Part 1
By Bubacarr Komma

Journalism is under siege. It is crawling in a very slippery road heading to an unbelievable danger, yet many choose to be spectators because that is the most convenient thing to do. It is confronted by a well-organized and a powerful force United Democratic Party (UDP). A force that is united on a purpose or an ideology.

This is a force that has lot of intellectuals that will intellectually defend every single thing about them. One must be intellectually astute in order to say anything about the force otherwise you are subjected to intellectual ridicule and bullying.

Consequently, most of the intellectual in the country who are presumed to be independent don’t want to take any risk to say anything about this force. They choose to be spectators, and this include virtually all journalists.

If one can somewhat intellectually defend his position against the force, yet they have another force that use a weapon of intimidation. “Fighting words”, bullying, innuendo and reputation destruction.

And many would say, “this is difficult to bear, and I don’t want to reduce myself to that level”. Therefore, they end up subjecting themselves to self-censorship.

This is also a force that has civilized and intelligent people who appear only when things went completely out of hand. And this is what they will argue, “Well this is not the official position of the force/UDP. None of our executive member has ever made such pronouncement or acted in that manner. These are militant who we have no control over and they are entitled to their opinion just like any other person. Therefore, it is hypocritical for people to generalise”.

Isn´t this not a strange argument? How often did they distance themselves from those who are constantly waging a war against `Journalism`? Virtually, not a single time. Which is terrifying.

Hence Lamin Njie´s recent incident with the force is what has triggered this article, then let us factually analyse it. Even though it is not an isolated case, but part 1 will be limited to only that incident.

Mr. Njie requested an interview with Ousainou Darboe the party leader of UDP through the Communication Officer of the party Almami Taal and his request was granted, and a date and time was scheduled. Only to go there with his whole team and get denied on the dictates of the militants.

Well, the adversaries may argue that it is not compulsory on anyone to grant an interview to a journalist. That is not my contention. My problems are after he was denied the public shaming, bullying and intimidation he has faced afterword is appalling beyond forgiveness. And when journalist and media proprietors ignore this would be to their own peril.

Another fear is, an interview that was arranged by an executive member of a party only to be turned down by the leader of the party on the dictate of some militants.

The adversaries were arguing that the said journalist is unethical and bias. Some accused him of being rude to Mr. Darboe. Which I cannot confirm neither deny, because I have not come across anything that was either written or uttered by Mr. Njie that did not fall in the realm of journalism. Journalism or free expression can be provocative.

Can there be any useful thing a human being can say without offending anyone? That can likely happen when you are addressing an individual or small group of people. In fact, to think you should risk offending others.

Gambian media should be steadfast and hold the UDP to account on the same scale and level as the NPP, the ruling party. The only difference between the UDP and NPP is that one party is in power and the other is waiting to be in power. So, UDP must be accountable. It must stop its elements from bullying journalist and people who dissent. When UDP Secretary General Ousianou Darboe recently attacked verbally Pa Nderry Touray of Star FM, few media carried the story despite the fact that the verbal attack was uncalled for. But ten days later when President Barrow spoke about Madi Jorbateh, the whole media reported the matter. This is unjust and dangerous bias against Barrow. The Gambian media must not nurture UDP to become untouchable, then if they come to power they will be untouchable?

Therefore, no matter what socio – cultural or religious gerrymandering the force might resort to, Journalism will triumph.

ANALYSIS By Chido Mutangadura

After failing to win legislative elections by a wide margin, Barrow will struggle to control the constitutional reform process. Despite Adama Barrow’s comfortable win in December’s presidential elections, his party failed to clinch a convincing majority in recent National Assembly polls. Without the deciding vote, it will be difficult for Barrow to govern and ensure that long-overdue constitutional reforms work in his favour.

In the December poll, the president garnered 53% of the vote, with his closest contender Ousainou Darboe managing just 27.7%. Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP) failed to replicate these gains in the National Assembly elections held in April this year. The NPP fell short of securing the majority, with a final tally of 24 seats (out of 58), including the president’s five nominated legislators.

The party’s lacklustre performance follows a series of missteps in Barrow’s first term. He enters his second term amid popular discontent over The Gambia’s struggling economy, heightened insecurity and a stalled reform process.

This is in sharp contrast to the optimism that characterised the start of Barrow’s presidency when he ended Yahya Jammeh’s 22-year autocratic rule. Barrow came to power in 2017 after a campaign by the United Democratic Party (UDP) under the Coalition 2016 banner (together with six other parties).

Barrow made lofty promises in his first days in office, adopting an ambitious National Development Plan that aimed to ‘deliver good governance and accountability, social cohesion, and national reconciliation and a revitalised and transformed economy for the wellbeing of all Gambians.’

Unfortunately, political tensions soon arose, driven by a power struggle between the president and the UDP’s leader Darboe. Barrow’s decision to serve a full five-year term after committing to only three years widened the rift between him and the UDP. He sacked several high-level opposition figures from government and removed Darboe as vice-president as his relationship with his former coalition partners deteriorated.

In 2020 Barrow officially ended his alliance with the UDP when he formed the NPP. Since its launch, the NPP has faced an uphill battle to establish itself within The Gambia’s political space.

Apart from steep competition from the UDP, Barrow and his party also had to contend with a serious challenge from the Three Years Jotna movement. The movement was formed to oppose Barrow’s decision to serve a full five years after promising just three as president. Following a wave of protest, the grouping was banned in 2020.

Faced with increasing political pressure, Barrow made the controversial move to align with Jammeh’s party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC). This raised ire from survivors of Jammeh-era human rights violations who feared that the president’s new allies would impede the prosecution of perpetrators.

The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission’s final report submitted on 24 December seemed to have laid the victims’ concerns to rest. The commission has recommended criminal trials for the accused, including Jammeh, for crimes ranging from murder to sexual assault.

Barrow urged the public to be patient as a white paper is prepared on implementing the commission’s proposals. But questions remain about the president’s commitment to the process, especially in light of his alliance with the APRC.

The outcry against the NPP-APRC coalition was one of the many signs that Barrow’s party would struggle to secure support. The NPP’s recent electoral performance confirms that citizens remain sceptical of the party.

Without a convincing majority in the National Assembly, the president is five seats short of the votes he needs for a quorum to pass ordinary bills. He also lacks the three-quarters majority required to make constitutional amendments. Party support in the National Assembly will be critical to Barrow’s handling of stalled constitutional reform that has remained unresolved since his first term.

The Gambia’s constitutional review process was halted in September 2020 when the National Assembly rejected the draft constitution that would have replaced the 1997 constitution. Notably, the draft contained a new clause limiting a president to two terms, whereas Barrow can run for another term under the current constitution.

The existing Jammeh-era constitution is however deeply controversial, which leaves Barrow with two options – revise the rejected draft or amend the current constitution to add new provisions. Either one of these processes would be cumbersome and require three-quarters of National Assembly votes followed by a national referendum.

If a new constitution is adopted or the current one amended, Barrow may try to ensure that the term limits are not applied retrospectively, and executive powers are not severely curtailed. Barrow has promised The Gambia a new constitution with term limits but remains tight-lipped on whether he would stand for another term.

Even if Barrow can get the APRC and independent legislators to back him, he would still need at least one vote from the UDP to get the required tally. This suggests he is unlikely to garner the support to ensure constitutional provisions in his favour.

So the president’s second term will be a delicate balancing act between maintaining his political legitimacy and consolidating his power. He faces the predicament of continuing his tenure under a controversial constitution or reforming the constitution and, in the process running the risk of limiting his executive power.

By: Madi Jobarteh

In the swearing ceremony of the new Cabinet members, both the President and Vice President made very good speeches. They condemned corruption and malfeasance and re-echoed the very purpose of public office as they called for strong leadership, responsive policies, performance, and accountability that will impact on the quality of life in the country.

By default, they publicly acknowledged and vindicated the efforts and voices of unrelenting activists, investigative journalists, fact-checkers and vocal citizens! Barrow and Joof have both confirmed that public office is not to seek privileges and self-aggrandizement and vowed that the corrupt state of affairs has to change.

This was the sweetest part delivered by none other than the President himself.

“Your appointments to Cabinet have come at a time when Gambians want Government to be held accountable. This is an era in which the citizens are better informed and politically more active. They now enjoy uncensored freedom of expression, association and participation in national issues, and are determined to fight corruption. As a result, public figures must think, act, and behave differently in the national interest.”

I wish President Adama Barrow had said these words in January 2017 and made sure he took frantic actions to back those words! If he had done so or listened to those conscientious voices of activists, today in 2022 he would not have said these words which are clearly lamenting that corruption, inefficiency, and negligence are the order of the day in his Government, shamefully.

But words are meaningless if they are not backed by actions. I hope the President and Vice will make sure that their words will be matched by the right actions! That’s called integrity!

Integrity is words matching with actions. This is not a western idea, but that integrity as a virtue can be found in our cultures and religions as well as in our families. Integrity is what distinguishes a good person from a villain. Integrity is what makes a person trustworthy, consistent, honest, and dependable.

As we welcome the new Executive team, I have no congratulatory messages for any of them. Rather I remind them of integrity. I remind them that public office is sacred. Public officials carry life and death by the decisions and actions they take. Literally, people live or die depending on the actions of public servants! Therefore, no public official is small, especially if you hold the highest position as President, Vice President, or Minister and so on.

It is to remind the Cabinet that to hold public office is the highest honour a citizen has. Public office is the sole property of the entire people. The power, authority, and legitimacy of public office are derived directly from the people. Hence when a citizen is elected or appointed into public office, you carry the collective power, authority and will of the people. It’s a trust in which citizens surrender their rights to enable public officials to serve them. Therefore no one has a right or excuse to betray that public trust!

To serve in public office is not a favour. Public officials do not give any charity. Rather the citizens pay them abundantly with incredible privileges, incentives and benefits that serve them a lifetime. Ironically and insultingly, most of the citizens who pay these public officials only receive back poverty, deprivation, high cost of living, unemployment, lack of opportunities with poor, erratic, and expensive services! This is true simply because public officials would neglect their duties, abuse their office, plunder public wealth, underperform and abuse the rights of their citizens. Shamelessly.

Therefore, let us put it to President Adama Barrow and his entire Cabinet that citizens owe them nothing. They owe citizens everything. We should not be kind to them, nor will we undermine them. Rather, we will mercilessly, uncompromisingly, and vigorously hold them accountable. We will scrutinize every word, decision, action and even their appearance! If they don’t like that, so be it! Get out of public office!

The past five years have been a disaster for the country which was presided over by none other than most of the ministers in this Cabinet. If they had performed well between 2017 and 2022, we should not have been in these dire straits. But they failed. No reforms; no system change of any significance. Poverty of the people is as widespread as corruption and inefficiency of public officials from top to down! There is widespread suffering and frustration thanks to the underperformance and recklessness, and negligence of public officials.

The time has come for Barrow to match words with actions! I did not expect any of the ministers in his first Cabinet would be maintained because they failed the country in their first five years. So, if he maintains these same people, one wonders how he will succeed this time around. Therefore, good words are not enough. Let the right actions be taken to show us that he is true to what he says. As citizens, we should record their words to hold against them every day.

On my part, it is neither my job nor do I have any inclinations to congratulate public officials. My job is to check them. So, I want to tell Pres. Adama Barrow and Vice President Alieu Badara Joof let their nice words be backed by real and meaningful actions. Citizens want action to change their lives for the better! Let them show the country that they are men of integrity who are leading a Cabinet with Integrity. Let them prove that they are not fake, corrupt, and hypocritical! Let them show Gambians that they are leaders the people deserve!

For The Gambia Our Homeland

By: Sidi Sanneh

Speaker Fabakary T. Jatta is quoted as saying the reason African presidents are disinclined to relinquish power is because they are afraid of the payback and humiliation they’ll suffer at the hands of their successors should they vacate power voluntarily.

He made this argument in advocating and promoting the return of Yaya Jammeh amidst the related events. First, he became Speaker of the National Assembly and his fellow traveller and former APRC soul-mate Seedy Njie who became his Deputy Speaker to jointly manage Barrow’s legislative calendar.

The Speaker was campaigning unabashedly with such unethical fervour and with neither shame nor relent, while halfway around the world, a member of Jammeh’s infamous hit squad known locally as “The Junglers”, was being tried in Germany for crimes against humanity. A similar charge awaits another Jammeh associate, his former Interior Minister who has been in custody in Switzerland for nearly three years. There’s yet a third alleged human rights abuser in custody in the U.S. being investigated for a similar charge.

While Germany, Switzerland and the United States are observing the spirit and letter of international law, by contrast, The Gambia – the crime scene – where the gruesome atrocities took place is busy concocting embarrassing excuses for not doing the right thing by bringing the perpetrators to justice.

The machinations of the government of Adama Barrow are a never-ending Kabuki dance routine, choreographed by Barrow and fueled by the APRC-faction led by Speaker Jatta designed to truncate the transitional justice process to appease Yaya Jammeh. Barrow saw this as a way to build a workable coalition, as well as to entice Jammeh, to buy into the enterprise.

Their plan has not worked because they failed to get Jammeh onboard – an unsurprising outcome because Jammeh knows he will never set foot in The Gambia without providing a full account of his 22-year presidency to the Gambian people, as well as to the international community.

Yaya Jammeh is also aware that Barrow’s unilateral decision is worthless because the alleged crimes against humanity committed under his 22-year watch cannot be expunged from the record by a presidential pardon independent of the victims of the dictatorship, as well as the international community having a say in the matter.

Bai Lowe’s case in Germany should serve as a reminder to the government of The Gambia that the matter extends beyond the shores of The Gambia and the reach of those at home trying to scuttle the process. The accused have committed crimes against humanity. The long arm of international law will trace them, investigate them, and judge them from wherever they may be.

Speaker Jatta’s efforts to stymie the transitional justice process started very early in Adama Barrow’s administration. In fact, the two commenced meeting in December 2017, almost a year after Barrow assumed office which, ultimately and unfortunately, culminated in the nominations and election of the two as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly to the chagrin of many Gambians including the management and staff of the Victims Center.

In their letter to President Adama Barrow, Sheriff Kijera, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Center expressed their concern about the nomination of Fabakary T. Jatta and Seedy Njie by citing that “these two individuals…do not only represent the brutal dictatorship that The Gambia endured for 22 years…the two men were also key pillars of the power behind the tyranny of former President Jammeh.”

In his role as the last Information Minister, appointed in the final days of the regime of Yaya Jammeh, Seedy Njie almost plunged the country into civil strife for refusing to recognize the results of the presidential elections. We now have these two insurrectionists as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of Gambia’s National Assembly responsible for shaping and guiding President Adama Barrow’s legislative agenda through parliament.

The backlash resulting from the nominations of these two was immediate. It was a shock to many Gambians including our development partners, all of whom view the transitional justice program as an integral part of our economic, political, social and cultural recovery and healing process.

The Gambia cannot, and will not, emerge from 22-years of dictatorship whole without a thorough and unabated truth and reconciliation process which was the main mission of Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission whose Report is now on life support. The TRRC Report looks like it will meet the same fate as the Janneh Commission and the Constitutional Review Commission Reports i.e. in Adama Barrow’s office dustbin.

Gambian Economist, Nyang Njie has noted that although the country may face economic challenges like most other countries, the issues confronting the small West African country are purely social in nature. These issues he identified include tribalism, envy and opportunism among others.

He noted that these are born out of a poor social contract that existed since 1956 when The Gambia gained her independence.

“Fixing Gambia starts with an equitable society. We are all first amongst equals and no Gambian is more Gambian than the next one. Instant gratification and glorification of wealth have taken away the humanity in us.

Corruption is embellished and most care less to question the source of wealth. The issues confronting Gambians are purely social in nature (tribalism, envy and opportunism). These are borne out of a poor social contract we lived under since 1965,” Nyang Njie said.

He further noted that a society without upright virtues is bound to be decadent. And subsequently, a decadent society is chaotic and lawless. 

Meanwhile, he prays that God would save, “our dearly beloved nation” The Gambia.

By: Professor Abdoulaye Saine

Though I do not care much for his politics, like him or loath him, I take my hat off for Fabakary Tombong Jatta. As the new Speaker of the National Assembly, he presided over the somber swearing-in of the new, recently nominated, and continuing members of the National Assembly. By aligning his splinter/break-away faction of the APRC, Jatta, a political animal, and strategist helped orchestrate Barrow’s NPP, to a clear victory in the presidential election, and now the National Assembly election with a slight edge made stronger by five additional nominated members.

Jatta, in my book, is the undisputed King-maker, and political operative who had for most of Yayah Jammeh’s tenure, and now Barrow’s helped direct, among others, both the content and direction of  Gambian politics. When one expected Jatta to be discarded and disgraced in the aftermath of APRC’s pre-election internal criss, he took the calculated risk of building an alliance between his APRC faction with Barrow’s APP, for which he is now handsomely rewarded.

With Sida, Halifa, Ya Kumba Jaiteh, and Ousman Sillah gone, the National Assembly will likely become Jatta’s new platform to drive through, with few obstacles, Barrow’s political agenda- using his folksy carrot and stick approach to hatch out political deals in the Peoples’ Assembly. Talking about the Peoples’ Assembly; except for a few, most members are political novices who have not distinguished themselves in the professions or academically- some could barely read the oath. But here lies their individual and collective charm(s). This is because the presidential and assembly elections may have very well occasioned a sea change, a new chapter in Gambia’s modern politics where the high-brow elite and highly educated politicians and their supporters have been smartly  out maneuvered, “bested” by a less lettered/credentialed, non-elite political class including the likes of Barrow and his advisors. Call it a “class coup.”

This is truly remarkable, as this underrated bunch of (respectfully) “half-baked” politicians, despite their party affiliation together now hold the key(s) to Gambia’s future in the next five years, and perhaps, beyond. Think back for a moment of the Parliament, and Parliamentarians of the immediate post-independence era, and you get my point.

Perhaps, the electorate voted the way they did, in both elections, like it or not, partly because they lost all hope in the elite and elitist politicians and voted for the current assembly members without the blink of an eye. Could it be that the current crop  of assembly members have their ears closer to the ground and speak the language of the masses? Is it also because the electorate would rather vote in a president and assembly members who will likely meet some of their expectations rather than the old and relatively more lettered political elite?

We must never underestimate the Gambian electorate, as they are more astute and sure of what they want than we ordinarily give them credit for. Similarly, we must not underestimate this “new class” of relatively young, novice politicians, as we did the A(F)PRC and Jammeh, specifically. We do so at our peril. You may like, or loath them but they hold the keys to our futures and our nation’s.

I knew Fabakary Tombong Jatta at Armitage High. He was an unassuming, soft-spoken lad with a slight stutter- perhaps the most unlikely candidate for the post of Speaker in hind sight. But was I/were we wrong in underestimating Tombong then, as he has risen high to assume one of three key political positions-  Speaker of the “Peoples’” Assembly. Congratulations to Speaker Jatta and new NAMs. For the older and elite/elitist politicians, and supporters, you have work to do.

By Sharon L. Cromer, Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of The Gambia

Of all the times to arrive in The Gambia, I came at one of the best. A few weeks after our plane touched down, I witnessed the National Assembly election. The Gambia has achieved another milestone for the democracy that its people have worked so hard to restore.

The election marks a positive inflection point and offers much promise. Particularly inspiring are the many committed young adults who actively worked on the elections and participated in civil-society-led voter education and election observation. There is a clear desire to improve on the bold steps that Gambians took toward democracy in 2016, and that is cause for optimism.

Make no mistake. The Gambia, like the United States, has its challenges as we both strive to strengthen our democracies. As The Gambia’s partner, we do not have all the answers, but in the spirit of collaboration, we want to help create a better future for our nations.

During my tenure, I pledge that the United States will be steadfast in helping The Gambia build democratic institutions, promote respect for human rights, and strengthen inclusive, country-led economic development—all goals that we share as free people.

As your partner, we will move ahead on many important ongoing bilateral and multilateral initiatives. These include our new USAID development agreement to strengthen judicial institutions, along with other initiatives such as donating – in partnership with COVAX – safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine doses, grants for educating women and girls, support for the media sector, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation Threshold Program to develop and implement strategic reforms for the energy sector.

I hope to do even more, especially in pursuing initiatives that promote transparency, good governance, respect for human rights, and self-reliant economic development. We will help Gambians increase accountability and give a voice to all the people of this great nation. I have seen firsthand the power of these partnerships in other countries and look forward to moving forward with many here in The Gambia.

Most of all, I hope to meet more of the many Gambians who are working to build a better future for themselves and their families. Forty years ago, I traveled through The Gambia and was so impressed by the warmth and optimism of its people that I never forgot it. It is good to see this spirit has not changed.

There is so much to look forward to. For now, I thank you for the most positive welcome—both in terms of the people I have met and the events I have just witnessed. My Embassy colleagues and I are so enthusiastic about partnering with the people of The Smiling Coast of Africa. The Gambia has a special place in my heart, and I am eager to lead my team as we work with you.