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A Piece of Advice to President-elect Barrow

By D. A. Jawo

Now that President-elect Adama Barrow has received a strong mandate from Gambians to rule this country for another five years, everyone is anxiously waiting to see how he is going to handle his new mandate. Is he going to continue with the same lackadaisical attitude, with corruption and malfeasance being the hallmark of his last administration, or are we going to see more positive developments, with head-on confrontation against corruption and mis-management?

Regardless of who voted for him and who did not, and the obvious fact that there were some irregularities in the elections, Barrow is still president for all Gambians, and as such, we should all pray for the success of his administration, because it means ultimate success for the Gambia.

It is a well known fact that several non-Gambians who had no business in our elections were mobilized to vote and they indeed voted. However, apparently because of their over-confidence in their poise to win the elections and trying to ward off the label of being anti-foreigner, the United Democratic Party (UDP), in particular, did not see it necessary to take the matter to the revising courts. Therefore, it is now too late in the day for anyone to contemplate challenging such irregularities, thus making all those non-Gambians who were illegally registered, acquire Gambian citizenship through the back door. This indeed has some negative implications for this country as some of those people may be criminals and other undesirable elements and giving them our citizenship on a silver platter just for political expediency by a few politicians bent on winning the elections by whatever means necessary, could come to haunt us in the long run.

It is unfortunate however that the UDP never had the chance to bring out in open court whatever evidence they claim to have had with regards to election fraud. It was also a disappointment to many UDP supporters that, with all their large reservoir of experienced lawyers, they apparently failed to do their homework before bringing their case to the Supreme Court, only to be thrown out on a technicality.

Whatever the case however, we need to move on as a nation and we expect the opposition to work hard towards the National Assembly elections to ensure that this country is not, by default, transformed into a single-party nation, which would spell disaster for our nascent democracy. It would be a big mistake if Gambian voters decide to give the National People’s Party (NPP) absolute control of the legislature, giving the Barrow administration the power to do whatever they want. If that happens, the very first thing they are likely to do would be to bring in a watered down new constitution that would help him consolidate his control over every aspect of the governance structure which may not be for the general good of the country.

While President-elect Barrow is waiting to be sworn in on January 19, we expect him to also use the window to choose a new team that would help him run the country for the next five years. Unlike his first five years when he was constrained by the coalition agreement that required him to satisfy the different component parties of Coalition 2016, we expect him this time round to have a much freer hand to run his own show rather than allowing any individual or interest group to hold him to ransom. Even though he has an extremely long queue of small political parties and other individuals lining behind him, apparently all of them looking for jobs and other parochial interests, but we expect him not to compromise the national interest just to satisfy a few people. He should focus on his legacy and get an efficient team to help him achieve that rather than trying to satisfy anyone’s individual interest.

On particular area that everyone expects President Barrow to address in his new administration is the unnecessarily large number of advisers he has surrounded himself with. Of course everyone agrees that he needs some advisers, but they should be seasoned people who can

speak with authority on the subject area they are supposed to advise the president not just any party militant. We certainly also do not need all those advisers, particularly people who lack the pedigree to advise even a village head let alone a head of state. It is seen by many people as sheer waste of public resources to pay people for doing virtually nothing for the public.

Also, the very fact that the next legislative elections would still be held with the 1997 Constitution, which requires him to nominate five members of the National Assembly, he should avoid the mistake he made in 2017 when for the first time in the history of our legislature, there was not a single member of the Christian community in the National Assembly. He had the opportunity to address it but he failed to do so. Let us therefore hope this time round he would take cognizance of such anomaly.

Among the most urgent things that we expect the in-coming Barrow administration to tackle head on include implementing the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) report to its fullest. We certainly do not expect a repetition of the selective way they handled the Janneh Commission when they had to cherry pick those they wanted to protect. Also, the public is still in the dark as to how much had been recovered from the recommendations of the Janneh Commission, including what had happened to former President Yahya Jammeh’s assets that the Commission recommended to be seized by the state.

This time round, therefore, everyone is closely watching every move that the government takes, particularly when some of those adversely mentioned in the report are known to be ardent supporters of President Barrow. In fact, everyone had expected that those adversely mentioned and sanctioned in the report and still serving in the government would either take the most honourable step and quit or the government would interdict them pending the issuing of the white paper.

Another area that the administration should address is the high level of corruption prevalent in almost every sector of the government. We have all heard or seen the leaked audit report on the Ministry of Health in which millions of Dalasis of public money had allegedly been squandered without any justification. Despite the public outrage over the report, there has still not been any reaction either from President Barrow or his government, apart from the rebuttal from the Ministry of Health, blaming the Standard newspaper for publishing it and the National Audit Office for releasing it to the public.

Of course the public have a good reason to be agitated about the audit report because there have been examples of previous corruption scandals that seem to have been swept under the carpet. A good case in point is the Gambia National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) scandal which resulted in a serious fuel scarcity, and which seems to have been removed from the radar and apparently put on the back burner, with hardly anyone now talking about it.

There is also the huge shipment of hard drugs that was intercepted at the Port of Banjul almost a year ago and no one seems to know what had happened to it and whether anyone had been arraigned for it. We have been hearing the name of one Banta Keita being bandied around with regards to the shipment, but such a huge haul of drugs cannot just be tied to one individual. It must have been a big network and therefore, it does not make sense to assume that only Keita could be culpable, and no one else should be held responsible. There is certainly something quite fishy about the case.

In view of the socio-economic closeness of the Gambia and Senegal, President Barrow has the misfortune of being compared to Senegalese President Macky Sall in their development trajectories. For instance, a few days ago, we all applauded President Macky Sall when he inaugurated the Regional Express Train (TER), which is one of the flagship projects of his Plan Senegal Emergent (PSE) initiated by him at the beginning of his first term, with the objective of pushing Senegal to the status of a middle income country. It will definitely have a very positive socio-economic impact on ordinary Senegalese, particularly those living within the Dakar metropolis.

Of course, there is absolutely no doubt that our own President Barrow has also registered some remarkable infrastructural development successes during his first five years in office, including the roads and bridges in the Upper River Region and some other parts of the country. However, his development strides cannot be compared with those registered by Macky Sall, particularly in the area of projects that directly impact on the lives of the ordinary people. We can imagine, for instance, the direct positive impact that the Regional Express Train, which we are told departs Dakar for Diamniadio every 20 minutes carrying more than a 1000 passengers, would have on ordinary Senegalese, and it is said that plans are underway to extend it to the new airport in Diass, about 40 kilometres from Dakar.

While President Barrow’s roads are no doubt quite important, but what is the benefit of having good roads when public transport is virtually neglected by the government and the ordinary people can hardly move from point A to point B? We have all been witnesses to the daily hassle that ordinary Gambians go through to reach their various destinations. As a result of the apparent lack of attention given to the public transport sector by the Barrow administration, people seem to spend much more time on the road looking for transport to reach their places of work or other destinations. It is not uncommon to find people as late as midnight or even beyond still looking for transport to get home from work or other errands, including young school children returning from school. This is apparently because there is no proper attention given to the public transport system.

“Those who should address the problem do not seem to care because they and their families are allocated government vehicles and therefore, the daily struggles of ordinary Gambians do not concern them much,” complained a distraught commuter.

Another marked personality differences between President Macky Sall and President Barrow with regards to development is that while Macky seems to concentrate on carrying out his development work without much talk, President Barrow on the other hand makes a lot of noise about the projects he undertakes. While one would hardly hear Macky beating his chest about the development projects he had accomplished, but Barrow is always telling us how much development work he had done, claiming to have done much more than all his predecessors put together, despite the fact that many of those projects were initiated by his predecessors. While Macky would just appraise and execute his projects without much noise and publicity, President Barrow would not only go about promising every community that he would bring development to them, but he would also make so much noise about such projects. Humility should therefore be the watch word here.

A Happy New Year To Everyone

Barrow and Darboe Owe Gambians Peace and Development

By Christian Conteh

President Adama Barrow and opposition strongman Ousainou Darboe both owe Gambians peace and development.

Yes, you heard me right! both the ruling National People’s Party (NPP) leader and the opposition United Democratic Party (UDP) leader must work hand in gloves if The Gambia must develop. After all, Barrow always says they are father and son.

President Adama Barrow comfortably won re-election on 4th December snatching about 53% of the votes cast in the process.

Ousainou Darboe of the United Democratic Party, won about 28% of the votes cast, followed by third-place Mama Kandeh of the Gambia Democratic Congress with about 12%.

The crumbs on the table were left for Halifa Sallah of the People’s Democratic Organisation for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS), Abdoulie Jammeh of the National Unity Party (NUP), and Essa Faal (independent) each taking home 5% of the national vote.

Public opinion and surveys conducted before the 4th December polls reflected clearly in the election outcome, this means to a large extent the results were not a surprise to many citizens.

Although opposition parties led by the UDP initially rejected the election results many later realised the denial and rejection may just be an exercise in futility.

The UDP led the way, seeking the Supreme Courts intervention in declaring the Barrow victory null and void due to elections irregularities, a claim which the party strongly believed was true.

Ultimately after looking into the merits of the matter the case was thrown out of court for UDPs failure to follow due process. Barrow’s victory was maintained and a cost of D100,000 was awarded to the President-elect.

International election observers from ECOWAS, AU and Commonwealth, including local observers, all described the election process as free, fair, credible and transparent.

Barrows win greatly diminishes the relevance of his predecessor Yahya Jammeh in the country’s political landscape.

This win brings with it many questions and demands including the need for a new liberal and democratic constitution, the implementation of the report by the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) and the repealing of repressive laws many of colonial origin used by Jammeh during his 22-year hegemony.

President Barrow has promised a new constitution before the end of his recently renewed five years and has made several statements expressing commitment to the implementation of the recommendations of the TRRC Report

The Barrow Victory, What does it Mean?

One of President Barrow’s most controversial decisions before the December 4th election was his initial alliance with the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC)

Many victims of the Jammeh brutality considered this a betrayal of trust. Coincidentally or luckily Jammeh himself denounced the alliance and called for his APRC members to support Mama Kandeh and his Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC).

Upon the president’s victory, it could now be seen that there is no love lost between him (Barrow) and Jammeh. Many who feared Jammeh would return to the Gambia are now at ease.

The president has committed to a new democratic constitution which would clearly state a presidential term limit, the implementation of the TRRC report and uphold the tenets of democratic good governance

What’s Next On The Political Stage?

Barrow is expected to continue his development strides, paying more attention to infrastructural development and building democratic institutions.

UDP Leader Ousainu Darboe is in his 70s and is expected to take a deserved rest. But without a pronounced successor, many believe the party will struggle to present anyone who matches his popularity in 2026.

Abdoulie Jammeh and Essa Faal are both in their 50s, but their abysmal performance in the recently concluded polls question their long-term political prospects.

Mama Kandeh also in his late 50s is sure to have another go at the presidency.

Veteran politician Halifa Sallah is in his late 60s and has officially announced that he has retired from running for public office. He seems to have found a young man in the person of Alhaji Mamadi Kurang who may succeed him, but not without a fight.

Overall, as things stand, Barrow may not have a serious political contender in the near future. Non-the-less things are bound to drastically change in the next five years. All we can do is wait and see.

Darboe tired of losing yet….?

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By Capt. Ebou Jallo  31 December 2021

A Presidential election is like a metaphoric psycho-social barometer of our lifeworld.  It measures our collective emotional state, collective actions, exuberance, or despondency into the future.  Elections in Gambia have always been an existential zero-sum game, and the just completed election cycle this month has been a battle royale between UDP versus the rest; between factions; and between a father and a son—Freud would have loved to psychoanalyze the oedipal complex/patricide between the father Darboe and Moses Barrow the son: it was rich, deep and messy.

Darboe has made five Sisyphean drudgeries in his lifetime to get elected president and five times he has been rejected unequivocally by the Gambian electorate.  He has always been rebuffed by reality because Darboe thrives on river denial, and he is recently drifting fast towards an uncharted wasteland of irrelevance, ignominy, and social menace.  His denial of an impeccable ruling of the Supreme Court has transfigured the once United Democratic Party into the united deplorables’ party: incompetent, irreverent, irresponsible, and treacherous. I was told that the word “Yellow” means blood in one of our ethnic languages.

The Yellow party has lost the ballot and now they are ready to go for blood sooner or later. Darboe is choreographing an anti-establishment resistance by disparaging the sacrosanct decision of the Supreme Court and his troops of deplorable militants are mimicking him with a narrative of victimhood, “jamfa” (betrayal) and ressentiment towards Barrow/ IEC /Chief Justice Hassan Jallow for “stealing the elections”.  This blossoming hostile rhetoric from the UDP will soon turn into a memeplex of doom if president Barrow does not take proactive measures right now—it is reminiscent of a “Mustapha Danso Syndrome” back in the 1980s [Danso was a private constable who was radicalized by a faction of the opposition to springboard an armed insurrection by assassinating the commander of the then defunct Field Force paramilitary, Eku Mahoney].  The Supreme Court of the Gambia is the rock foundation of our constitutional democracy and social fabric. Calumniating the Supreme Court justices or vilifying this sacred institution through cynicism and mendacity is indeed crossing the Rubicon.  Gambians will never forget the UDP’s uncivil ripostes to the Supreme Court’s decision, and once again they will regret their behavior at the next polls.

Social media and the Internet have radically changed the structure of the Gambian public sphere since 1980. It is much easier today for a cult leader to instigate and remote-control mass hysteria with one single audio/video on WhatsApp or Facebook (Donald Trump’s deplorables storming the Congress in Washington DC is a quintessential example).  The threshold between epistemic violence (fake-news, trolls, black propaganda) and mass insurrection is now a very fragile tripwire.  And this is exactly the consequence of today’s political polarization overshadowed by a highly controversial TRRC Report that President Barrow will have to wrestle with after he is sworn into office next year.  Good luck mister president and may the Lord guide your actions towards the common good.

 

Dr. Ceesay’s Interview on The Fatu Network: I call BS!

Sana Sarr (USA)

Yesterday, I came across a video of Citizens’ Alliance’s (CA) Dr. Ismaila Ceesay’s interview with The Fatu Network from December 29, 2021. Apparently, Ceesay had a clandestine meeting with President Barrow after the December 4th elections. However, in response to journalist Lamin Njie’s question on why the meeting was kept a secret, Ceesay argued that his meeting was not a secret. He claimed that there simply was no need to announce it. To that, i call b*ullsh*t!

Allow me to state that I see nothing wrong with Ceesay meeting with Barrow, whether to congratulate him or to discuss other matters, even if it’s for the possibility of a political appointment. Although Dr. Ceesay denies any discussions about political appointments with the President, I couldn’t help noticing the sudden change in his tone and demeanor when he spoke about Barrow. It’s remarkably friendlier and more understanding than we’ve ever seen from Ceesay, but that could be just my cynicism.

Time will tell. Either way, it is his prerogative to do what he will with his political career, and I’m sure Gambians, including members of CA, will have their say if something else were to come out in the near future. That aside, it’s absurd for Ceesay to claim that he did not try to keep the meeting a secret from the public. For starters, it is quite normal, even recommended, for political opponents to reach out to the President elect to congratulate him right after the elections.

It is healthy for our democracy and helps unite the country if opposition leaders are seen accepting the results and congratulating the winner. This is why Gambians, including CA members, are calling on the UDP leader to make a public concession. All over the world, both the elected officials and the opposition are eager to publicize such meetings. The fact that neither of these two gentlemen bothered to make the announcement suggests they deliberately took extra caution to hide the meeting. Heck, if some random guy made headlines for walking from Basse to Banjul to congratulate the President, then how could the state media have missed an opposition leader going to congratulate the President, especially at a time another major party was disputing the results?

Secondly, if the meeting was not secret, why would Dr. Ceesay wait until after the photos from the meeting were leaked to the public for him to talk about it publicly? CA has branded itself as a transparent political party that is constantly communicating with the media as well as their members.

The fact that members of CA were initially denying that such a meeting ever took place indicates that even they were kept in the dark. Ceesay and the CA leadership (if they were aware) owe their members that bit of courtesy, so they don’t make fools of themselves by defending something they don’t have enough information about. I find it insulting that Dr. Ceesay would even attempt this lazy excuse. “Bul seben suma tanka bi beh parreh naan ma dafaa taww”

In the same interview, Dr. Ceesay also sought to explain why CA did not pursue contempt of court charges against the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). Context – The IEC disqualified CA from contesting the elections, CA sued and the courts accepted their petition and ordered the IEC to allow the party back in, the IEC still refused and CA was going to sue for contempt but did not follow through. Among the reasons Ceesay gave was that CA “did not want to see the old man (IEC Chairman Alieu Momar Njie) taken to jail because of his old age”. What??? I can understand the argument that  CA understood the IEC’s challenges and did not want to derail the elections process so they sacrificed. I can also sympathize if Ceesay explained that they evaluated the situation and determined that it may not have been in the party’s best interest to contest in this particular election.

However, it is total b*llsh*t to bring up sympathy for the IEC chairman’s age. I’m sure Dr. Ceesay understands that their party would be holding IEC, the Institution, accountable and NOT Alieu Momar Njie, the individual. Secondly, if jailing an old man is what is in the best interest of the country, then I expect an aspiring presidential candidate to have the conviction to do what’s best for the country “without fear or favor, affection or ill will”, as stated in the oath of office.

As Dr. Ceesay continues his growth in the Gambian Political arena, I hope he realizes that the transparency he is calling for is no longer just political jargon to be thrown around. The media and the public will be paying attention and will hold all politicians accountable. We will listen, but we will also critically assess what you tell us…and we will call out the inconsistencies, the absurd and the BS, so if you’re gonna come, you better come correct. Again, kanaay sumunaa nsing kan wokoola ikaa fonyeh koh samaa long!

The mammoth task ahead of the President-elect

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By Basidia M Drammeh

Now that the dust has settled following the Gambia Supreme Court’s landmark verdict to strike out the petition filed by the Opposition United Democratic Party (UDP) disputing the victory of the National People’s Party’s presidential candidate Adama Barrow in the December 4 presidential election, it behooves every Gambian take a moment of reflection and move on.

The UDP was understandably shocked and stunned by the wide margin with which President-elect Barrow won the election given its over-confidence that it would carry the day, prompting it to mount a legal challenge to the election results at the nation’s highest court. The move was yet another test for our judiciary and democracy, by extension.

Through its track record over the past five years, the post-Jammeh judiciary has proven, beyond any doubt, that it’s impartial, credible and transparent, ruling In certain instances against the executive. The famous Yakumba Jaithe’s case is a case in point.

UDP and other losing candidates must engage in a deep soul search and prepare for the upcoming parliamentary elections in April because a proactive and robust opposition is a prerequisite for a vibrant democracy. The Gambia cannot afford a one-party system, which will be a devastating setback to the country’s democratic gains.

There is a litany of priorities that the President-elect should focus on as he beings his new mandate in office for the second term. Now that the judiciary cleared him, the president-elect should take tangible steps towards uniting the Gambian people deeply polarized along political and tribal lines. The healing process must start now. About 47% of Gambia’s population has not voted for Mr. Barrow, and this segment of society must not be alienated for their choice to foster national unity. After all, the president-elect is President for all Gambians and not only those who voted for him. In this vein, the President may call a national unity conference or form an inclusive Cabinet.

The President-elect must demonstrate diligence in fighting rampant corruption in the Gambia. The Audit Bureau recently issued a report lamenting the disappearance of 147 million dalasi of COVID funds. Such incidents must be thoroughly investigated and prosecuted to deter recurrence. To stamp out graft, the long-awaited Anti-corruption commission should be instituted and empowered to serve as an effective watchdog that would keep malpractices in check.

Further, Mr. Barrow ought to fully implement the recommendations of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission to ensure that the perpetrators of heinous crimes and gross human rights violations face justice and the tears of the victims wiped.

Maternal mortality has been on the increase despite the Government’s defensive approach towards the crisis. This issue should be treated as a national emergency and must not be seen as a political vendetta or propaganda,

Living cost is becoming unbearable for the average Gambian, with the prices of basic commodities skyrocketing every day beyond the means of the bulk citizenry of the impoverished nation. The Gambia has a liberal market system, but that does not absolve the Government of its primary responsibility of devising policies and strategies to bring down the prices and make life and livelihood affordable to the people.

All the above cannot be achieved without putting in place strong institutions manned by competent personalities. Therefore, an appointment should be merit-based and not on who you know and support the ruling party.

Good luck, Mr. President, wishing you a successful tenure.

 

The Gambia’s Nelson Mandela or Donald Trump? It’s Time for Lawyer Darboe and the UDP to Move On!

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By Sana Sarr, USA

The Supreme Court has dismissed the UDP’s election petition. Since Supreme Court decisions are final and cannot be appealed, Lawyer Darboe needs to make a concession speech and allow the nation to move on. It’s the honorable thing to do. In Mandinka we say, “Mbirri baa daa kenseng buka boye”, which loosely translates to “a big wrestler does not fall with an empty mouth”. It means a prominent fighter will always have excuses or try to explain away his defeat. For many years, members and supporters of the UDP have been boasting that they are the biggest opposition party in the country.

It was therefore no surprise that after President Barrow’s unprecedented victory in the December 4th elections, the party found it difficult to accept the results. Barrow won 53% to the UDP’s 23 %. In true “Mbirri Baa” fashion, UDP’s leader, Lawyer Darboe partnered with Yaya Jammeh’s surrogate, Mama Kandeh, along with independent candidate, Essa Faal, to jointly reject the results. A day later, Faal did a “turn around” and conceded.

Darboe remained defiant and proceeded with a petition to the Supreme Court claiming, against reports by both local and international elections observers, that the elections were neither free nor fair. We live in a democracy and parties have a right to contest results if they feel wronged. Of course, feelings alone are not sufficient to overturn elections. Petitioners need to provide evidence to prove their case before the results can be invalidated.

The first eyebrow raiser was that the party failed to petition the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), or the winning party (NPP). People were surprised that the petition only named Adama Barrow, the individual. It was only after observers pointed out this strange action that the UDP amended their petition to add the IEC and later the NPP. This apparent oversight lent credence to the notion that the petition was more of a fishing expedition than a serious contention to the results.

Many also found it strange that the UDP advised its supporters to not discuss the petition or its merits. This was strange because a petition of such nature is not only a legal battle but also a battle of public opinion, and so it was confusing why the party would not be doing everything it could to win in the court of public opinion. Still, Gambians gave the petition a chance and waited for a verdict from the nation’s highest court.

Tuesday, the Supreme Court of The Gambia dismissed the petition on the basis that the petitioner had failed to follow proper procedure in their filing. The court also ordered the UDP to pay a D100,000 fine. In his reaction to the verdict, Lawyer Darboe remains defiant that he does not consider the dismissal a loss because it was based on a technicality rather than the merits of its claims. Personally, I find it curious that the UDP, with all the experienced lawyers in its ranks, including party leader, Ousainou Darboe, and party spokesperson, Almami Taal, did not know the laws governing election petitions. I would also not be surprised if the “error” in their filing was conveniently ignored just so they can make this claim (that it was only thrown out on technicality rather than merit) knowing that there was not enough merit to make convincing arguments had the case gone ahead…but that’s just the cynic in me, so I digress.

In addition to Darboe’s reaction to the dismissal, I came across a second reaction from a UDP official that caught my eye. This one was asking for the UDP to take their petition to the ECOWAS court. Although this is not (yet) an official party position, the fact that it’s from a party official makes it noteworthy. I’m sure the party knows that taking the petition to ECOWAS would be an exercise in futility, so I have no doubts that it’s mere face-saving rhetoric. However, I would like to point out that such rhetoric coming from party officials can have dire negative consequences, so the UDP leadership needs to cut it out clearly and forcefully.

For years, UDP supporters have seen Lawyer Darboe as The Gambia’s Nelson Mandela. While it’s debatable whether he is worthy of the comparison, even Darboe’s harshest critics cannot deny that he was jailed by a dictator for political reasons, and that parallel provides some basis for the Mandela reference. With that said, I would also like to point out that Mandela was not only known for his prison sentence.

Of equal significance to his legacy was his ability to put the country first and work on reconciling with his opponents in the interest of national unity. Democracy rests on a foundation of trust in the electoral system and processes. One of the fundamental pillars of a functional democracy is the loser(s) conceding defeat, congratulating and recognizing the winner. This allows the nation, especially their supporters, to accept the elected winner so that the country can move forward in peace. Failure to concede and continuing to undermine the legitimacy of the elections even after they have exhausted all legal recourse is undemocratic and irresponsible.

Now that the Supreme Court has dismissed his petition, Darboe owes it to his supporters and to the nation to do the right thing – issue a public concession. Failure to adhere to this basic tenet of democracy tarnishes his legacy. Rather than his desired comparison to Gambia’s Nelson Mandela, history is bound to remember him as The Gambia’s Donald J. Trump.

 

LAMIN NJIE: May Allah bless Darboe for his service to his nation. He can now proceed to the other side feeling proud

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Perhaps it’s now time for father and son to take each other back. There is no need for ill feeling after all.

The 2021 presidential election has come and gone. UDP might have lost but the party fought a good fight. In any battle, everyone gives their best. And really, there is nothing wrong with one still feeling proud of himself even after getting defeated.

This is a truly difficult moment for UDP and leader Darboe. When Darboe was tapped in September to lead UDP into this war, there hasn’t been a time when his troops lost hope. They were surely going to win. Or so everyone in that party thought.

As commander, Darboe rallied the UDP troops and got into the trenches himself. It was in the trenches that he got injured and had to be evacuated home for treatment.

On Tuesday, UDP’s last chance at glee slipped away in dramatic fashion when the Supreme Court threw out their petition for failing to abide by the law governing filing a petition. With their experience, their lawyers ought to know better. But it has always looked UDP is out-of-sorts with no chance of getting back to shape.

My dombai Sainey Darboe’s assessment after UDP’s latest heartache is that the final nail has been hammered into the UDP coffin. I am really not sure about that but I remember once predicting that UDP losing this election will spell the beginning of the end of the party.

Looking back, I think that forecast is extreme. UDP is a resilient party and the party should be fine going forward. They only need to regroup and reform.

Regarding leader Darboe, he is an amazing patriot who has always shown great love for his country. His sacrifices for genuine democracy to take root in The Gambia are well-documented. It’s time for him to retire from the political trenches and assume the role of elder statesman. And he should do so feeling proud.

 

After The Court Case; Time For Genuine Reconciliation

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By DA Jawo

Congratulations to President-elect Adama Barrow for being indirectly confirmed by the Supreme Court as winner of the presidential elections, and hard luck to Ousainou Darboe and the United Democratic Party for having their challenge to the results dismissed on a technicality.

Now that the case is over, it is time for both sides to take steps to achieve genuine reconciliation between the two bitter rivals; Adama Barrow and his political God-father, Ousainou Darboe, in order to give the President-elect the chance to concentrate on forming his next government, as well as for the UDP and other opposition parties to plan for the legislative elections, which are just as important.

Where should the reconciliation start? As far as I am concerned, it should begin with Mr. Darboe calling President Barriw to congratulate him on his victory. Also, President Barrow should reciprocate by not only commiserating with Mr. Darboe on his loss but even going further to forgive the UDP the D100,000 costs imposed by the Supreme Court. That would definitely be a very good start for genuine reconciliation between a father and son.

With the TRRC report emphasizing on reconciliation, there is no better example of that than between two of the bitterest political rivals in this country today.

MELVILLE ROBERTS: The UDP needs to rebrand and do away with all those showbiz lawyers claiming to be politicians

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By Melville Robertson Roberts

The UDP needs to rebrand and do away with all those showbiz lawyers claiming to be politicians.

Simple logic would have been to file preliminary grounds of petition to meet the time limit then file amended grounds later on.

Something similar occurred in 2006 when the late  Chief Justice Savage threw out UDP’s petition and they should have learnt from past experiences.

Whether the suit was dismissed on its merits or on mere technicalities is immaterial.  The fact remains that UDP’S petition was sloppy and the rules of procedures are what gives basis and structure to every legal challenge and thus, must be respected.

The UDP must now move on and allow for sincere,  honest, vibrant and not- so- emotionally – charged individuals to rebrand and position the party for the future.The greatest misconception is to have  2016 mushroom militants having a ring of steel around Lawyer Darboe and preventing him from being able to know the reality as obtained on ground.

Loosing an election is not the end and the UDP is indeed a party that has stood the test of times. It’s a blessing in a way for the UDP as it now has an unbelievable 5 years to do some serious internal introspection and position itself favorably for 2026 or risked being  faced with an existential threat.

The Barrow government needs to have a robust and formidable opposition to keep it on its toes for this is what will nurture and build our budding democracy.

Every leader needs to have a few people around them that can tell them the honest truth and not what they wish or want to hear. I have always fought against the “Yes Sir” syndrome to political leaders and people in power. I will always follow the dictates of my conscience and be ready to speak truth to whomever regardless of the consequences.

It’s time to focus on building a progressive Gambia that is for the overall common good of it’s citizens.

 

Open Letter to Attorney General and Justice Minister Honourable Dawda Jallow

Dear Honorable Minister Dawda Jallow,

I want to first make certain assertions before delivering my special message to you; that  I am not writing to you out of defiance or any form of hostility but rather from a habitual tendency to always register my concerns in the form of writing. In this instance however I found it imperative to draw your attention to what is manifested as your conclusive stance, consciously or unconsciously, over the TRRC report and recommendations shared publicly on Friday, December 24, 2021.

As the Gambia Justice Minister, I had expected you to offer President Adama Barrow  a better advice about the premature publication of the TRRC report and recommendations with such raw allegations after knowing what we now know about the composition of its conflicted personalities and flawed procedures that I think should have prevented you from acting too mechanical in implementing rules repeatedly violated.

Don’t you think that this seeming rigid TRRC rule or regulation that mandates the government to make their report and recommendations public within the month of their submission to the president was as good as the one that disallowed them from investigating the 1996 Farafenni attack,1997, Kartong, attack, and few other incidents?

The “political” Lead Counsel Essa Mbye Faal in an attempt to explain why the incident of the six soldiers who were murdered in cold blood by Charles Taylor’s mercenaries-Mbalo Kanteh & Co-during the 1996 Farafenni attack was not part of the TRRC investigation stated that the attack was never part of the TRRC mandate. If by that constraint, the TRRC couldn’t investigate the Kartong attack and the December 30, 2014 one plus few others, what then changed for them to haphazardly include the Farafenni attack? Yes, it was haphazard in the sense that the main witness Mbalo Kanteh was not only given a platform to lie about me but even in the antithetical attestation of his counterpart witness Omar Joof Dampha who underscored the excellent treatment they had enjoyed from my humanitarian intervention at the NIA the TRRC still indefensibly disregarded that over Kanteh’s lies.

Besides, why did the TRRC take the extra commitment of providing transportation, lodging and other facilities for witnesses flown all the way from England to testify but refused to allow me the same opportunity to at least defend myself at no cost? The government Spokesman Ebrima Sankareh was my witness when I called them to appear and had the rude response from Dr. Baba Galleh Jallow, the Administrative Secretary that my “testimony was not relevant to their investigation”. I guess by then the Farafenni attack was still considered beyond their jurisdiction.

You see Honorable Minister, even with the violation of that restriction over the Farafenni attack which I believe was purposely done to incriminate me, I have the National Security Adviser Colonel Momodou Badjie as my principal witness to prove that Mbalo Kanteh had lied about how and why I tortured him in 1996. I also have additional evidence to show that I was not even in the country the day Farafenni Barracks was attacked. Mbalo Kanteh had indeed claimed that I was among those who tortured him that day when he “denied his involvement” in the attack until Yaya Drammeh later identified him upon his arrest the same day. That was practically impossible.

For those who may not know Mbalo Kanteh had that early morning of the attack suffered a serious friendly-gunshot injury on his thigh that immediately disabled him and made him the first to be captured. He therefore couldn’t have hidden his identity as he had falsely claimed. The guy was a killer and a compulsive liar.

In 2000, I wrote a detailed story about the Farafenni attack still accessible in the archives of the Gambia-L where among other issues I listed the names of the attackers as Ablie Sonko, Omar (John) Dampha, Essa Baldeh, Sulayman Sarr, Mbalo Kanteh, Yaya Drammeh and Famara Gibba who collectively murdered Corporal Sidibeh, Private Saidy, Staff Sgt. Jatta and three other soldiers. Sulayman Sarr was and is still in the Gambia but was never invited to testify as one of those “victims”.

And like I said above, habit has always compelled me to document my concerns for posterity just like in this particular incident. I am however not saying that you are one of the worst Justice Ministers to ever occupy that seat in the Gambia by not advising the president properly over the TRRC and its negative implications but not withstanding, I reserve the right to judge you unfavorably.

You sound like the allegations gathered at the TRRC that was not a competent court of law were sufficient and reasonable enough to publicly indict me. Listening to your interview with the BBC Focus on Africa soon after your contentious press conference you suggested that in order to avoid prosecution those of us accused of committing crimes should appeal to the TRRC for amnesty within two weeks which ostensibly amounts to admitting guilt and your endorsement of the raw recommendations.

Your message of an imminent government “white Paper” to validate the TRRC report therefore enunciates a hollow rhetoric.

I believe in the absence of all paradox that the TRRC report was supposed to help government after its necessary scrutiny to identify the actual victims entitled to compensation; but it is my understanding that the process of paying them had already started with Mbalo Kanteh a villain well compensated for nothing.

By the way, didn’t you see the need to thoroughly scrutinize the TRRC report before coming out public with its findings after realizing how Essa Mbye Faal had hoodwinked the government into appointing him as an apolitical lead counsel during his subsequent political activities and confessions? Essa had on the day of launching his political party to run for president confessed his political loyalty to the UDP for many years and his presidential ambition.

But Honorable Minister, I am concerned because neither you nor the TRRC ever gave me an opportunity to defend myself before accusing me in this flawed report and uncorroborated allegations. The report indicated that I tortured Mbalo Kanteh and played a part in the death of Yaya Drammeh. How was my involvement in the death of Yaya Drammeh and which witness had said so? Why was the name of the Director General of the NIA at the time, the late Samba Bah and Abdoulie Kujabi his most active henchman left out among the “torture culprits” in the Farafenni incident? A thorough investigation over the attack aimed at knowing the whole truth and not for merely incriminating Samsudeen Sarr would have yielded far better results than this.

I certainly don’t expect much difference in the so-called “White Paper” from what is already contained in the hastily distributed TRRC report and recommendations as long as you remain the Attorney General and Minister of Justice and the key adviser to the president on this case.

The government on your watch has unfairly smeared my name and character on a report that should have been satisfactorily studied before shared publicly. And I will not remain quiet about it even if my life depends on it.

You see Honorable Minister, in a “White Paper” where these allegations are eventually proven false and untenable the national and international stigma of my culpability will remain hard to defend or erase.

I will therefore seek legal advice over this gross characterization of who I am and what I represent and its ramifications.

On a final note, I will send you a copy of this open letter and the attachment of the story I published about the Farafenni attack at the Gambia-L in 2000.

If the TRRC couldn’t let me explain my side of the story and the government for that matter, trust me, I will never apologize or seek amnesty from anyone for a crime I never committed.

Samsudeen Sarr

Banjul, The Gambia.

SAFFIYA JOOF – OPINION: Keep It Intact, Virgin Girls – Why men must be encouraged to marry a virgin

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We have to be careful of how we redeemed.

To reaffirm our faith and lower our google lenses, the earth is wonderful with its virtuous moments and lessons. But the most beautiful part of it is a virtuous woman. Base on culture and traditions, it shall be deemed necessary, but Islam raises the flag of a virgin girl completely sacred and different from a none virgin girl. Men should look at the woman that they would marry suitably. I’m not saying a woman that has gone through pains and some other circumstance that would lead her to lose her virginity. I am not saying a woman who was forcefully raped and her honors being played. But it’s important for our girls, mothers especially, never seize to put an account for their girls to keep themselves. Once that virginity is given out for free of charge without a bride price, his respect for you has gone. Yes!, at times the temptation can be very high but that shouldn’t warrant you to give it to him for free. Yes!, he would ask you to prove, his requesting the same from other women, don’t trust that process, resistance is the key.

He would be satisfied at that moment but you can’t satisfy his sexual desires at all times. If you are his worldly favorites, he would instead marry you before breaking that smooth previous wall that Allah blessed you with. Imagine how many guys would come into our lives and we find fault in them and later gave our back to them, now think of it if all those guys were doing their usual entries without paying a bride price. A man would never respect what he had for free, there is wisdom why the prophet advised to quickly get married rather than fornicate with him. If he can’t do his duties as prescribed with the time frame you gave him, please sister let him go. Prove your love to him after the nikah.

Preserving the Chastity has become one of many identities and symbols in Islam. No matter how the world has changed today, Islamic views on virginity have never changed Thus, virginity was considered as a strong sign of chastity that the Prophet (peace be upon him) recommended marrying a virgin. I heard some people talking about being a virgin doesn’t determine a good wife, and I asked similar questions then there is no need to look for a Deenful woman. There is wisdom why the Prophet advises us to choose among the criteria for women that have Deen and are virgins. Deen entails everything that one hopes to foresee in a woman. That woman would entail shyness, good moral behaviors, attitudes wise, and above all being obedient because she is with the consciousness of Allah and her religion. She would do everything to preserve that chastity solely for her husband to get the reward of Allah and there is a special trust and honor built between the two of them. If a man wishes to marry a nonvirgin that’s his choice but it shouldn’t make us give ours out of love. With my observation of today’s generation, some would tell you that’s not a problem for men but I am saying, men are tricky and their desires are very high, to be on the safe side keep it as Allah’s Prophet Advised.

It is reported in Sunan Ibn Maja and my oustass further explains to me, that the Messenger of Allah (S.A.W.) said, “Marry virgins, for they are sweeter mouthed, have more children, and more easily satisfied.” There is another hadith too that strongly endorsed it. It is reported that `A’isha (R.A) said, “O Messenger of Allah, do you not see that if you descended into a valley in which there is a tree that has been eaten from and a tree that has not been eaten from, which would you stop your mount at? He said, ‘The one that has not been eaten from.’ She said, ‘I am that one.’ That is because the Messenger of Allah (S.A.W) did not marry a virgin except her. – Bukhari. If he tells you the world have moved from that concepts and believes, the views of your religion and your Prophet would never be changed. If he tells you that it’s not important anymore to him and that you can trust him for the none disclosed, tell him it’s important to you because you want Allah to reward you in the hereafter and you can’t afford to lose those blessings in exchange for only worldly pleasure.

Allah says in the Holy Quran, Chapter 6, Surah Anaam verse 54:

“When those come to you who believe in Our Signs, say: Peace be on you! Your Lord had inscribed for Himself (the rule of) mercy. Verily if any of you did evil in ignorance, and after that repented and amended (his conduct), Lo! He is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful”. Yet this ayah is clearly stating that repentance doors are open and we can never relent to seek it from Allah. Those who lost their virginity before are among the chaste women but they are not equal with those who eventually married as virgins. That is why the Prophet s.a.w. said that paradise is guaranteed for any Muslim man who succeeds in raising his one daughter with sound morals till he marries them out. Our girls must be taught to value, cherish, and jealously guard their virginity till they get married. They must be made to know and understand the implication of carelessly losing their virginity and the importance of keeping it intact till they reach the maturity age of getting married so that they are not discriminated against in the future. Parents too must protect their girls from grown men that might likely abuse them. They must also be protected from sporting events and exercises that can lead them to that. No matter how much science has advanced today to seal it, the natural aspect of nature won’t be the same. It would also remove all forms of suspicions of immorality. Keep it intact till the wedding day. We as Muslims with good cultural background, that promotes the upright bringing of a female child, would continue to praise, encourage and respect women that preserve their virginity, and recommend it as the Prophet has advised us.

Marrying a virgin girl is considered and would continue to be a rule in our eyes, no matter how the generations have changed and would want our men to be very crucial in this aspect because it would create a generation that would at least reduce girls giving out their virginity before Nikah. May Allah bless us with a virgin woman and grant them tranquility and the best husband of their heart desires. If you are unable to keep yours intact, don’t discourage other girls. #Nakala.

 

TRIBUTE: The Late DCP Jabang Sonko Inspired Honesty, Humility, And Sincerity Among All Those Who Served With Him In The Police….. A great son of the soil has bowed to mother earth.

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‘IT IS SAID THAT IT IS FROM DUST WE CAME AND UNTO DUST WE SHALL RETURN’ Late Deputy Commissioner of Police, Jabang Sonko has bowed to mother earth. His death is most definitely a huge loss for his family, the Gambia Police Force, and the country.

Here is a man who came to the job younger, with passion and full of vigor to serve his country and rose through the ranks to the rank of a Deputy Police Commissioner until his untimely death.

He was steady, focused and had an excellent sense of purpose and responsibility. He was a seasoned and professional police officer who was genuinely committed to serving his country. He was a man gifted with man-management skills and rarely said or did anything that would anger anyone, and most of us the younger cops looked up to him. He never shunned a task and he never objected. His family should be so proud of him, as we in the Gambia Police all are.

The outpouring of messages perhaps might be strange to outsiders who have not worked with Boss Jabang Sonko but verves to attest to this brutal fact, and even transcends to establish the fact that he had established himself among his peers who admired him for his sincerity, honesty and understanding to the plight of the many young officers including myself. It is not only satisfying but equally gratifying on the one hand, to have the whole institution in grieving with you, to feel that solidarity, to know that we will never be left alone. The late senior officer inspired honesty, humility, and sincerity among all those who served with him in the police. He was an accomplished officer, a true son of the Gambia who cared and loved everyone.

I will always remember him for the glad tidings I have had with him during the decade plus years I have worked with at the Police Headquarters. He would always advise us in Mandinka ‘ngnaa domang domang nyoo fey’ which means let’s be patient and take it easy with one another.

He exhibited great interpersonal skills and related with everyone on a friendly and sympathetic terms. May Allah have mercy on HIS SOUL….

By Almameh S. Manga

Superintendent of Police

KHARTOUM, Sudan

Democracy Lessons From The Smiling Coast Of West Africa

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By Dr Katim S Touray

In December 2016, President Yahya Jammeh narrowly lost the presidential elections — a loss that shocked all Gambians, Jammeh included. In a hard-fought election, Jammeh was narrowly defeated by Adama Barrow, who received 43.3 percent of the votes cast, compared to 39.6 percent for Jammeh.

Although Jammeh initially accepted Barrow’s victory, he reneged a few days later. Thus, Jammeh plunged the country, which has long been a beacon of peace in the sub-region into an 44-day long impasse that filled Gambians with fear and trepidation. Jammeh finally left The Gambia and went into exile in Equatorial Guinea on January 21, 2017, following protracted negotiations and threats of the use of force against him by ECOWAS.

Barrow’s surprise victory over Jammeh was mainly because of a Coalition of seven opposition parties and civil society formed in October 2016. Barrow, who was then the leader of the UDP, because its leader Darboe, had been jailed by President Jammeh, resigned from the party to enable him contest the presidential elections as a Coalition candidate. Barrow was sworn into office twice: first on the constitutionally-mandated date of January 19, 2017 in Dakar, Senegal, where he took refuge during the impasse with former President Jammeh, and again on February 18, 2017 in The Gambia.

President Barrow came to power amidst high hopes of Gambians who had endured 22 years of brutal rule by former President Jammeh. In addition, President Barrow was expected to abide by his commitment to the Coalition 2016 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) which called for him to step down after a three year transition period. President Barrow was also, as per the Coalition 2016 MOU, not to present himself as a candidate in the presidential elections following the three-year transition period.

Instead, President Barrow decided to serve his five year-term in office, provoking protests, which resulted in three deaths in January 2020. President Barrow was also widely criticized for his selective implementation of the recommendations of the Janneh Commission which investigated the financial dealings of former President Jammeh, his failure to ensure adoption of the new Draft Constitution of The Gambia, and for corruption under his watch.

Despite these criticisms, President Barrow, formed the National People’s Party (NPP) in late 2019 to contest the December 2021 presidential elections, after falling out with the UDP Party Leader Darboe, who he often referred to has his political “father.” President Barrow also formed an alliance with a faction of former President Jammeh’s party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) to help him contest the December 2021 presidential elections. This alliance was condemned by many given the dirty and gruesome record of former President Jammeh’s rule.

President Barrow nevertheless had a huge victory in last week’s presidential elections, with 53 percent of votes, compared to the runner up, Darboe who had 28 percent of votes; just over half of Barrow’s votes. The remaining four candidates, together, had less than 20 percent of the votes cast.

The polling and official results have been endorsed by local and international observers, including the African Union, ECOWAS, the EU and the Commonwealth. A day after the elections, three opposition leaders, including Darboe, announced that they would not accept the results, citing “inordinate” delays in their release and issues raised by their representatives at polling stations. However, one of them, the Independent candidate Essa Mbye Faal congratulated President Barrow a day later on his victory, as did the National Unity Party (NUP) candidate, Aboulie Ebrima Jammeh.

Although some UDP supporters protested the official results, it is noteworthy that the UDP leader, Darboe, called for calm. Fortunately, the protests ended as quickly as they started, and the entire country is now calm. As such, the 2021 presidential elections which were vigorously contested have come to an end without any unrest or major disruptions in the lives of Gambians.

The 2021 presidential elections provide valuable lessons which other African countries, indeed other developing countries around the world, can learn from. First, the legendary voting system in which voters drop marbles into drums, with one drum per candidate at each polling station has again proved to be highly effective. This is especially so The Gambia which has a high illiteracy rate which practically precludes the use of paper ballots.

Second, the on-the-spot counting of votes at polling stations they are cast, and in the presence of candidates’ representatives also increases the transparency of the system. Furthermore, poll results at each polling station are endorsed by candidates’ representatives, further increasing confidence in the system.

The 2021 presidential elections in The Gambia also showed that the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) should be strengthened, and that it should effectively communicate with the public to, for example, address outbreaks of fake news on social media. In the lead up to the elections, there were many stories which dented the IEC’s reputation, and reduced confidence both in its impartiality and ability to conduct the elections.

Electoral laws should be reviewed and strengthened to curb bribery of voters to secure their votes. In this vein, serious consideration should be given to public funding for eligible candidates, limiting their expenses to public funds provided, and introducing serious penalties for bribing voters or accepting bribes from politicians. In addition, the president vacate office three months before the elections which will be overseen by a non-partisan caretaker administration to reduce the impact of incumbency and his or her use of public resources to campaign.

The recently-concluded Gambian presidential elections have proved once again, that this, the smallest country in mainland Africa with a population of only 2.1 million people, and which bills itself as The Smiling Coast of West Africa, can teach other African countries by serving as a beacon of democracy by holding peaceful, free, fair and transparent elections. How nice!

 

Enter Gambia: Impasse 2.0

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Gambia voted on December 4, 2021 hoping to see a new President on the morrow but more than two weeks later, we are yet to get a clear verdict. Much akin to the lyrics of Senegalese super star Youssou Ndour in his classic “Alboury”, by January 2022, we are likely to be singing that same song: ‘lamb ji fi amon daw; verdict bi lanyui xarr ba tei’ (the wrestling bout that happened last year: we are still waiting for the verdict!”

The fact is that there is no President in this country right now. That situation can only be fixed by the Supreme Court. That institution is the only one with the powers to answer the ultimate question: who shall be our next President?

The stakes have never been higher. And even the incumbent camp that tried to trivialize the UDP’s election petition case rose to a rude awakening on Friday morning as the two litigants met before the proverbial hall where there is only one hat: the court.

I have heard some religious leaders opine that those contesting this result should just let go and let God. They have a right to their opinion; but so do the UDP and GDC have every right to challenge the results of an electoral process that even international observers found faulty on many grounds.

We can, and we should, accept the will of God. But we shall only accept that when we know that to be the truth. The election result is shady and we shall zoom on it the powerful ray of truth to ascertain the reality before we can make any final decision. We would be remiss to call ourselves men and women of God and the then allow the devil to fool us.

Was it  not the message of prophet Amos in the Holy Bible that we should “let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream”? As for those deceptively making reference to destiny. My answer to them is the eternal truth explained to us by the legendary Persian poet Maulana Jaluddin ar-Rumi:

‘’When a master puts a spade in a servant’s hand

He doesn’t need words to make his meaning clear.

Our hands, like that spade, are signs of God…

If you really trust in God, then work hard,

Sow the seed, and lean on the Almighty’s help…

Effort isn’t a war with destiny:

Destiny itself has imposed on us this effort…’’

If God so imbued us with with the wisdom of setting up a judiciary as an integral part of our Democratic mechanism, then we will be fools if we fail to seek redress in the face of compelling evidence depicting electoral fraud.

In the mean time, our institutions need to function effectively so that our ship of state does not sink. This might not be an easy ride; so those sitting at the steering wheels must hold fast with integrity. The future of this country lies in the hands of our institutions and the men and women leading them.

Our current debacle was orchestrated by only one person, and that is the  incumbent usurper of power, Adama Barrow, who should not have been a candidate in this election in the first place.

He broke a thousand and one promises but if Adama Barrow fulfilled just one cardinal promise that he made as candidate of the 2016 coalition, the need to challenge this result could have been obviated.

The transitional President charged with cleaning the bugs in our Democratic processes, Adama Barrow, was not supposed to present himself as candidate in this year’s election. He would have created a level playing field and removed the problem of incumbency thereby giving us the unique opportunity of a fairer and freer election post-Jammeh.

This can be done and must be done effectively: the battle at the Supreme Court can be successfully conducted without jeopardizing our peace and stability or making the state dysfunctional. The acceptance and implementation of the verdict should also be a hitch-free process if we are all sincere and committed to our professed democratic ideals.

The process might be rough; it will certainly be tough. But it shall be worth every drop of sweat as our democracy goes through yet another state of gestation to usher in the much needed maturity that will make it thrive for generations to come.

I repeat: The men and women in charge of our institutions are the ones responsible for the proper functioning of our governance infrastructure as we try to debug our democratic ecosystem.

We pray for the emergence of truth and nothing but the truth in this foggy electoral haze that we are trudging through:

“My Lord, judge [between us] in truth. And our Lord is the Most Merciful, the one whose help is sought against that which you describe.”

– Surah Anbiyaa, 112

God bless The Gambia.

#KanaSong #CantCageMe

Momodou Sabally

Former Presidential Affairs Minister, International Speaker and author.

The Pros and Cons Of The Presidential Elections

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By D. A. Jawo

The hottest political topic in this country today is the petition by the United Democratic Party (UDP) to the Supreme Court against the election of President-elect Adama Barrow, claiming some electoral malpractices and calling for the annulment of the results.

It is quite a tall order indeed, especially considering the margin of Barrow’s victory. However, the UDP and any other participant in the elections has the constitutional right to challenge the results or any aspect of the elections. Therefore, the onus is now on the Supreme Court to determine whether or not the UDP has a prima facie case against President-elect Barrow and the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), respondents to the petition.

While everyone is anxiously waiting for the outcome of the court case, most people are also trying to come to terms with the results of the elections, wondering how Adama Barrow managed to get such a landslide victory against his most bitter rival, Ousainou Darboe. It appears that even many supporters of the National People’s Party (NPP) never foresaw such a huge margin of victory, hence their muted celebrations.

Even though there were five candidates who lost against Barrow, but the biggest losers were the UDP and their presidential candidate, Ousainou Darboe. No doubt most UDP supporters were quite devastated by the results because most of them were quite confident of victory. Therefore, for not only losing but Darboe scoring less than half of what Barrow scored, came as a big shock and disappointment for them. Most of them are no doubt still wondering what may have gone wrong with their campaign strategy.

Of course, several things may have gone wrong with their campaign, which of course included over-confidence as well as failure to have an effective campaign strategy, as opposed to the NPP, who no doubt ran a very effective campaign, which eventually paid dividends for them.

Where has the UDP strategy faltered, one may wonder. UDP is a well-structured party which was expected to perform much better in the elections. However, the very fact that they performed well below everyone’s expectations shows that something was fundamentally wrong with their approach to the elections.

One of the most effective strategies by the NPP was the successful dis-information campaign they mounted against the UDP, portraying the party as a tribal clique inclined towards the Mandinkas and hostile to the other ethnic groups. Of course, like many other political groups in this country, the UDP had among their midst some ethno-centric bigots who were making disparaging comments against non-Gambians and other ethnic groups. However, such extremist elements were also found in almost all the other parties, including the NPP.  But, the NPP strategists made a lot of capital out of those ethno-centric allegations against the UDP and to a very large extent, succeeded in making such allegations against the UDP stick and eventually convinced many non-Mandinkas that the UDP were against them and they would suffer a lot of discrimination under a UDP government. Eventually, the NPP succeeded in scaring away many non-Mandinkas from voting for the UDP.

Of course, most of those allegations against the UDP were not true as all indications are that the UDP is quite a decent party which have very good intentions for this country. While the party’s leader and many of their executive members belong to the Mandinka ethnic group, but there is no evidence that the UDP have any bad intentions against the other ethnic groups. The very fact that some non-Mandinkas hold important positions within the party hierarchy is enough indication that those allegations against the party were mere propaganda with the sole objective of demonizing the party and making it look evil in the eyes of the other ethnic groups.

However, as election is a process, one needs to look at every stage of the process in order to conclude its freeness and fairness. Of course, most people are making some reference to the fact that most of the election observers have concluded that the election was free and fair. But, the observers can only attest to what they witnessed and that was the very tail end of the process, which was the casting of ballots. The question is what had happened during the other processes; were they all free and fair? That is the crux of the UDP petition, most of which was out of the purview of the election observers.

It is alleged that many people who were not qualified to vote in this country got registered, which was said to be part of the NPP strategy. However, the UDP and the other political parties were given the opportunity to go to the revising courts to challenge some of those anomalies of the voter registration process, but none of them took the opportunity. Therefore, it seems too late now for the UDP or any other individual or group to challenge that aspect of the electoral process.

Another school of thought is however that the UDP were victims of their own complacency and some poor judgments of the party leadership, particularly the party leader, Ousainou Darboe. It is quite obvious that he played a big role in the disintegration of Coalition 2016, which succeeded in toppling the dictatorial regime of former President Yahya Jammeh. Darboe was accused of being one of those who contributed to the disintegration of the Coalition when during the run-up to the National Assembly elections in 2018, he vehemently opposed the suggestion to contest the elections as a coalition but he instead insisted on the different component parties going it on their own, which was the death-knell of the Coalition. That was the very beginning of the disintegration of the Coalition.

Darboe also made so many complimentary decisions in favour of President Barrow, not only threatening to take to court anyone who challenged Barrow’s intention to serve five years instead of the three years that he had agreed with his coalition partners, but he also described Barrow as Moses who came to liberate the Gambia, which comments later came to haunt him. We had seen how he had later tried to contradict some of those comments he made about Barrow, including calling on him (Barrow) to serve three years instead of the five that he had been defending, which change of position seems to have put him (Darboe) in a very bad light, with some people describing him as an expert on ‘wah-wahet’ (changing his tone according to circumstances).

One other area that the UDP seems to have shot themselves on the foot, particularly during the election campaign was the decision (albeit not official policy) to boycott some media houses simply because they accused them of being supporters of the NPP. Those media houses included Fatu Network, QTV and Star TV, which many political analysts saw as a great mistake on their part and it has no doubt cost the party some support. However, rather than the party leadership coming out now to denounce the boycott, they should have done so from the onset.

However, regardless of the outcome of the court case, the UDP should not get so despondent but instead they should regroup and re-organise the party in readiness for the National Assembly elections and the local government elections. They should understand that if they can control the National Assembly and local government, they would be in a position to have a big say in the mode of governance. There is no doubt that they must have learnt very good lessons from the presidential elections which would serve them well in the next election cycle.

Political Campaigns, Democracy and Secret Ballots

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By Capt. Ebou Jallo     Saturday, December 18, 2021

I would like to expand on a few ideas I expressed earlier during the week in a string of FaceBook posts concerning the UDP petition before the Supreme Court in The Gambia.  I am not discussing the merits of the petition nor dappling into any legal argumentation with any Gambian lawyer—I need not.  This is a critical exercise about issues that concern the republic which aims to enlighten and enrich the discourse about our polity. However, I would like to emphasize here two things: The Supreme Court has no jurisdiction to entertain civil and criminal proceedings against President Adama Barrow; and a secret ballot as established in section 40 of the Gambia constitution is fraud proof because it is virtually impossible to corrupt a voter exercising his/her political right to elect a preferred candidate.

Democracy, to paraphrase the social theorist Jurgen Habermas, can best be described as the institutionalization of communicative action as the seat of political power. This means that reasonable and ethical political authority can only be achieved through freedom of speech, freedom of expression and freedom of association.  The Gambian voter is free to speak his/her mind, express his/her personal state by voting a preferred candidate, and associate with any socially integrated group.  Political parties too are legal entities with the same rights as the individual voter.  As an organization they too speak to the voters through party manifestos, advertisements, and rallies; they are also free to go into coalitions or alliances with another group of Gambian citizens; and through expressive dramaturgy, political campaigns also interact with voters by managing perceptions of their party or nominated candidate.  This expressive dramaturgical activity can take many forms in the process of demonstrating the goodwill of a political party. And none of them is “corrupt practice” if it is meant to solicit the ingratiation of the voters.  This may be done by monetary gifts to cover campaign expenses, transportation of voters to rallies, distributing food, T-shirts, cooking utensils, or making grandiose promises/statements during political rallies- this is a legitimate process for a political party to make its candidate agreeable to the electorate.  Restricting such activities during a political campaign shall be an abrogation of the fundamental right to freedom of expression and the death of democracy in the Gambia.

It is impossible to bribe a voter in an election conducted by a secret ballot.  Bribery implies a quid pro quo transaction: this for that.  It is ridiculously inefficient and unwise to give stuff to a voter expecting that he or she shall vote for you in a secret ballot- it makes no sense at all.  Any claims of fraud or “corrupt practices” should have been identified, registered with the IEC and hopefully addressed well before the election day.  This is what responsible and competent citizenship demands.  It is a sign of bad faith for any one to participate in an electoral process, get defeated in broad daylight; regroup the next day crying foul and dish opprobrium on everybody else but your own self.  This is a disgraceful and very regressive behavior from the UDP.

 

LAMIN NJIE – OPINION: UDP has been busy on all fronts. From going to court to tackling fake news to disowning its supporters, this party looks out-of-sorts

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UDP is looking really out-of-sorts following its brutal humbling by President Barrow 10 days ago. The party is having a bad day.

It’s actually not a dream. UDP has indeed lost this election. And they have done so in so much ignominy, it’s hard to believe.

If UDP had taken my advice back in April, maybe the story would have been different. Maybe supporters of this party would not be in so much pain today. They could have even been celebrating.

In my OpEd in April, my argument was that two things were dangerously working against UDP. They were the incumbency advantage President Barrow had and the issue of supporters of UDP alienating the party by way of insulting and attacking anyone who doesn’t support the party.

When I predicted that UDP was losing this election, I did so without any malice or hatred towards the party. In fact I did so out of love. I wanted this party to get a good strategy, one that could hand them State House. The one they were operating by was bad. They were arrogant and called me names. They have now paid a heavy price.

We have now all seen what now remains of the party. From trying to reject the election result to tackling fake news to even disowning its supporters who are yet to learn their lesson in terms of their bad behavior towards others, UDP looks really out-of-sorts.

With the party filing a petition in court and all of that, an old man I gave a ride this morning told me you don’t kill a chicken without it writhing around. This is exactly what is happening to UDP right now.

May Allah make it easy for them. At least UDP is family home to me as my entire family is UDP and they too are in so much pain.

Maybe UDP can someday recover from this. Maybe they need to sack their current leaders for failing them so bad. Or maybe they even need to scrap the party and form a new one. Time will surely tell.

A Time For Work

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Katim S. Touray, Ph. D

President Adama Barrow has an another opportunity to make history or, if he blows it, be consumed by it.

Dear Baba: Open Letter to Lawyer Ousainou Darboe

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By Sana Sarr

I begin by thanking you for your invaluable service to our country and its people. In 1996, when the military took over, the PPP fled, only you rose up to join the PDOIS as serious challengers trying to uphold our democracy. Since then, you have given, you have sacrificed, you have lost, you have suffered and you have endured. For that, you deserve to be honoured and appreciated, and I thank you.

You helped provide a lifeline that helped our democracy survive and eventually defeat a dictatorship. On December 4, 2021, that democracy was put to a test in the first presidential elections since the dictator was ousted. Unfortunately for you, the results did not turn out in your favour. To the disappointment of many, myself included, Barrow won. Surprisingly, backed by nothing but conjecture, you gathered some strange bedfellows, Essa Faal and Yaya Jammeh (via Mama Kandeh), to announce that you reject the results. A day later, Essa did a “Turn Around” leaving you and Jammeh.

Uncle, it has been a week since that press conference at your house and we are yet to hear any details from you of HOW the elections were rigged in favour of the incumbent! I’ve heard some “non-reasons” raised by some of your supporters, including…

– The incumbent’s margins of victory are too high

– Voter turnout was too good

– Barrow beat us too badly

– The IEC took too long to announce the results

– The incumbent beat us in our traditional strongholds

Unfortunately, none of these explains how the elections were rigged and certainly, none provide evidence that’s admissible in court. Personally, my expectation was that anyone, especially an experienced attorney like you, would have done their investigations and gathered enough credible evidence BEFORE calling a press conference to reject elections results. Since you did not do that, and after a week of not advancing any explanation or supporting evidence to the public, I am inclined to believe that whatever you thought you had is simply not convincing enough to you, and you know it will not pass the smell test in a court of law.

Uncle Ousainou, you know as well as anyone else that the foundation on which a democracy rests is the trust and confidence in the electoral process. Your rejection, without evidence, threatens to undermine that foundation which, mind you, you helped build. I heard the forceful statements you made against that alleged supporter of yours who called for violence in The Gambia to protest the election results. Not only did you condemn the dangerous statements, you called for the suspect’s arrest. While I appreciate your statements and believe that you were 100% sincere when you made them, I cannot ignore the fact that your rejection of the results contributed to and empowered that clown to be bold enough to make such inflammatory statements. Since your rejection, many of your supporters have been angry and have been calling for the president’s removal. “Ayeh jee”, they’re singing.

Sir, it’s undeniable that we need a formidable opposition as we continue to build our democracy. The incumbent’s margins of victory, winning even in opposition strongholds, is far from the best sign of things to come. This rejection of yours carries a threat of eroding voter confidence in our electoral process. If they believe that the incumbent can rig the elections, your remaining supporters may stay away from the polls in the upcoming parliamentary and local government elections, leaving the field wide open for a clean sweep by the incumbent’s party. The APRC is dead, the PDOIS will probably only win 2 seats (Wulli West and Serekunda East) if even, and the incumbent has gobbled up the NRP. Therefore, the country NEEDS a strong UDP.

With all these considerations, I beg of you to either provide credible evidence that you know will convince the Supreme Court to overturn the elections. I’m the absence of such incontrovertible evidence, I implore you to kindly call another press conference, or issue a statement, to announce your acceptance of the results and concede. This reversal of your position will not make you appear weak, it will make you look like a leader who is not too afraid or too proud to admit when they’ve made a mistake – an admirable character trait.

This concession will also release those supporters from their prisons of anger and bitterness, help them find closure, and move on to focus on winning seats in the parliamentary elections.

With warm regards to you and all your loved ones,

A Concerned Gambian.

 

 

Beyond 75: our promise to every child

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By Gordon Jonathan Lewis, UNICEF Gambia Representative

Seventy-five years ago today, the world came together to create the UN children’s agency to support and secure the lives of children affected by World War II.  UNICEF was founded on the principle that no child, no matter who they are or where they come from, should be subjected to violence, abuse or neglect, and on the commitment to galvanize efforts to build a world where every child can survive, thrive and reach their full potential.  For 75 years, UNICEF has stayed true to this cause, and for decades, UNICEF has championed child rights in The Gambia and around the world.

As we celebrate this historic milestone, we are also reminded of the promise we made to children, 32 years ago, when the world adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child.  In ratifying the Convention, The Gambia committed itself to put the best interests of children first in everything it does.  Children and young people are The Gambia’s most treasured resource – they will lead the next generation that will usher in change and build the future that every Gambian aspires.

Building that future requires urgent action by the government, its partners and local communities to improve the quality of education, make vaccines available for every child, invest more in the mental health of children and young people and scale up efforts to address the climate crisis.

With more than 78% of primary-school-age children in school, The Gambia has made remarkable gains in making education accessible to children across the country.  But for many children, being in school does not equal learning.  Like most developing countries, The Gambia faces a learning crisis which, if left unaddressed, could jeopardize the country’s development.   We must urgently reverse the situation by investing in an education that builds basic reading, writing and math skills, as well as competencies in problem-solving and critical thinking that young people need to be productive. We must also invest in building the skills of teachers and motivate them to teach more effectively.

Making vaccines available and accessible to every child helps protect them against diseases, such as measles, polio and smallpox, and to grow healthier and perform better in school. The Gambia has an impressive vaccination record and we must work together to sustain it.  We must invest more in the procurement of vaccines, improve cold chain facilities and combat misinformation that is driving vaccine hesitancy.  In tandem, we must do more to reduce wasting and stunting among young children and scale up programmes and policies that guarantee the nutritional health of every child.

Digital technologies are revolutionizing the way children communicate, learn and socialize.  But for many children and young people, staying online comes with huge risks.  84% of respondents in a recent U-Report poll “think online sexual harassment and bullying is a problem for children and young people in The Gambia”.  Yet, even beyond the digital platforms, children and young people are increasingly becoming anxious about the future.  It is time to protect and care for children’s mental health and to integrate their mental health into primary health care.  This must be accompanied by a strong policy framework that ensures all children live free of violence, abuse and exploitation.

In another U-Report poll, close to 50% of young people in The Gambia said rains and floods were the biggest climate change-related challenges their communities were facing, and 50% said that reduced food production was the biggest threat to their livelihoods. This is strong evidence that the climate crisis will be a permanent fixture in the lives of Gambian children if urgent action is not taken.  It is time to address the climate crisis, scale up investments in climate adaptation and resilience, and strengthen children’s and young people’s participation in climate decisions.

So, on and beyond our 75th anniversary, our promise to every child is to never give up on you, continue listening to you and providing the platform to amplify your voices and demand the protection and fulfilment of your rights.  In upholding our promise to you, we will never give up!

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