a solipsistic sphinx with a riddle.

He could have decided, as president, to turn a blind eye and deaf ear to his authority being shredded, but he acted decisively, putting paid to that. He proves that he is made of steel, had balls of steel and a ruthless streak to unleash when push comes too shove. For days – weeks, even, it seems – he has been wrestling with the Shakespearian dilemma: to be, or not to be? To fire Ousainou Darboe or not? The decision to get rid of Darboe was a difficult decision, hence, as he pondered about the enormity of it, he dithered, equivocated and tergiversated. Like a Trappist Monk used to paying homage to a useful God that has gone rogue, diminishing any lingering hope and decimating trust – cornerstone foundation for faith – he turned against a Jupitererain salvation. No one can accuse him of not reaching out: he did extend a hand of friendship and frisson to Darboe and other UDP officials jailed by former president Yahya Jammeh on frivolous charges, after taking over power, using his presidential prerogative of mercy.

One reality of leadership is to face up to opponents, faces them down and fences them off. Ducking or diving from it is irresponsible and could lit the chateau castle of political power in flames. Politicians are, should be, realist, not fantasist fitting their political aprons on fantastical fictions. Reality is the yin and yan. You have got to have your feet on the ground, ears in the air and eyes on the horizon to be in tuned, on time and on target. As the leading American 20th century philosophical science fiction writer, Philip K Dick, stirringly quipped: “Reality is that, which, when you stop believing in it, doesn’t go away.” That is the cue: if you believes in something, you have got to have the courage of your conviction, and do what is right, with the capacity to convince to hammer home your reasons to the people.

The tussle between Barrow and Darboe reflected a battle between two strands of the UDP: the purist and the pragmatist. The purist wants to detoxify the government, and its institutions, from anything reeking of Jammeh’s vestiges. While the pragmatist – and Barrow belongs to this camp, as inferred from his public stance and statements – wanted to bury the hatchet of the past, focuses on challenges of the here and now, and get on with the job. It is the right approach. Even though it exposes the pragmatist to flaks of renegade revolutionalits, they are the sensibles going with the wind of history. Because the mandate given to the president from Gambians in 2016, under a coalition ticket, was for him to be president for all Gambians, not a partisan person. In twisting the knife on Darboe and co. he fulfilled his duty and responsibility to Gambians.

There is no point having epicaricatic delectation over the political misfortune of the political dinosaur, Darboe. He has been in the political jungle long enough to see this as a blip, a flash in the pound that will come to pass.  Down but not yet out of the political game, history records that his party still commands majority support in the country post-Jammeh. If the country is to go for election tomorrow, he will be swept to power in a resounding victory.

It is a straight fight for the heart and soul of The Gambia between Barrow and Darboe. Forget about Barrow’s Youth Movement. It is a fig leaf for the political vehicle he will ride on to fight re-election. If proof was ever needed: his decision to fire Darboe, throwing caution out of the window. Battled-hardened, ready and willing: he has signaled readiness to  go mano-to-mano with his former party, with all the consequences that entails. Political spectators, the race bell for the 2021 presidential election has tolled: on you marks, get ready, go! To quote the former French king Louis XV ( 1710-1774), who, so cocksure about his indispensability, simpered: “Apres moi, le deluge (which roughly translates after him, the flood, meaning  France would plunge into chaos). After the Barrow v.s Darboe showdown, expect both flood and political earthquake!

Amadou Camara Studied Political Science at University of The Gambia, and Currently Resides in The United States

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