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How a Political Animal beats Two Lawyers like a Drum

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By Capt. Ebou Jallo    11 December, 2021

Aristotle once wrote that “man is by nature a political animal” and hence the German philosopher Hannah Arendt would later add that the identity/meaning-constructing realm of the public sphere fulfills a deep human need.  Indeed, President Barrow was not prattling when he called himself a political animal. Elections happen within a moral matrix of a society where emotions and sentiments carry more weight in our judgments than reason.  This is one law in campaign politics that some “educated” Gambians can never understand because the idea is so simple and yet elusive to the inattentive and the egotistical.

I have read some post-elections diagnostics of what happened on 4 December but none really understands the depth of the issue which can be reduced to these four propositions:

(a)   Political judgments are intuitional and not logical.  They can either bind or divide a society.

(b)  Passions or emotions always subordinate reason or rationality.

(c)   If you want to persuade others to vote for your party, then you must appeal to their deep-rooted sentiments.

(d)  Politics is all about learning from people who disagree with you; and not listening to your own echo chambers.

Let us put this “theory” to a test with a simple thought experiment:  If you ask any UDP party militant two questions: “Is it wrong to have sex with a white horse?” and “is it wrong to vote for Barrow?” Almost all UDP supporters shall unfailingly answer with a vigorous “yes”, but none can possibly explain why.  They may most likely give a conditioned “reason” why they think such actions are wrong betraying in the process the ironclad limitations of their prejudices with arguments that support their conclusions.  This only shows that reason or rationality is a tool that is neither impartial nor objective.  Rationality is just like a briefcase lawyer or a government spokesman… No wonder lawyers make very lousy politicians- their lack of wisdom, political judgment; and especially the lack of capacity for empathetic understanding of others, sensitivity to the socio-political environment and immediate reality.  If you want to change people’s mind to vote for you then you must appeal to their hearts, the seat of emotions.

People elect candidates in elections the same way they acquire food preferences. This is not mere speculation but a well-researched study by world renowned scientists. My favorite example is the work of the social psychologist Jonathan Haidt who wrote the book “The Righteous Mind: Why Good People are Divided by Politics and Religion”.  People choose parties and candidates like they chose their favorite cuisines and if Henry’s “Dahin Sipa Sipa” smells more appealing than anything plain yellow then they will stick with Henry.

Haidt argues we do have universal moral “taste receptors” like our palate which can sense political flavors. This bridges our biology to our politics once again reflecting Aristotle’s political animal.  Most of the opposition ‘flavors’ or brand revolves around either personalities or their so-called manifestos.  None of their personalities except Barrow’s appealed to the voters.  UDP had a 5- point promises or agenda, Essa Faal had a Soobeya Blueprint that looks like a pitchbook straight out of an investment bank; and PDOIS has a manifesto more obfuscated that Karl Marx’s dialectical materialism—none of which appealed to most people who voted last Saturday.  Barrow had one simple and elegant agenda: victory at all costs.  This resonated more with the innate moral foundations of authority, sanctity, and liberty with a powerful subliminal appeal that voters cannot resist.  Political elections are evolutionary fitness tests in the public realm.  We all carry a selfish gene with a deep desire to always win and flourish.  Incumbency gave him the authority/sanctity appeal; and his personality is simply non-overbearing. President Barrow tapped deep into this human genetic interest with a stroke of unanalyzable genius and skill; and he won!

The UDP in the other hand made subliminal appeals to identity politics (Aji Yam Secka in Niani and Lawyer Darboe in Basse) which were nothing but empty parochial altruism- feigning an inclination to care more about a particular tribe at the expense of the state.  This has been the UDP’s fatal flaw throughout the campaign.  Caring for any socially integrated group of Gambians must be more than just symbolic.  A politician must demonstrate care for the people by communicating with candor, sincerity, and making universal appeals to all Gambians in all regions of the country.  The UDP is so convinced of their own self-righteousness agenda to a point of blind sighting themselves at their own peril.  It takes real courage to challenge/question one’s belief system and demons.  Moral courage allows for the interaction of heart and mind in a healthy mental framework and in politics.  Hopefully, their earth-shattering defeat in the polls shall teach them a lesson to be civil in their politics and learn from their opponents by empathizing with dissent.

Why elections cannot be cheated in the Gambia on Election Day?

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By Madi Jobarteh

Given the storm that has arisen in the wake of the December 4 presidential polls, many people have reached out to me asking how elections are conducted in the Gambia and if it could be manipulated or cheated. Of course, over the past few days, I have also heard so many outrageous stories being peddled that the election was stolen. Thus, as someone who has been involved in elections management in the Gambia over the past 15 years, this is what I tell those people.

First of all, the materials used for elections in the Gambia are the metallic ballot drums with a nozzle and a bicycle bell fitted inside the drum just below the nozzle, and translucent crystal balls or marbles. Probably this is the most primitive, direct and simplest election materials in the history of the modern world. Yet, by its crudeness it is also the safest, most secure and most difficult to manipulate or cheat.

In Gambian elections, the polling staffs includes staff from IEC and party agents. Every party or candidate in the election is required to provide an agent at every stage of the election. Together they all sit at the polling desk to receive voters. These agents are provided the voter roll so that together with the IEC staff, they also check if a voter’s name is on the list or not before the voter is handed a marble by the presiding officer. Hence no one can vote without a party agent not knowing and seeing the name of that voter in the voter list for that polling station. If he does not see it, he can raise objection and record and report to his or her party.

First of all, before voting starts, all polling staffs (both IEC and party agents) swear to an oath of due execution of office and secrecy, publicly. Then the presiding officer opens the ballot drums one by one so that all polling staffs look into it to confirm that they drum is actually empty. Then the drums are sealed with some kind of tough material which cannot be untied except broken or cut. Each seal has a serial number which polling staffs (including party agents) are required to record. This is the basic opening procedure before voting starts.

Before the ballot drums are placed in the voting booth, they are tied together by metallic binding wire by their handles such that one cannot move one drum alone but will need to move the entire set of drums together. And I can tell you that these drums are damn heavy. These opening of polls procedure also include the presiding officer counting the marbles she has received which are recorded by all the party agents present, as well as by observers and the journalists if they want to.

Next, at the polling station, there are domestic and international observers in addition to media. There are also voters who are already in the queue watching everything from a distance. The security officers on elections duties are also present and witnesses to every step of the procedure. Therefore, the setup is such that the election materials are secure and safe at all times and viewed by all.

When voting starts, the presiding officer sits closest to, but outside from where the ballot drums are placed so that she can hear the bell ring when a marble is dropped inside. If the presiding officer did not hear a bell ring after a voter gets in and comes out, she can ask the voter whether he voted or not. Furthermore, she can decide to go inside the booth to confirm but she has to be accompanied by the security officers and party agents. Sometimes some voters put a marble in their pocket and leave or just place it on top of the drum instead of dropping it inside. The presiding officer can intervene to either retrieve the marble or show the voter how to vote.

At the close of polls, the presiding officer asks the party agents and the security to go inside the voting booth to retrieve the drums which are still tied together. But first the nozzle through which marbles are dropped is sealed to prevent any more voting. Then the left-over marbles are counted and recorded as in the beginning. Remember at every stage of these procedures from the beginning to the counting of the vote, various forms are signed by the IEC officers and party agents to ensure confirmation.

After this, the drums are then taken out and placed in the middle of the polling station in full view of everyone before they are opened one by one. Once again, the polling staffs including party agents cross check the seals and their numbers to make sure that they are the same numbers they had recorded during the opening process. When everything is confirmed then the seals are broken with a plier or knife.

It is now that counting on the spot begins drum by drum on a counting tray which can carry either 100 or 200 marbles at a time when filled. The process continues this way until the end. It is also necessary to note that the polling station is not to be populated by everyone. Rather, there are accredited persons listed who can be present in the polling station, especially at these procedural stages to ensure non-interference. The security has the power to remove any unaccredited person. The observers and media can also report the presence of such persons.

At every stage of the counting process, the figure is recorded by all polling staffs and party agents on prescribed forms. The number of votes for each candidate are announced loudly for all to hear. When counting is done, then the Presiding Officer takes the result to the collation centre for verification by the Assistant Returning Officer. The results are escorted by security officers and party agents from the polling station. At the collation centre, there are also two party agents to observe the tabulation and upon satisfaction they sign the result form.

Next the Assistant Returning Officer sends the results in a sealed envelope to the IEC Regional Office who also verify. At the Regional Office, there are also two party agents who also observe the verification and upon satisfaction they sign the result form. Next the results are transmitted to the IEC headquarters where there are again party agents to verify the results and then sign the results form. It is after all these processes of verification in the presence of party agents, that the IE Chairman would now announce the results to the nation.

Therefore, the results that go to the Assistant Returning Officer and then to the Regional Office and then to the IEC headquarters is the same result that party agents already have and know. By that time, they would have already informed their party structures about the results. Remember, when in 2016 elections IEC announced the first results, by then Yaya Jammeh had already known that he had lost to Adama Barrow by 19 thousand votes which he himself said. Therefore, how can anyone cheat elections in this country? Even Yaya Jammeh could not cheat on election day and he never attempted because it is practically impossible.

The only way to cheat on election day in the Gambia will be to burn down the entire polling station, or destroy ballot drums, or prevent party agents, observers and the media from being present at the polling stations or bribe all of them not to record or make false claims.  Who can do this?

Therefore, the claim that December 4 presidential elections are stolen is utterly false and outrageous.

Therefore, to those who are in doubt about the credibility of elections in the Gambia, rest assured that there is no cheating on election day in the Gambia, so far. Never. It is not possible. If it happens, no one will be in doubt.

For the Gambia Our Homeland

LAMIN NJIE – Opinion: Essa Faal is not so popular after all. A dismal 17,000 for a man who boasts of having over 70,000 young people behind him is a grim indictment

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Essa got a little over-confident when going into this. He thought his new-found fame that came by the grace of the TRRC would translate into votes. He shouldn’t forgive the person who told him this lie.

Essa actually looked like something who was going to do really well in this election. Since announcing his bid in September, a lot of citizens quickly endorsed him. His Buffer Zone meeting was well attended and little wonder he declared that the love was real.

It now looks like fake love going by this election. I predicted that Essa would come third in this election and failed. Even Halifa who Essa taunted as having crude ideas at the presidential debate did better than him. This is some rude awakening for the flamboyant lawyer.

This election came with a mixed bag of shock and surprise for some including Essa. One would have expected him to do well in Banjul at least. This is where he comes from. But only 612 people saw him worthy of being president out of a staggering 21,000 voters.

I felt sorry for him when I saw him wave at a crowd of supporters that gathered at UDP leader Darboe’s house as he arrived at Darboe’s house to meet the UDP leader. That was a fake wave. This was a clearly stunned and shocked and confused man. A man who couldn’t understand what was happening to him.

Essa must now take stock of his disastrous performance. His performance has betrayed his TRRC fame and he has to conduct an inquiry into what went wrong.

President-elect Adama Barrow: The Political Enigma In Chief: The unexpected and Ingenious Strategy of Barrow’s Second Term

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Alagi Yorro Jallow
Part I
Fatoumatta: The 2021 presidential elections have finally come and gone. The fever-pitched atmosphere that characterized and inundated the polity pre-election has been doused by the seemingly credible, free, and fair election of presidential Adama Barrow. As a result, the pre-election doomsday prophesies and innuendoes that the presidential election would make or mar the country’s unity has come to pass.
The commendable performance of the umpire of the elections under the stewardship of Alhagie Alieu Momar Njie and Mr. Sambujang Njie, CEO of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), should be recognized and must be commended for conducting a credible, free and fair, inclusive, and transparent election process.
President-elect Adama Barrow secured a second term as President in the biggest test of the Gambia’s emergent democracy since dictator Yahya Jammeh’s 22-year rule ended. President Barrow, however, garnered 53.2% of the votes. At the same time, his nearest rival emeritus lawyer Abubacarr Ousainou Darboe leader of the United Democratic Party (UDP), obtained 27.7%.
As a result, Alhagie Alieu Momarr Njai, chairman of the Independent Electoral (IEC)Commission, declared incumbent president Adama Barrow in the December 4, 2021, presidential elections.
Fatoumatta: This is the first presidential election in 27 years, not to include former president Yahya Jammeh, who has remained in exile in Equatorial Guinea since being defeated by President Adama Barrow in a 2016 presidential election. Overall, the 2021 presidential election “conforms to national and international standards,” the African Union’s observer mission said in a statement.
In addition, a coalition of civil society organizations in the Gambia and international election observers declared the election “free and fair” despite a rejection of former Vice President Abubakar Ousainou Darboe and, leader of the United Democratic Party (UDP), and Mr.Mama Kandeh, opposition leader of the Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC).
Likewise, the conduct of Gambia’s political gladiators (Honorable Halifa Sallah of the People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS), doyen, and dean of Gambian politics other presidential candidates conceded to the defeat and accepted the election results as the will of the Gambian people) must also be acclaimed for their democratic and patriotic stance.
However, more significantly, the gesture of Mr. Abdoulie Jammeh, Dr.Isamila Ceesay, Ahmed Mai Fatty, and other politicians’ symbolic acceptance of the outcome of the results and phone calls to concede defeat and congratulate President-elect Adama Barrow even before and after the final results were officially announced should highly be extolled and would go down well in the annals of history. Never in the history of our burgeoning democracy has such magnanimity and statesmanship been exhibited by politicians aspiring for the land’s highest office.
The gesture, without a doubt, forestalled any hatched plans by evil does to scuttle the latter stages of the elections. This is a milestone that is indelible in the history of the Gambia.
Fatoumatta: The 2021 presidential election is the first election to be conducted since the defeat of former president Yahya Jammeh in 2016 by President Adama Barrow that saw an opposition candidate winning the presidential elections, and the results allowed to stand.
This is also a feat worthy of acclamation, good for the Gambia’s political development. Every discerning Gambian should be proud of. The wind of change has suddenly filled the atmosphere. You can almost touch it in the length and breadth of the Gambia. You can feel it in the Gambian Diaspora community parts, and you can sense it. Everywhere you go, Gambians are looking forward to a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
Fatoumatta: Anything short of this, the power and voices of the people through the ballot, would surely be put to good use once again in the coming general elections in April 2022. However, while the majority of Gambians are still basking in the euphoria of President Adama Barrow’s victory, discerning Gambians are concerned about the “opposition” in Gambian politics.
Is there an opposition in our nascent political development? Opposition in politics means “the major political party opposed to the party in office and prepared to replace it if elected.” President Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP) has emerged as the dominant political party in 2021.
From developments in the just concluded presidential elections, it will be a significant political party in the Gambia. A salient fact here is that majority of the supporters of the National People’s Party (NPP were mainly from other dominant opposition members, mainly from the mighty United Democratic Party( UDP), the former ruling Alliance for Patriotic Re-orientation and Construction (APRC), the Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC) and other peripheral parties.
For instance, most of the senior executive members of the National People’s Party (NPP) were primarily from other opposition party’s as senior members mentioned above.
Fatoumatta: The second term of President Barrow has not officially taken overpower, and we are already witnessing an overwhelming amount of politicians decamping to President Barrow in his NPP-led coalition government.
In other climes, politicians are identified as “the opposition” and are well-grounded in such parties. Is it that in Gambian politics, the end justifies the means? It seems it does not matter where you are coming from or how you made money, or where it is gotten from, provided you have got loads of it, you can switch to any political party and aspire for any office in the land and win. Most of these politicians and former presidential candidates who endorsed President Barrow appear to be anticipating ministerial and top positions and foreign service appointments in the NPP-led government. However, they all have suddenly become “Messiahs” of change. In some parts of the country and the Gambia Diaspora community is automatically an employment opportunity for some people, irrespective of competence, antecedence, or integrity; likewise, the prominent defectors from other political parties.
Essentially, some political parties do not possess any clear-cut and well-defined ideology. Instead, it seems, politics in the Gambia is akin to the “stomach infrastructure” ideology popularized by Jean -Francois Bayart, author of “The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly.
Fatoumatta: Nevertheless, there have been opposition members since our emergent democracy since the First and Second republic. There have been people who have vociferously and silently been playing the role of the opposition in trying to ensure that the Gambia carves out a healthy democratic development. In their quest to legitimize a viable opposition, some unsung heroes have died and lost everything along the way, believing in their cause.
They have lost an arm and a leg but remained steadfast and dogged in the opposition movement. Some have resisted tantalizing overtures and juicy appointments of sitting administrations, believing instead in a formidable opposition. These are the genuine opposition members who gave victory to incumbent President Adama Barrow in 2016 with their time, efforts, sweat, blood, and lives, not some now masquerading as apostles of change.
These people were the ones who initially painstakingly built this “Barrow brand” most people are now clamoring for and sadly exploiting.
President-elect Adama Barrow should be wary of sheep in wolf’s clothing, screaming change, acting like proponents of change but are not necessarily agents of change. Perusing some of their self-aggrandizement motives, they exploited the popularity of President Barrow and the overwhelming cries of teeming Gambians for change at the helms of affairs.
However, most are opportunists and might reveal their true colors after officially being sworn in on January 19, 2022.
Fatoumatta: The presidential election is over, and challenging problems await President-elect Adama Barrow. He needs capable hands, proven and tested, with like-mind vision, capable of taking the Gambia to greater heights. Regardless of political party affiliation, ethnicity, creed, and gender, he needs skilled individuals who believe in the Gambia project.
He needs to act as a leader of the Gambia and Gambians, not a leader of a political party or particular region of the country. He needs seasoned professionals and technocrats from far and wide, home and abroad, who are willing to build a brighter future for the teeming youths of the Gambia. President Adama Barrow’s journey began sometime in 2016 when he got elected into office.
It has taken him a dozen-plus five years to achieve his goal. He knows how arduous and pain-staking it was, eventually getting this elusive victory; credited to the teeming populace who believes in him. It is now his turn to meet the aspirations of teeming Gambians looking up to him for the prophesied change they voted for. With great power come greater responsibilities. Whoever much is given, much is expected. There are great expectations on the shoulders of president Barrow. The timber and caliber of the “politicians and technocrats” he appoints as his ministers would be scrutinized serially. Indeed, they would determine the direction his government is going to take. However, the fire of change is still burning.
Fatoumatta: The expectation of hope is still alive within the populace. The passion with which Gambians came out en-masse to vote for an agent of change, whose integrity and honesty are parallel to none, is still blooming.
Surely, Gambians would not want to be disappointed. Surely, Gambians would not want the flame to be extinguished. Gambians would not want their hope to be dashed. Gambians would not want their efforts to be in vain. The National Assembly elections are not too far away; however, before we get there, Gambians would like a bigger, better, and more extraordinary Gambia Anything less, and the President would surely face the music.

International Human Rights Day 2021: Long Road for The Gambia

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Today marks International Human Rights Day dedicated to the promotion of human rights awareness and protection in celebration of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The day cannot be more significant for the world in these times, especially for the Gambia which just came out of a 22-year culture of human rights violations under the APRC Regime. It is five years since Gambians ousted that regime yet the protection of human rights remains a challenge in this country.

 

The theme for this year is, “Equality, Reducing inequalities, advancing human rights.” This theme relates to the human rights principle and objective of ‘Equality’ as espoused in Article 1 of the UDHR that ‘All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.’ The principle of equality is at the heart of human rights. Where there is equality, there is non- discrimination. Hence without accepting that all human beings are equal in rights and dignity regardless of sex, origin, tribe, belief, birth or any other status, there will be discrimination which gives birth to exclusion, prejudice and leads to violations.

 

It is obvious that there is a high prevalence of inequality in the Gambia, socially, economically and politically. There is widespread and deep-seated culture of discrimination, exclusion, prejudice and violence in this society. These are based upon and fuelled by the caste system and patriarchy which are fused with the stinking culture of corruption and lack of accountability across the society. As a result, there is a perpetual violation of the rights and dignity of persons on account of their origin, birth, sex, disability, age or other status. These violations are perpetrated in Gambian homes, schools, markets, streets and other public spaces, in the communities and work places in the public and private sectors.

 

The 1997 Constitution guarantees the equality of all citizens. Section 1 subsection 2 stipulates that sovereignty of the Gambia resides in the people, meaning all Gambians are equal in sovereignty, hence rights, as the source of power and authority. Chapter Four of the Constitution guarantees the fundamental rights and freedoms of all citizens without any distinction. It has guaranteed the equality of men and women in Section 28, the rights of children in Section 29, and the rights of persons with disabilities in Section 31. Furthermore, Section 33 guarantees the right of all before the law and prohibits any law that is discriminatory. These constitutional provisions on equality are further buttressed by the Women’s Act, the Children’s Act and now the Disability Act, among other laws.

 

However there still remains some provisions in the various laws of the Gambia that undermine equality in various ways. At the same time, despite the Constitution guaranteeing equality, several cultural practices remain that contravene the Constitution on this issue. The prevalence of the caste system in many communities is an affront to the principle of equality. The caste system does not only perpetrate and perpetuate inequality but also encourages discrimination, dehumanisation, and violence against persons including sexual and gender-based violence while limiting the voice and participation of citizens in the affairs of their communities. Therefore, there is need to abolish the caste system because it is an offense to a democratic republic.

 

As we celebrate this day, it is also pertinent to highlight that after five years of removing the Dictatorship, draconian provisions still hold sway in the Criminal Code, Public Order Act, Information and Communications Act, the Elections Act, Official Secrets Act, while anti-human rights provisions can be found in the Constitution such as denying persons to hold certain public offices simply because they hold a dual citizenship. These laws need to change in order to guarantee equality not only before the law but also ensure availability and access to opportunities, power and enhance citizenship participation.

 

Equally concerning on a day like today is to realise that violations of rights continue to take place perpetrated by the State and non-state actors of which there have been no accountability until today. Without accountability, human rights are meaningless simply because violations and perpetrators go unchecked hence impunity. Over the past five years there have been numerous violations for which the Government said they were investigating yet there has been no result shared with the public.

 

These cases include the gruesome murder of Marie Mendy and Zilson Gomez for which there is still no justice and accountability since April 2021. The cases of Haruna Jatta of Kanilai in 2017, Ousman Darboe in Sere Kunda as well as Kebba Secka in Senegambia continue to be ignored since 2019. Until today, no one knows the case of PIU officers who were standing trial for the killing of protesters in Faraba in 2018. In May 2021, an 11-year old boy was raped and there is still no justice. In October 2021, a fire incident at Bilal Boarding School killed 5 young boys yet until today there is no justice. Where are the police investigation reports?

 

As recent as this week, we have seen the paramilitary police use unnecessary force on unarmed citizens in and around the compound of UDP leader’s home leading to injuries. Rather PIU officers were seen celebrating their actions of using teargas on people. We are yet to see any investigation by the police on the actions of it officers in that incident. In Brikamaba, drug law enforcement officers severely manhandled a young man in September leading to severe bodily injuries. That incident as well as the assault on one Ebrima Sanneh by the Commander of the Anti-Crime Unit Gorgui Mboob in 2020 all point to not only the destruction to human rights in this country, but also the failure of security sector reforms.

 

In all of these cases, either there is no justice or justice is being subverted in such a way that the perpetrator is rewarded while the victim is neglected. As the Gambia have just elected a new president, it is critical therefore that these issues be brought before him so that the necessary attention is given to these issues. Meantime, if there is any lesson to learn, it is that all citizens must now stand up to become Human Rights Defenders in this country. If we fail to do so, then the rights of each and every one of us are under threat.

 

For The Gambia Our Homeland

 

……………………………………………..

Madi Jobarteh

Skype: madi.jobarteh

Twitter: @jobartehmadi

LinkedIn: Madi Jobarteh

Phone: +220 9995093

 

Why UDP lost the 2021 presidential election

By Dr Ebrima Ceesay

Late Joseph Goebbels, chief propagandist for the Nazi Party, said something along these lines: repeating misinformation does not make it true, but it can make it more likely to be believed. Indeed, it was Adolf Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, Joseph Goebbels, who said: “If you repeat a lie often enough, it will become accepted as truth.” Psychologists call this phenomenon the “illusion of truth effect”.

Relatedly, two people can also look at the same glass and see completely different things. In other words, some view the glass as half-full, while others see the glass as half-empty, and this manifestation is referred to as “perception” by psychologists. Needless to say, our perceptions profoundly impact how we approach matters or things in life. Therefore, the lesson to learn is that the power of perception cannot be underestimated, and one ignores it at his or her own peril, as the UDP leader, Ousainu Darboe, has just found out the hard way, in this year’s presidential Election. But more on that later. In effect, perception, not necessarily factual; yet, it can, nonetheless, feel very real and can actually mould, shape, and influence how human beings approach situations and make decisions. In fact, perception can be said to be the lens through which we view people, events, form judgements and make decisions.

Regrettably, in my view, Ousainu Darboe’s political frailty, by and large, had, all along, been caused by long-standing (unaddressed) perception problems, a case of perception actually altering reality, in that Ousainu Darboe, from the outset, was depicted by many Gambians particularly minorities in The Gambia, as an exclusionist, who was divisive and in the habit of promoting toxic identity politics. Consequently, going forward, this exclusionist tag became a liability for him, politically. His inability to effectively confront these perception problems, head-on, to nip them in the bud, did cost him dearly in political terms, in the end. For over two decades, what psychologists call the illusory truth effect, as mentioned earlier, was well-exploited by Yahya Jammeh, in that Jammeh’s seeds of deceit, that whisper of a misinformation about Ousainu Darboe being tribalistic, blossomed over the years, and became accepted, in the end, as the gospel truth at least by most minorities in the Gambia.

Unfortunately, this age-old propagandist method, first employed by Yahya Jammeh (but actually borrowed from Joseph Goebbels) against his (Jammeh’s) arch political enemy, as mentioned above, appeared to have worked very well, over the years, against Ousainu Darboe and even today that very misinformation about Ousainu Darboe being tribalistic is still being repeated. Therefore, UDP’s problem has been that its leaders have massively underestimated how much “others”, particularly minorities in The Gambia, have feared an incoming UDP government, while, on the other hand, they also overestimated their ability to reach beyond their loyal support base, strong but not enough to deliver victory, as I had forewarned on this medium, ahead of the presidential election. Yet, even to the casual observer of Gambian politics, it was clear that there was an entrenched fear in many quarters within the country, of an incoming UDP government.

Ironically, in post-Jammeh Gambia, the UDP’s popularity, on one hand, peaked to unprecedented levels, but equally, the party was widely loathed, on the other hand, as the presidential election results have just confirmed. That is a paradox, isn’t it? In fact, the paradox of the UDP brand needs to be studied by our scholars at the appropriate time. Where did the problem lie? Did the party itself have an image problem, or was it actually an individual problem to do with the person or image of its leader Ousainu Darboe? Did Ousainu Darboe, in the end, become a liability for the yellow party.

Yet, regardless, history teaches us that the more misinformation is repeated, the more it will be believed to be true. In other words, repetition can make a statement seem truer, regardless of whether it is factual or not. Understanding this effect could have helped UDP avoid falling for this (unaddressed) age-old propaganda against its leader which, in my view, dealt a fatal blow to Ousainu Darboe’s presidential ambitions, as it denied him the Gambian presidency, in the end. The UDP leader’s ineffective fight back mechanism has meant that the so-called exclusionist label, sadly, has stuck not because it fitted Ousainu Darboe but because he let others, particularly his political opponents, define him narrowly over the years, if I may add.

Since 1996, Ousainu Darboe has found himself stuck in a story that many Gambians have cast him in, and with the benefit of hindsight, it is now clear that disrupting these negative narratives, regrettably, has been a total failure, on the part of the UDP leadership. In fact, the illusory truth effect on social media in particular, and how it has affected Ousainu Darboe over the years, also needs to be carefully studied in due course by our emerging scholars.

In sum, the point that I am making is that Ousainu Darboe has, all along, been labelled an exclusionist – a divisive figure – and regrettably, his Achilles heel has been that he had been unable to effectively remove these labels. And in my view, Ousainu Darboe also appeared to have underestimated how much an incoming UDP government was feared by “others”, particularly minorities in The Gambia, not realising that the perception problems he faced since the formation of the UDP in 1996, have actually become a burden or liability for him. In short, various political forces, particularly Yahya Jammeh, have succeeded in shaping what many Gambian voters see, feel, and think about Ousainu Darboe in particular, and UDP more generally. Of course, the end-result being that most minorities in The Gambia – rightly or wrongly – viewed, or at least perceived, the UDP as a party whose modus operandi was exclusion and not inclusion. There was at least a perception among minorities in The Gambia that the party lacked diversity.

In this sense, the UDP’s rebranding effort (at the eleventh hour among the minorities in The Gambia) was too little, too late to save the party’s woes in this key election demographic: minorities. Regrettably, the UDP has had a very poor brand among ethnic minorities, many of whom have accused the party of lacking genuine inclusivity as well as perceiving the “diversity” within the UDP as mere “tokenism”. Interestingly, the UDP made a request at the eleventh hour to have a meeting with the leadership of the Gambia Christian Council (GCC) but that request got a lukewarm response from GCC, as the council’s leaders apparently were not keen on it. In the end, a compromise was reached, and it was later agreed that UDP be first allowed to meet an ad-hoc committee of the Christian Council, after which a decision would be taken from there.

Yet, I would argue that Ousainu Darboe’s reputation as a so-called exclusionist and a divisive figure has been largely a social media construct, of course, fed, over the years, by Yahya Jammeh in particular, and in the end, this has cost him dearly, in political terms. The way “others”, particularly minorities in The Gambia, viewed him, and the way he presented himself did not also help his cause, particularly when he became Foreign Affairs Minister and wielded enormous political power at the time, thereby adding fuel to the fire, as it were. Rightly or wrongly, there was a widespread perception that he promoted exclusionary tactics, favouritism, and cronyism in his former posts of both Foreign Affairs Minister and Vice President. Furthermore, as a president-in-waiting, I think it is also a fair statement to say that Ousainu Darboe was prone to making unforced errors, through poor or tactless decision-making, which no doubt also cast a cloud over his political judgement.

Therefore, UDP losing this year’s presidential election has to be blamed, to a large extent, on a catalogue of errors on the part of the UDP leadership, chief of which included complacency – the party’s ill-advised go-it-alone stance (being too comfortable and confident of victory), and also making the fundamental mistake of allowing others (mainly opponents, especially Yahya Jammeh) to continue to define who the UDP leader was, thereby controlling the narrative endlessly. Interestingly, the UDP did not also like the use of the words, “coalition”, “alliance”. The party’s leaders preferred the “endorsement” of their presidential candidate, as opposed to the formation of a “coalition” or an “alliance”.

In fact, ahead of the presidential election, I personally engaged one or two members of the party’s leadership trying to impress them on the urgency of forming a grand opposition coalition, but they made it loud and clear to me at the time, that they were only looking for “endorsement” from other political parties and not necessarily the formation of a coalition or an alliance. Of course, the other mistake UDP also committed, in my view, was to have seen this year’s presidential election as mere ethnic censuses, in which Gambian voters would vote predominantly for co-ethnic political parties and presidential candidates. For example, I heard a prominent UDP militant repeatedly peddle – on YouTube – very unconvincing arithmetical postulations around the number of registered voters from the respective ethnic groups in The Gambia and how this ethnic arithmetic would favour UDP.

You see, before Adama Barrow parted ways with the UDP, I argued on this medium in 2018 to be precise, that the December 2021 presidential lection was UDP’s to lose, because an undivided or unified UDP, in simple terms, would be formidable and unbeatable, having got the real or raw numbers, in relation to the demographic make-up of the Gambian population. Simply put, the UDP already carried the support of the largest demographics in the country after National Assembly and local government elections and that was likely to determine the results of the December 2021 presidential election. I said at the time that the ethno-linguistic distribution or composition of the population of The Gambia will play a big role in who would make it to the Gambian presidency. In sum, the winner of the 2021 Presidential election will have largely been determined by these key demographics: women, youths, rural vote, the two must-win jurisdictions of West Coast Region and Kanifing Municipality and the Mandinka majority. Of course, there could have been some overlaps between these demographic groups. For example, a young rural voter could also straddle both the youth vote and the Mandinka majority cohort.

But of course, on my part, I included a clear caveat that UDP will only have or win the Gambian presidency if Ousainu Darboe did not miscalculate, in which case the UDP could lose it. I had warned at the time that various scenarios can play out to frustrate or hamper Darboe’s chances of winning the presidency. Having assessed each one of these possible scenarios, I concluded at the time (and this was in 2018 before Barrow and Darboe came to their parting of ways) that the nightmare scenarios for the UDP was one where you would have a disunited party with both Adama Barrow and Ousainu Darboe running against each other as presidential candidates in the December 2021 presidential election, because potentially, the two men would take natural votes from each other. A breakaway faction of the UDP, led by incumbent President Barrow, was always going to prove to be Ousainu Darboe’s political nemesis.

Why did the Republicans (UDP) lose in the elections

The UDP lost not because they aren’t a commanding force but because they divorced the silent majority that they needed the most.

The UDP lost not because they do not love and intend good for our country The Gambia, they lost because they substituted the art of political persuasion with unruly behavior and intimidation by a majority diaspora contingent that unfortunately have no voters cards to decide.

The UDP lost not because they do not have a majority peaceful membership but lost because they have a rotten few whose pleasure is derived from cursing people sometimes as old as their parents and imaginarily disenfranchising and displacing any who dares disagree with them because for them, it is always their way or the highway.

The UDP lost not because they do not have people within them that have the potentials and technical know-how of stirring the affairs of our dear motherland to the dreamland. They lost because they refused to embrace the early warnings issued by well-meaning Gambians about the fear a few bunch of her militants have been instilling in the hearts and minds of peace loving electorates who in their own words are okay continuing with an incompetent Barrow than welcoming an intimidating UDP – an echo that roamed every corner of Gambia before, during and even after the elections because it was voting against the UDP, not for competency in the presidency.

But how soon can the UDP forget that it is the dislike of fear that made Jammeh and his APRC lose in 2016?

The UDP lost not because they aren’t a committed and resilient party. In fact they’re in my view, and until the elections, the party with the most committed and resilient membership but they lost because some of her membership mistaken belonging to the party for the ugly cause of “we vs them” as demonstrated many times by the rogue ones amongst them before the elections.

The UDP lost not because they weren’t prepared for what lies ahead in terms of electioneering but lost because they didn’t realize that some of her members especially online have over the course of the past five years costed and caused enormous damage in our society that aroused a protest vote against what the majority voters perceived as fear of tribalism, bigotry, disenfranchisement, profanity, profiling and unaccountable pride manifested by a bunch of the UDP supporters on and offline which was known to the leadership of the party but ignored because it was probably serving its purpose – shutting up and atmost scaring away the very people they’ll need and meet at the polls on their dream journey of disembarking at the State House.

Yes, the UDP lost because they have the “TRRC” and “sansanding bolong-baa” fora for cursing people including their long dead parents instead of a “boka loho” or “nyo daayma” forum to entice voters which was needed for the realization or birth of a “Yellow Nation”.

They lost in the most painful way – on their last chance as a commanding and solitary party, on the last participation of their founding party leader, to one of their own making and probably by the biggest margin of their five presidential election defeats in history.

The UDP lost because they cared less about the respect that the silent majority deserved and got punished badly by that same silent majority in the most painful way.

However, her local militants especially my polite and peace loving friends and sisters Hawa, Sainabou, and Jainaba who have invested so much in time, sweat and resources in pushing for what would have been a well deserved victory for the party and most especially uncle Darboe, deserves an unreserved apology from the unruly bunch mainly in the diaspora that accorded the party futility in this election.

Yes, I mean an apology.

Lessons though are meant for reflection in order to learn the headway and so do I hope that the Republicans as I fondly call them, will together with the rest of the other political parties learn from this bitter lesson as means of avoiding repeats.

~ Muhammed Teks Tekanyi

#GambiansHaveSpoken

 

 

LAMIN NJIE – OPINION: If politics was religion, Halifa Sallah would be first to enter heaven. As he bows out, I can only thank him for his loyalty to nation

The end has arrived for Halifa Sallah – he has announced he is retiring from representation. The PDOIS leader will not seek political office ever again.

It’s actually strange that Halifa had a troubled career as a politician. It’s said a man must have a sinless character for him to be able to achieve certain things in life. That simply is not true with Halifa. His perfect character trait has cost him.

Halifa voted on Saturday and cried while talking to reporters. There’s only one thing that made him cry: Gambians are going to miss an opportunity to put the best man in office. He knew he wasn’t going to win and that broke his heart.

This election was important in many ways. It’s the election that will finally set Gambia on true democracy. Anyone who won must spearhead this. That person must also deliver a Gambia where the economy is thriving and citizens have decent jobs to be able to take care of themselves and their families.

If Halifa would have made a good choice? I believe so. He surely has the competence and ideas to run a government that would live up to expectation. But Halifa scoring just a little over 30,000 votes in the election shows just how far this man has continued to fall as a politician. Halifa is really not meant to be president.

But Halifa has done his part. He has lived a life of dignity as politician. He is not greedy and has been ruled by his conscience in the over 30 years he has been a politician. We will not have his sort again.

And before I go, I want to say if politics is religion where the first rule is to have the best of characters, Halifa would actually be the first person from Gambia to enter heaven. But politics is not religion after all.

UDP should stand down!

By Madi Jobarteh

The leadership of UDP need to ask their members to stand down and allow NPP to peacefully celebrate their victory.

UDP should go to the courtroom and not on the street. The election results cannot be overturned on the street. Hence UDP will bear responsibility if violence erupts in this country!

Lawyer Darboe should understand that he bears command responsibility for the actions of his supporters in this circumstance, just as every other supporter also bears individual responsibility if they violate the law.

The leadership of UDP has legal capacity to know better. Therefore Lawyer Darboe should put it to his supporters to stand down ASAP. They have no reason whatsoever to be on the street. They must follow due process.

President Adama Barrow and the NPP are the winners of the December 4 elections until the next elections in 2026 or if the Supreme Court annuls the results. Until then there’s no justification for their current actions and no one has any power to overturn the verdict of the people.

UDP leadership should be honest to their membership especially the uninformed youths and not give them any false impressions or expectations.

NPP should be let to celebrate as they wish peacefully and without violence. All other parties should give them space. This would have been the case if it were Ousainou Darboe or Halifa Sallah or Essa Faal or any other candidate who was declared by the IEC Chairman as the duly elected president.

For the moment the duly elected president is Adama Barrow of NPP. Therefore let’s give NPP the chance and space to celebrate their victory. Period.

The men and women of conscience in UDP who are honest and brave should impress on their leadership and membership to stand down! The actions of their members are undemocratic, uncivil  and unnecessarily irresponsible.

All other political leaders, religious and traditional as well as business and CSO leaders and all men and women of conscience should speak up by telling truth to Ousainou Darboe and UDP to stand down. Go to court and not on the street!

For The Gambia ?? Our Homeland

LAMIN NJIE – OPINION: The two men who have impressed me most as field commanders for their parties are Seedy Njie and Momodou Sabally

If there are any political battlefield commanders who have done an incredible job for their parties in the lead up to this election, it’s Seedy Njie and Momodou Sabally.

Hate them or love them, Seedy Njie and Momodou Sabally have shown every fidelity and devotion to having their leaders win tomorrow’s election.

Seedy has at every turn been about President Barrow while Momodou Sabally has been about Darboe. Both men have spent the past months talking to voters, asking them to vote for their leader.

Commanders are all about winning wars. These two gentlemen are really commanders. Only that their mission has been to hand State House to their leaders – and really, never for once did they tire from this mission.

These men incidentally serve father and son, who as fate would turn out are also the two heavyweight contenders in this mammoth contest. However this goes, Seedy and Sabally should feel proud of what they have done for their leaders. Sabally even got the Commando sobriquet thanks his to service.

Still, Tomorrow’s election is set to live up to the hype and excitement. My grandmother who is close to 90 years old travelled alone this evening from Busumbala to our house in Ebo Town just for the election. And when I enquired if she will not have an issue identifying the candidate she will vote for among a staggering six candidates, she responded she has more experienced in voting than any of us. She is excited.

 

 

 

Elections and the Origin of our Discontents

As Gambians go to the polls in less than 72 hours, it’s hard to muster enthusiasm for any of the top candidates.

Barrow is in the habit of spewing bald lies with a straight face, surrounded by mediocrity and incompetence. His greatest accomplishment seems to be leaving Gambia worse than he found it. This is no mean feat, given the person he took over from, Jammeh.

Lawyer Darboe seems more concerned about what being president means for him than what he can do for The Gambia. He had no problem supporting Barrow for three years as foreign minister and vice-president, while Gambians’ dreams of reform and better governance receded. I don’t see a Darboe government embarking on the radical changes needed to move the country forward.

Mama Kandeh’ alliance with APRC casts doubts on his ability to escape the influence and clutches of former leader, Yahya Jammeh. Despite allegations of human rights violations, Jammeh still retains immense influence among Gambian voters. It’s challenging to see a marked departure from corruption and governance deficits of the past if a president Kandeh stays politically wedded to Jammeh.

In the ultimate analysis, it’s futile nurturing any attachment to outcomes in the process. If the majority of Gambians want a better life, they should use this opportunity to elect people of competence and integrity.

Incompetence and corruption should not be rewarded with blind loyalty. If Gambians choose to squander such an historic opportunity for change, then they should be well prepared to bear the consequences.

There’s not going to be any solace from above or below. The country we want is not gonna be handed to us, we have to build it.

Sainey Darboe, Vancouver,Washington

ELECTION REFLECTION – An assessment of the candidates for the December 4, 2021 Elections in The Gambia

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By Sana Sarr

In less than 5 days, Gambians head to the polls to elect the next president of the republic. From having well over 20 declared aspirants, the pool has been narrowed down to only 6 candidates on the ballot. Since Gambians not currently living in the country have been denied the right to vote, I decided to contribute by sharing my opinion on the different candidates we are presented with.

 

IEC, GMC and CA- The Referee and the Disqualified

 

Dr. Ismaila Ceesay (Citizens Alliance – CA) and Mai Ahmad Fatty (Gambia Moral Congress – GMC)

 

It’s refreshing to see these two candidates and their parties enter the political arena and put their names in contention for the presidency. Fatty has been active with his GMC for over a decade now but this is the first time his name is on the ballot for the presidency. Ceesay, the youngest candidate, is a political science lecturer at the University of The Gambia and leads the Citizens Alliance which has inspired a lot of young people to actively participate in the party politics. After much work by their respective parties to build political capital, the Independent Electoral Commission, IEC, disqualified both candidates and declared them ineligible to contest in the presidential elections. Both candidates sued the IEC and were vindicated by the courts. Judgement is that both men should be reinstated on the ballot. Unfortunately, there’s not much time. The IEC has done irreparable damage to their chances because there simply is not enough time for either candidate to prepare adequately for this election cycle.

 

Abdoulie Jammeh (National Unity Party – NUP)

 

Who??? – I’m sorry but I simply don’t know enough about this candidate or his party to comment on them. Therefore, call me biased but I hereby disqualify them from my commentary.

The Independent Electoral Commission – IEC

 

The Good – In 2016, the IEC, under the leadership of Alieu Momar Njie, did what many, including myself, thought nobody would dare. They risked their lives to uphold the will of the Gambian people by declaring that the dictator had lost the election. What could be more important in a democracy!

 

The Bad – Unfortunately, that heroic stance was quickly followed by an unforced error that could have led to a civil war and it almost did. The IEC announced that they made some counting errors in the initial results they announced. Sure enough, the dictator capitalized on the error, tried to reject the election results and had to be compelled by military forces to leave. We dodged a bullet – or bullets and bombs.

The IEC has also failed to facilitate diaspora voting. Despite being heavily invested in the country and sending remittances which feed many homes on the ground, Gambians living abroad are denied the opportunity to vote in elections. This is an injustice that the IEC should have corrected but refused to.

Most recently, a court in The Gambia found that the IEC wrongfully disqualified two candidates (Dr. Ismaila Ceesay and Mai Ahmad Fatty of Citizens Alliance(CA) and Gambia Moral Congress (GMC) respectively) from contesting in the upcoming elections.

 

The Concern – The foundation of our democracy is for people to have confidence in the integrity of the process. The errors in 2016 and the recent court rulings in favor of CA and GMC undermine that confidence and put the nation at risk of civil unrest. Like we saw in 2016, all it takes is for a losing party or candidate to reject election results and the country can go into flames. The IEC must do better and avoid such juvenile mistakes in order to maintain public trust. These errors also deprive voters of the opportunity to vote for their preferred candidates. Additionally, it can weaken our democracy by leading to voter apathy when the electorate, especially the youth, feel that they cannot trust the referee of our elections. Finally, a public institution losing court cases  carries an expensive bill that will be passed on to the tax papers.

 

ELECTION REFLECTION – The Outsiders

 

Mama Kandeh (Gambia Democratic Congress – GDC)

 

The Good – Kandeh was a factor in the 2016 elections that got rid of the dictator. While some believe that his refusal to join the coalition back then took votes away from Coalition2016 and increased the dictator’s chances of winning, others argue that Kandeh in fact took votes away from the dictator. Either way, I give him credit for participating and continuing to engage communities since 2016.

 

The Bad – Sadly, Kandeh proved his lack of integrity by entering into some sort of partnership with the evil that is Jammeh. Lo and behold, all that rhetoric since 2016 of wanting to usher in change was hot air.

 

The Concern – Like many in the political arena, all he is interested in is a chance to loot like the dictator. Kandeh has never cared about Jammeh’s victims or our collective victimhood as a nation. His desperation for power is all that matters to him and there’s nothing he wouldn’t do to achieve it.

 

 

 

Essa Mbye Faal (Independent)

 

The Good – First of all, I am glad Faal ignored all the detractors who said he should not have entered the race. The argument that he used the TRRC to gain popularity is nonsense. So is the accusation that his presidential bid somehow undermines the credibility of the TRRC. Faal did not hire himself for that job. The National Assembly ordered for the commission. Faal felt he was qualified, applied and was deemed suitable to carry out the task. His job was to lead the witnesses in their testimony. He completed that task with excellence and then submitted his resignation before announcing his presidential bid. Completing and submitting the report is a job for others – Chairman Ceesay and the Commissioners. The decision to implement the recommendations or to reject them is for the executive, the national assembly and the Gambian people, and none of them need Faal to do their jobs, so all that noise was nothing but a distraction.

 

The Bad – Although his resume shows great success as a lawyer, we really don’t know too much about Faal as a politician. Personally, I drew a lot from his recent debate with Halifa Sallah, and I was not at all impressed by his grasp of governance or his policy chops, or maybe it was just his approach that let him down. From what I saw, whereas Citizens Alliance’s Ismaila Ceesay appeared to show too much reverence to Sallah, Faal came into that debate trying too hard to prove that he was not intimidated by the seasoned Sallah. He was overly and unnecessarily hostile and focused too much on attacking Sallah at the expense of selling his own agenda. For example, when Sallah spoke about making healthcare facilities more accessible around the country, Faal deliberately misrepresented Sallah’s statements with a strawman argument tactic, making it appear as if Sallah meant that he would build hospitals in every village in the country. He then ridiculed the idea. This move puts Faal’s intellectual honesty into question for me and suggests that he was not so comfortable discussing his own ideas. Additionally, Faal resorted to the old and extremely tired tactic to shout “socialism”, “communism” at the PDOIS – a gimmick that has been beaten to death by the PPP and APRC at every opportunity.

 

The Concern – In that debate, Faal gave the vibe that his ego and desire to prove his superiority undermines his intellect. I fear that should he be elected to the Presidency, there’s a big possibility that rather than acknowledge when he is wrong, he may have a tendency to dig in and try to “lawyer” his way out of situations. This can prove costly for the country. My second concern is whether Faal will be able to work with others. If he has been incapable of joining or forming a political party, and has shown little to no interest in any form of collaboration with anyone, what is to convince one that Essa will be able to lead a government. Yes, he can get Ministers to do what he wants because he can hire and fire them, but how effective can a President be in our form of democracy if he has no support in parliament?

 

ELECTION REFLECTION – The Son

 

President Adama Barrow (National People’s Party – NPP) – “When you’re campaigning you can say anything”

 

The Good – Say what you will about him, but there’s no denying that Barrow (eventually) agreed to be the name at the top of the coalition ticket to challenge the dictator. Gambians rallied behind the coalition and kicked out the dictator.
Since then, setting up commissions of inquiry like the Janneh commission and the TRRC are both notable achievements. I know he has not followed through with the recommendations of the Janneh Commission and there are doubts that he will honor the TRRC report, but at least the reports are both documented and subsequent administrations can go back to them. Gambians also learned the truth about the evil that was the 22 year rule of Jammeh.
The Barrow administration has also ushered in a new era of tolerance and freedom of expression. He deserves some credit for all of that.

 

The Bad – Unfortunately, Barrow has been the biggest disappointment to Gambians. Yes, a bigger disappointment than Jammeh. Jammeh forced himself on the nation and there were no expectations. The opposite is true for Barrow. Gambians all over the world pulled together their human and capital resources, and risked everything, to elect Barrow. After all the sacrifices, Adama Barrow has proven to be the most ungrateful individual in the history of the country. He fired his coalition partners, including his self-proclaimed political father, Darboe. Barrow then reneged on the coalition’s  agreement for him to  govern for only  three years  and not contest in the first elections after the transition period. He further proved that he lacks integrity ,  and should not be trusted when he stated in an interview that “…when you’re campaigning, you can say anything…” Finally, Barrow proved that no garbage is too filthy for him when he tried to form a coalition with the dictator that Gambians elected him to replace. To his shame, even the lowlife that is Yaya Jammeh refused to do business with Barrow and rejected his unholy advances. This betrayal of Gambians, especially victims of Jammeh, is unforgivable to me, not just for Barrow, but also for all those who continue to endorse  or defend  him.

 

The Concern – While I’m annoyed and disappointed by Barrow’s betrayals, I’m not in the camp that fears that Barrow will turn into a dictator.  I know better than to trust Barrow, but I also would like to believe that Gambians  will not stand by and watch Barrow grow horns. We endured dictatorship under Jammeh and refuse to revert to that era.. My biggest concern with Barrow is that the man is simply incompetent. While he has guidance from Makie and has been improving his political acumen, the man is grossly incompetent and lacks the intellectual curiosity to have a good enough grasp of governance. Currently, many  -including domestic and international businessmen, his ministers and advisors, international governments – recognize his ineptitude and are rushing  to grab as much as they can. My fear is that another 5 years with this dude at the helm will be too costly. National resources will be sold for peanuts and we will sign deals that will continue to cripple the nation for generations, if not forever!

 

 

ELECTION REFLECTION – The Father

Ousainou Darboe (United Democratic Party – UDP) – “Barrow is our Barrow, come rain, come shine…we will never abandon our Barrow”

 

The Good – There is no question that Darboe sacrificed a lot and worked very hard to fight against the dictatorship. His party, the UDP, was also instrumental in many watershed moments for the country, including the sacrifices by Solo Sandeng, Nogoi Njie and others.

 

The Bad – Unfortunately, as Darboe himself has told us time and time again, the UDP gave us Adama Barrow. Since Darboe took credit for Barrow when things were smooth between Father and Son, Darboe and the UDP must also shoulder a huge chunk of the blame for Barrow’s betrayals and failures. Barrow and Darboe told us that Darboe was Barrow’s political father. Darboe was Barrow’s Foreign Affairs Minister and later Vice President. He stood with Barrow when Barrow was firing members of the coalition like Mai Fatty and Fatoumatta Jallow Tambajang. Even if you want to cry that Darboe should not be blamed for Barrow’s betrayal, I’ll tell you that even if we wanted to believe that, the UDP is still guilty of being a poor judge of character. Barrow was with them for over a decade. Not only did they fail to recognize his lack of integrity, they trusted him to be their treasurer hawma hayam, and later presented such a (insert all the criticism leveled at Barrow by Darboe and the UDP supporters now) to lead the coalition. Why should Gambians now trust in their judgement when they present another candidate for the presidency?
Ok, let’s put aside blaming Darboe and the UDP for Barrow’s failures. Let’s judge him only on his own merit, shall we?
Before Barrow, Darboe was the first one to betray the coalition. When others called for coalition members to put up coalition candidates for the National Assembly, he flatly refused, choosing instead to present UDP candidates because he prioritized the UDP over national interest. Coalition 2016 was practically dead and the term “Tactical Alliance” was born. As he predicted, UDP swept the national assembly seats and had an overwhelming majority capable of making the laws we so desperately yearned for including the electoral reforms Solo Sandeng died for. Unfortunately, they were not interested in any of that, and the only law that changed was the one extending the age for the presidency. This was self-serving because it allowed Darboe to become the Vice President. And when it came to the coalition agreement for Barrow to step down after 3 years, Darboe, not Barrow, was the first one to threaten to sue anyone who demanded for Barrow to step down after 3 years. He insisted that Barrow should stay on and govern for 5 years. I may have sympathized with his position if only I believed that it was true, unadulterated belief as the right thing. Unfortunately, that position was replaced first by excuses, stories and long-winded explanations soon after Darboe fell out with his adopted political son. Sure enough, he quickly fell on the other side of the argument, calling for Barrow to step aside after 3 years. The 180 degree turn on that and other positions proved to anyone with doubts that it was only about political expediency and never about national interest or justice. It is no better than Barrow’s inconsistency (wakh-wakhet), and it’s a disqualifier for me any day.

 

The Concern – Of equal concern to the questionable integrity of the leadership is the unchecked hostility and intolerance often displayed by many UDP supporters. It is worrying that so many party supporters are quick to attack, insult, or try to intimidate anyone who dares to disagree with the party or its leadership. One recent example is the calls to boycott The Fatu Network, QTV and GRTS! Seriously, if the party is not yet in power but is trying to intimidate these media houses, it’s scary to imagine the level of hostility if they were to be in power??? Although most of this is not coming from the recognized leaders, their failure to outright condemn it makes them complicit in the hostility. I cannot help reminding you that not too long ago, the UDP number 2 leader, Aji Yam Secka,  proudly stoked tribal politics when she declared, knowingly and unapologetically, that “nying mu baadingyaa fasaa leh ti” – a demagogic cry appealing to the people’s basest instincts.

 

ELECTION REFLECTION – The Promise

 

Halifa Sallah – (People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism – PDOIS) – “There is no system change”

 

The Good – Although it’s the oldest political party in the country still in existence, the PDOIS has been the most consistent in its ideas, methods and approach. Whether or not that’s a good thing may be debatable, but they are who they are and have never wavered to gain popularity or economic opportunities. They have called out government excesses by the PPP, APRC and now the NPP, and never bowed to pressure or intimidation. They have also never been tempted by economic gains or positions of power.
Over the years, they have been engaged in several meaningful community service projects that many Gambians are not aware of, including civic education and adult literacy at the village level.

Finally, during the impasse in 2016, when civil unrest seemed imminent, Gambians  fled across the border to become refugees in Senegal. The nation seemed to be at the most vulnerable point it has ever been in and Halifa Sallah was the voice that we heard. He stepped to the plate and provided a firm but reassuring voice and steady hands in just the perfect dose that we needed to ride that wave. His experience and grasp of the issues affecting Gambians is on par with any expert. His love for the country is unquestioned and his integrity is beyond reproach.

 

The Bad – Ironically, PDOIS’ “consistency”   is perhaps also its greatest political weakness. The party’s uncompromising attitude on their convictions makes it extremely difficult to bring “outsiders” into the party. They refuse to play the politics that we know works in a society like ours. Additionally, the leadership, especially Halifa Sallah, often comes across as a “know it all”, which tends to rub many the wrong way. I cannot understand why, despite the deep pool of talents within their ranks, it seems like only Halifa runs to speak and appear on everything PDOIS! After having existed since the 1980s, one would expect the party to have groomed some “mini-Halifas” and empowered them into leadership positions by now. Maybe they exist but I certainly have not seen them. The fact that Halifa could also be dragged into a political debate by one of the PDOIS followers bickering with someone on Twitter was rather disappointing and supported the notion that he is incapable of accepting criticism.

 

The Concern – With everything said, I have no doubt that Halifa Sallah of PDOIS is the best candidate for the job, and the others are not even close. However, I have heard too many people tell me that they’re voting for Barrow because they’re afraid of a UDP government, and many others tell me that they’ll vote for Darboe because Barrow is clueless. It’s sad when many Gambians tell me that they believe Halifa Sallah would make the best president but that they’ll vote for another candidate because they don’t think Halifa can win. Of course he can win if enough of you vote for him! I hope Gambians vote their conscience based solely on who they sincerely believe will make the best president to usher in the changes we all claim to  desire for our country.

STATEMENT BY THE FATU NETWORK REGARDING MEDIA COVERAGE FOR UDP

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We have learnt that some UDP supporters have expressed concern that The Fatu Network has not been covering their party’s campaign. Some supporters of the party over the weekend hit our outside broadcast van in Brikama in a show of protest – as our team was covering the return to Banjul of PDOIS’ campaign team.
To set the record straight, we did reach out to the party through its spokesman Almamy Taal at the start of campaign for us to cover the party’s campaign. He said will speak to the media and communications director Amadou Scattred Janneh to reach out to us. We did
not hear from them.
We would like to state that it has been difficult for us to cover UDP’s activities as some of the supporters have been quite unfriendly towards TFN and have promoted the idea of all UDP supporters to refuse to speak to TFN. We have also run into difficulty in getting any of the party’s leaders on our platform in the past weeks and months.
During the coverage of the nomination, some UDP members working as security for the party laid siege to our coverage tent to pull away any UDP supporter who wanted to speak to our editor Lamin Njie who was on air.
While we remain committed to equal opportunity to all Gambians in the spirit of fairness, we however cannot force anyone to be on our platform.
The Fatu Network Management.

AMBASSADOR RICHARD CARL PASCHALL – OpEd: Celebrating the Sound of Democracy

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These past few weeks, The Gambia has been filled with the sights and sounds of the embrace of democracy. All around, people are discussing the presidential election, debating the issues, and questioning the candidates. Both elders and youth sport their preferred candidates’ colors and cheer them on at campaign appearances. And, at the U.S. Embassy, we couldn’t miss the noise of the crowds as they escorted their parties’ standard-bearers to the Election House to formally nominate their candidate in mid-November. It was deafening – but the energy, the sound of democracy, was infectious.

I can only imagine that all these sounds are music to Gambians’ ears. Such beautiful sounds were far more muted just five years ago when freedom of expression was stifled, and opposition leaders jailed. It took the courageous Gambian people to go to the polls and change the course of history, inspiring those who aspire for democracy around the world. The resolve of the Gambian people is what made what we see today possible.

Today, The Gambia is a different place, and the United States celebrates the transformation that is underway. We join with the Gambian people in dreaming big to envision a brighter future of democracy and prosperity. This is why we are now investing more than $50 million in programs to advance democracy and human rights, along with development programs that foster economic prosperity. In November, for example, the United States signed a $25 million Millennium Challenge Corporation agreement with the Gambian government to launch a threshold project focused on supporting Gambian-led initiatives to improve The Gambia’s energy and electricity sector.

So much positive change does not come about without resolve and intention. The positive energy comes from Gambians young and old who are overwhelmingly committed to civic engagement and peacefully participating in the democratic process. Earlier this year, I saw this myself as we traveled throughout the country and visited even the smallest villages where people were lined up, calmly, to register to vote. I talked to hundreds of people, including many women eager to be part of the process and make important choices for their families. And young people, so full of vigor, said that they were excited to make decisions that would impact their futures.

While some parties missed out on the opportunity presented by a live, televised presidential debate to take their message to the Gambian people and demonstrate what clearly sets them apart from the other candidates, we applaud the candidates willing to do so through the Commission on Public Debates’ presidential debates. Gambian voters will only benefit from the opportunity to see those aspiring for the presidency answer a moderator’s questions, especially when submitted by citizens themselves.

As the vote draws near, we encourage all to continue the goodwill and peaceful competition of ideas we have seen thus far. We are confident that whether engaging in political discussions in person or on social media, the traditional Gambian cultural trait of treating others with dignity and respect – friend, family, or stranger –will be on display for all the world to learn from and admire.

We also take note that all the candidates have publicly committed to accepting the election results and the will of the Gambian voters, whether they win or lose, and are committed to working together to build a stronger Gambia. As I have said, the United States does not take sides in endorsing any candidate. Our top “candidate” is a peaceful continuation – and strengthening – of democracy. The will of the people, the active involvement of the Gambian people, is what must ultimately win.

On election day, our Embassy will be working in coordination with international partners and Gambian civil society organization to observe and support electoral processes across The Gambia. Our goal is to help ensure what we expect will be credible, free, and transparent election procedures.

Since this is my first Gambian presidential election, I am eager to watch as Gambians drop their marbles in the drums –a somewhat different process than in the United States. I can’t wait to hear those marbles drop, which is yet another encouraging sound of democracy in action. And most of all, it is the sound of #PeacefulVoteSmilingCoast.

The writer, R. Carl Paschall, is the Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of The Gambia.

Error-prone IEC Tainting Its Reputation to Conduct Free, Fair and Credible Elections

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By Dibba Chaku

The Independent Electoral Commission being the referee responsible for conducting elections in The Gambia should drift away from being notorious for habitual errors and gravitate towards operational excellence for the citizens to continue to have confidence in the electioneering process. This is a Commission that received a plethora of commendation for the pivotal role it played in ensuring that the will of the Gambian people was not subverted in the 2016 presidential election. One would have expected the IEC to build on that success, but the habitual errors and the feckless performance from this institution is forcing us to question the level of preparedness of the referee in this year’s election.

The last time that The Gambia had a presidential election was in December of 2016. One institution that is certainly not oblivious of the fact that the next round of presidential elections will be held in December 2021 is the IEC. That gives them ample time to prepare for this monumental event by streamlining and improving on their processes from voter registration, nomination of candidates, to the conduct of the elections. How did they perform at the voter registration stage? They issued a statement-long press release that the registration exercise was postponed until further notice, just a week before the commencement date of the voter registration. After the registration exercise, they told us that there were multiple registrations by some people. The IEC retracted that statement later by saying that was an error on their part. Then came the nominations which they made look like it was some WAEC exam meant to set a trap for candidates to fall into, and many fell into that trap, hence the many rejections. The sequel of events surrounding the CA and GMC court cases against the IEC is a clear indication that the institution’s performance is just not good enough.

The final leg of this contest is the casting of the ballots, collation, and declaration of the winner. The IEC keeps inundating us with the assurance that the presidential election will be free, fair, and credible. We may not doubt that but their track record of committing errors, and inability to do it right the first time are reasons to question their level of preparedness. Looking at the number of candidates contesting in this year’s elections, the tenacity of Gambians in the democratization process, and the euphoria surrounding the political campaign, it is without a jot of doubt that this election is unprecedented. Therefore, the independent referee to conduct such a high-stake election cannot be unprepared and unbothered. They need to dot their i’s and cross their t’s come December 4. Failing to do that means this institution does not understand that its decisions and actions have more profound consequences than one may think. Election 2021 is a monumental event that Gambian voters are looking forward to, considering the level of political activity in the country despite the global pandemic that has ravaged communities and confronted every level of the world economy. The quality of refereeing in this national event should neither be mediocre nor feckless.

 

QNET Strengthens its Commitment to Sustainability with Global Reforestation Initiative by partnering with EcoMatcher to launch Green Legacy with Forests in three global locations to combat climate change

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Reiterating its commitment towards sustainability, e-commerce based direct selling company, QNET, announced its new Green Legacy programme in partnership with Certified B Corporation, EcoMatcher with the planting of three new forests in Kenya, UAE, and the Philippines.

The United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) identify reforestation and sustainable forest management as key to combating climate change. QNET understands the critical role of forests in the livelihoods, ecology, culture, and health of the communities in which it operates. The Green Legacy initiative is QNET’s commitment to actively protect nature by planting trees that help improve local ecosystems and generate sustainable agro-forestry livelihoods for local communities.

The initiative is also in line with the recent commitment by more than 100 global leaders at the 2021 COP26 Climate Summit in Glasgow to end and reverse deforestation and land degradation by 2030, signaling the beginning of a coordinated global endeavour targeted at reversing climate change.

EcoMatcher, a certified social enterprise and the world’s first blockchain-enabled digital tree-planting platform, works with carefully selected and vetted environmental organisations from around the world to enable companies to incorporate tree-planting into their business. Via the EcoMatcher app, QNET can track every tree’s performance on a mobile device through ID geolocation, learn each tree’s story — its species, plant date, farmer and more, and even engage with each tree while tracking its carbon impact with easy-to-use dashboards.

Through this partnership, QNET has launched the first phase of the Green Legacy programme by planting forests comprising 1000 trees each in the UAE, Kenya and the Philippines. The programme contributes to UN’s SDGs 10 (Reduced Inequalities), 13 (Climate Action), and 15 (Life on Land). The three QNET forests collectively support the families of 15 planters in these countries and will sequester 750 tonnes of CO2 over the lifetime of the trees.

In the Philippines, the forests with indigenous trees are being planted in the Sierra Madre Mountain range, in the UAE, mangrove trees are being planted along the western coast of Dubai, and in Kenya, the QNET forest is being planted in the degraded forest lands of Embu County in Eastern Kenya.

“Our commitment to reforestation in these communities goes much deeper. We are in a long-term partnership to ensure these forests thrive long into the future while meeting the needs and desires of each community. QNET is building a Green Legacy to protect the planet for all of us. These three forests are just the beginning. We will work closely with EcoMatcher and other environmental organisations to identify the global footprint of the QNET forests over the next few years.” Says Mr Biram Fall, Regional General Manager, QNET Subsaharian Africa.

Forests support more than 80% of the world’s land species and protect 75% of our freshwater. They reduce the risk of natural disasters such as floods and landslides, and more than 1.6 billion people depend on forests for their livelihood. According to the World Wildlife Fund, tropical forests are losing more than 30 football fields worth of trees every minute. To catch up with deforestation by 2050, the world would need to grow enough trees to cover an area 18 times the size of Nigeria.

QNET’s Green Legacy initiative complements the company’s long-held commitment to sustainability exemplified through its policies such as banning single-use plastic in all its offices.

QNET is taking a future-ready stance and focusing on sustainable practices that lessen its environmental impact and protects its employees and communities through multiple avenues, such as developing products strategically and holistically, ensuring an ethical supply chain, and promoting a sustainable corporate culture.

“To say we are planting trees is perfunctory,” says Malou Caluza, QNET CEO. “As a global company with nearly a thousand employees and millions of customers in approximately 100 countries, QNET is committed to being a purpose driven company that is driving change in the lives of our people, our communities, and the planet.” adds Caluza.

 

About QNET

QNET is one of Asia’s leading e-commerce based direct selling companies offering a wide range of health, wellness and lifestyle products that enable people to lead better lives. QNET’s grassroots business model fuelled by the power of e-commerce has helped empower millions of entrepreneurs in more than 100 countries worldwide.

QNET is headquartered in Hong Kong and has a presence in more than 25 countries around the world through subsidiaries, branch offices, agency partnerships, and franchisees.

Is the UDP that desperate to accept the despicable Sidi Sanneh’s endorsement?

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Sidi Sanneh, the despondent Gambian octogenarian infamous for living a worthless and quarantined life in the USA has finally come out last night to endorse Lawyer Ousainou Darbo and the UDP in the December presidential race.

I am not necessarily advising the UDP not to accept the endorsement of the ignoramus but if they really plan to do so I only hope they will think twice or read this paper first before making it public.

To start with Sidi is notorious for every reason imaginable about an underachiever and is a genius in using his reprehensible track record as source of weapons to fabricate all sorts of allegations against his perceived enemies whether real or imagined.

After futilely trying every conceivable machination to gain employment from President Barrow he now as habitual digs deep into his reservoir of toxicity for weapons to spew against our well-loved president. Sidi Sanneh a man whose name during the PPP government was synonymous with corruption, scandalously committed the worst economic crimes in the Gambia as a tender-board member especially at the education department; and while working at the ADB in Ivory Coast was dishonorably dismissed and denied all his retirement benefits due to his unscrupulousness with the Bank’s funds; amazingly, this idiot was yesterday accusing  President Adama Barrow of being a corrupt leader. I am not making this up at all!

That said, if you want to know the most loathed scumbag in the so-called “diaspora” look for no person other than Sidi Sanneh whose record of treachery, untrustworthiness and deception matches none today. He again wants to reverse that hatred against him to accuse President Barrow of venting malicious remarks against those living in the diaspora. He shamelessly tried to associate himself with the positive “Diasporans” contributing immensely to the Gambian economy through remittance when he has no job and has never sent a dime here; but that aside, who has ever heard President Adama Barrow making any derogatory remarks against the hundreds and thousands of Gambians living and working honestly abroad that prompted this jackass to fabricate such nonsense? Other than consistently praising them, he has never discredited or degraded any of their efforts.

As a matter of fact, the last time I checked, the overwhelming majority of Gambians currently living abroad are in total support of President Barrow and his government and are zealously rooting for his reelection on December 4, 2021. All of them have recognized and cherished  the good work of Barrow for particularly putting his foot down against the deportation of Gambian migrants from the West, following his shocking discovery that when Lawyer Ousainou Darbo was foreign minister he clandestinely signed the deportation agreement with Western governments. Thanks to the permanent secretary at the ministry of foreign affairs then the secret file bearing the entente was revealed to President Barrow and his government.

Trust me, all that Sidi Sanneh needs in a UDP government that I am afraid will not happen in his lifetime is his appointment to a position of cash to revitalize his extravagant life of dining, wining and wifing recklessly. If not there, to be appointed to a position-preferably an ambassadorial job-where to finally unleash his vindictive strategy of making life for every Gambian migrant living abroad miserable and unproductive. I can attest to the fact that he definitely hates all of them. His isolation in the West, without friends or genuine family members, is the bitterness slowly but surely consuming the heart of this scalawag.

But hopefully the UDP and Lawyer Darbo will soon be forwarded the audio made by his own daughter accusing him of repeatedly raping her in Abidjan while he was working there for the ADB hence compelling her to study law somewhere in Senegal just to get her nasty father after graduating.

Talking about cases of human immorality and filth, find me one worst than Sidi-no-good-for-nothing Sanneh and receive a special reward from me.

But trust me, time and events will eventually teach him the lesson he properly deserves.

SAMSUDEEN SARR

FOR: PRESIDENT ADAMA BARROW, 2021.

Pa Nderry Mbai: The Fall of An Icon

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By D. A. Jawo
The Gambian journalism fraternity and indeed the whole country is mourning the sudden demise of Pa Nderry Mbai of Freedom newspaper, which news hit this country like a thunderbolt from the sky at the beginning of this week.
Pa Nderry had been a household name in this country for almost two decades, especially since he relocated to the United States where he embraced the struggle to get rid of the Yahya Jammeh dictatorship. Of course, thousands of other Gambians, both at home and abroad participated in the struggle against the dictatorship, but Pa Nderry was definitely at the forefront of that struggle, by not only giving platform to those struggling to get rid of the dictatorship, but also making Freedom newspaper and Radio the most popular and credible source of news for Gambians.
It also eventually became virtually the most credible platform for the opposition who were denied access to the public media at home while the private media was engaged in self-censorship for obvious reasons. Therefore, it was thanks to Pa Nderry and his Freedom newspaper and radio that those opposed to the Jammeh regime continued to put across their views to Gambians despite all the efforts by former President Yahya Jammeh to prevent Gambians from accessing the platform.
We can all recall how several people suspected of having any connection with Freedom newspaper were arrested and some tortured, simply for being on Pa Nderry’s mailing list, and how the regime used any available means to block the site. Despite all that however, Pa Nderry continued to defy all those efforts by former President Jammeh and his agents and he carried on being a thorn in the regime’s flesh.
Of course, like everyone else, he had his critics, some of whom accused him of sensationalism as well as being involved in rumour-mongering, but his positive contribution to the straggle outweighed all those negative traits. He therefore continue to inspire young Gambian journalists, many of whom saw in him as a brave journalist and a role model to be emulated.
Who is Pa Nderry and how did he get here, one would be tempted to ask. Like most of his colleagues, Pa Nderry came from a humble background. He hailed from Touba Mouride in Niamina Dankunku District and like most provincial chaps, he struggled to get education with hardly any opportunities open to him. Therefore, after he left school, he had to grab the first job that was available to him, which was as a security guard at the then Royal Victoria Teaching Hospital in Banjul.
While at the RVTH, Pa Nderry showed some interest in journalism and he started sending letters to the editor and other short articles to the newspapers, particularly the Daily Observer, under the pen-name; Mbye Mbassu. While I was News Editor of the Daily Observer at the time, he used to bring most of those articles to me for editing as well as seek advice. I was quite impressed by his commitment to writing and I tried to encourage him to continue. It was through such encouragement that he became more confident and regular in his writings.
Later, he gave up his job at the RVTH and came to the Daily Observer as a freelance journalist. He eventually rose through the ranks until he became a staff reporter, and he later left to go to The Point, and in 2004, he went to the United States.
While in the US, Pa Nderry collaborated with some Gambian activists to run an online publication, but after some differences with his colleagues, he decided to start his own online publication; Freedom newspaper. A few years later, he added an online radio, and as they say, the rest is history.
Pa Nderry had always treated me as a big brother and he would always consult me about a lot of things. Because of his interest and commitment to journalism, I encouraged him to join the Gambia Press Union and in which he eventually became secretary general.
While recently I was in the US, he invited me to go to his place in Raleigh, North Carolina to discuss Gambian issues on the radio, but unfortunately, I was not able to make it, not realising that I had just missed an opportunity for us to see for the last time.
My condolences to his wife Sainabou and the children, to his family in Touba Mouride and indeed the whole country. Rest in perfect peace Pa Nderry.

The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission from My Vantage Point

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By Dibba Chaku

The commencement of the public hearings of the TRRC marks a watershed in our history as Gambians and the world were eager to know the truth about the plethora of human rights violations that occurred during Yahya Jammeh’s tyrannical rule. The public hearings became the centerpiece of discussions across the length and breadth of the country and in the diaspora. To some, these hearings revealed things they never imagine happened or could have happened in The Gambia. To others, some of the testimonies were confirmations of human rights violations or crimes they have heard about. As we look forward to the submission of the TRRC report and recommendations, I thought I would share with you my take on the TRRC and some of the things that stood out to me.

We have heard several witnesses narrate their ordeals as unpleasant as this may be, and you wonder if some of them had seen the silhouette of ‘Malak al Maut’ or angel of death in the hands of state agents who should have been their first line of defense under normal circumstances. Their victimization arose from unprofessional conduct by professionals believed to have been acting on orders from the top, high on some intoxicant or abuse of positional power. The only ‘crime’ committed by some of the victims was subscribing to a different political ideology or being on the other side of the political aisle. Others got victimized because of kin punishment, which is the practice of punishing family members of someone accused of a crime, either in place of or in addition to the alleged perpetrator. Those that got victimized because of their involvement in coup d’état or trying to do something about a brutal dictatorship that symbolizes terror were given “VIP treatment” which was nothing but inhumane treatment at the highest level in the nastiest of forms. Despite the state and its apparatus knowing the lawful and right things to do in those circumstances, they chose the ‘keresubang’ route. Unfortunately for some, their victimization stemmed from lies peddled against them, so they suffered for things not of their own making. Others got victimized because they put their faith and trust in a leader and a system that would turn out to be their worst nightmare. Nonetheless, the victims must be commended for narrating their unpleasant ordeals. It is important to mention that not everything that was narrated at the TRRC represents the truth. There could be misrepresentation of facts at times, mistaken identity, or confusion over the sequence of events. However, that does not negate the existence of human rights violations.

The testimonies of the alleged perpetrators also stood out to me. There were those that spoke the truth and showed remorse for their involvement in the committal of crimes, and thanks to these people, the Commission was able to unearth the truth about some of the rights violations orchestrated clandestinely. Others came to the Commission fully prepared to mislead everybody by trimming, sanitizing and being economical with the truth as if the truth was some scarce resource that needed to be rationed. These witnesses either gave arguments that died on their lips, created alibis that never checked out, or resorted to amnesic syndromes that were never diagnosed. Their goal was to minimize their level of involvement in the perpetration of crimes or extricate themselves from responsibility. To these people, all efforts must be made to keep that skeleton in the cupboard. There were educated elite witnesses who were under the illusion that they are at par with the team of counsels, so they could ‘fiti fiti’ themselves out of that hot seat when beleaguered to cough out the truth or get it elicited from them, reluctantly. These are the ones that would deny something for hours only to turn around and accept it, hence wasting the Commission’s time. We also saw uncooperative witnesses who from the get-go proved to be difficult to guide. They refused to answer questions asked, instead preferred to answer their own questions. The uncooperative conduct and demeanor during their testimonies are clear indications of an intent to hide incriminating information. It was perplexing to watch them try to divert the attention of the Commission to some rare gesture of kindness on their part. They want us to believe that all allegations against them are unfounded, and that their version is veracious. Even when confronted with overwhelming corroborating evidence from multiple victims and witnesses, they still attempted to extricate themselves by cooking up stories that made absolutely no sense, not even to a first grader.

One institution that could be described as The Gambia’s shame is the notorious NIA as it was a major crime scene where lives were treated in a manner that was animalistic. The testimonies of its operatives and directors were startling in the sense that they all had been given a chance to help the TRRC, themselves and the Gambian people uncover the truth about our ugly and shameful past so we could create a roadmap that would prevent us from slipping back into that perilous ravine. Pathetically, the chance had been squandered by many, despite knowing fully well that no NIA operative or torture specialist is waiting to beat the crap out of them or even snuff the life out of them as that was the modus operandi when they were under the illusion that the world was at their feet and that the status quo would continue in perpetuity. Working for the NIA was ‘prestigious’ or ‘ostentatious’ at the time because the society feared them. They were believed to have too much power emanating from the State House, and they could do anything and everything without consequences. They performed their duties with pride, ferocity, and even went above and beyond defined duties at times. But there they were at the TRRC facing a whole nation and reluctant to describe their daily operations. The culpability of the NIA in committing gross human rights violations is unequivocal by all indications. The institution’s current director gave a marathon testimony in which he was very economical with the truth, withheld vital information and even attempted to mislead the Commission. There was a witness that escaped the coils of torture from the NIA and ran naked to the police headquarters. If a fully grown man would prefer running down the streets of Banjul naked to continuing to endure the torture meted out on him, you need not be an expert to imagine the gravity of the ‘keresubang’ act being inflicted on him. Masking the truth about this institution and the nefarious acts of its directors and operatives amounts to nothing but disingenuity.

Kudos to the TRRC for doing a fantastic job of unearthing the truth about our ugly and shameful past. As the saying goes, we cannot change the past, but we can certainly learn from it to shape the future. The naysayers can deny the revelations or call this exercise a witch-hunt, but it is without a jot of doubt that there were serious human rights violations that consumed lives, incapacitated people, ravaged families beyond repairs, severed ties and displaced many. Pregnant women had their husbands snatched away from them for good. Lactating mothers had to fend for their babies alone as their husbands got usurped from them. Able-bodied men got electrocuted, castrated, maimed, strangled, and buried in shallow graves. We had a severely messed up system in which the vaguest suspicion was enough to arrest, abduct, torture, and even kill at times. Let us remind ourselves that these perpetrators did not emanate from planet Mars or descend from the Banjul skies. They are our very own fathers, uncles, nephews, brothers, sons, cousins, or ordinary everyday Gambians. Now whether the report and recommendations will be implemented to the letter, just shelved, or some cherry-picking will happen at the implementation stage is the prerogative of the government of the day.

LAMIN NJIE – OPINION: IEC were arrogant and thought they’re untouchable – so it’s good that they’ve been put in their place by the courts

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IEC’s gamble with the law has backfired big time. In this Gambian day and age, you can’t go about breaking the law and think you will not get caught.

When the IEC announced that 15 out of the 21 candidates who filed their nomination for president have been rejected, it for a moment felt they were out to decongest the room by all means necessary.

From the off, the IEC did not look prepared to have so many candidates contest the December election. That the chairman of the commission stood up at a meeting and said paper ballot must be used for this election is an indictment. But that IEC officials were throwing out people’s nomination without regard for law is what one will struggle to fathom.

All along, the IEC peddled one misguided contention: that their decision is final and cannot be questioned by anyone. Well, the high court has just settled that.

This IEC bunch were arrogant towards Dr Ismaila Ceesay as the clearly wronged PhD holder politician sought answers from them. They treated him and his party with contempt by effing them off and arrogantly telling them: ‘go to court if you like, we have been sued seven times this year and nothing has come out of it’.

The IEC came out of court on Tuesday humiliated and looking out-of-sorts. They were also demystified. No wonder their director of admin told me ‘I will not say anything’ when I tried to sound him out.

Still, IEC is set for further humiliation in court as Mai Fatty too is after them and will now be licking his lips. This has clearly given him an idea as to how his own case could look like in the end.

But for the first time, I got scared of this IEC and went to bed thinking about them – if they will be able to really deliver this election. They are taking this election to be a play when it clearly is not.

 

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