Saturday, June 14, 2025
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The Gambia’s President Faces a Tricky Second Term

ANALYSIS By Chido Mutangadura

After failing to win legislative elections by a wide margin, Barrow will struggle to control the constitutional reform process. Despite Adama Barrow’s comfortable win in December’s presidential elections, his party failed to clinch a convincing majority in recent National Assembly polls. Without the deciding vote, it will be difficult for Barrow to govern and ensure that long-overdue constitutional reforms work in his favour.

In the December poll, the president garnered 53% of the vote, with his closest contender Ousainou Darboe managing just 27.7%. Barrow’s National People’s Party (NPP) failed to replicate these gains in the National Assembly elections held in April this year. The NPP fell short of securing the majority, with a final tally of 24 seats (out of 58), including the president’s five nominated legislators.

The party’s lacklustre performance follows a series of missteps in Barrow’s first term. He enters his second term amid popular discontent over The Gambia’s struggling economy, heightened insecurity and a stalled reform process.

This is in sharp contrast to the optimism that characterised the start of Barrow’s presidency when he ended Yahya Jammeh’s 22-year autocratic rule. Barrow came to power in 2017 after a campaign by the United Democratic Party (UDP) under the Coalition 2016 banner (together with six other parties).

Barrow made lofty promises in his first days in office, adopting an ambitious National Development Plan that aimed to ‘deliver good governance and accountability, social cohesion, and national reconciliation and a revitalised and transformed economy for the wellbeing of all Gambians.’

Unfortunately, political tensions soon arose, driven by a power struggle between the president and the UDP’s leader Darboe. Barrow’s decision to serve a full five-year term after committing to only three years widened the rift between him and the UDP. He sacked several high-level opposition figures from government and removed Darboe as vice-president as his relationship with his former coalition partners deteriorated.

In 2020 Barrow officially ended his alliance with the UDP when he formed the NPP. Since its launch, the NPP has faced an uphill battle to establish itself within The Gambia’s political space.

Apart from steep competition from the UDP, Barrow and his party also had to contend with a serious challenge from the Three Years Jotna movement. The movement was formed to oppose Barrow’s decision to serve a full five years after promising just three as president. Following a wave of protest, the grouping was banned in 2020.

Faced with increasing political pressure, Barrow made the controversial move to align with Jammeh’s party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC). This raised ire from survivors of Jammeh-era human rights violations who feared that the president’s new allies would impede the prosecution of perpetrators.

The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission’s final report submitted on 24 December seemed to have laid the victims’ concerns to rest. The commission has recommended criminal trials for the accused, including Jammeh, for crimes ranging from murder to sexual assault.

Barrow urged the public to be patient as a white paper is prepared on implementing the commission’s proposals. But questions remain about the president’s commitment to the process, especially in light of his alliance with the APRC.

The outcry against the NPP-APRC coalition was one of the many signs that Barrow’s party would struggle to secure support. The NPP’s recent electoral performance confirms that citizens remain sceptical of the party.

Without a convincing majority in the National Assembly, the president is five seats short of the votes he needs for a quorum to pass ordinary bills. He also lacks the three-quarters majority required to make constitutional amendments. Party support in the National Assembly will be critical to Barrow’s handling of stalled constitutional reform that has remained unresolved since his first term.

The Gambia’s constitutional review process was halted in September 2020 when the National Assembly rejected the draft constitution that would have replaced the 1997 constitution. Notably, the draft contained a new clause limiting a president to two terms, whereas Barrow can run for another term under the current constitution.

The existing Jammeh-era constitution is however deeply controversial, which leaves Barrow with two options – revise the rejected draft or amend the current constitution to add new provisions. Either one of these processes would be cumbersome and require three-quarters of National Assembly votes followed by a national referendum.

If a new constitution is adopted or the current one amended, Barrow may try to ensure that the term limits are not applied retrospectively, and executive powers are not severely curtailed. Barrow has promised The Gambia a new constitution with term limits but remains tight-lipped on whether he would stand for another term.

Even if Barrow can get the APRC and independent legislators to back him, he would still need at least one vote from the UDP to get the required tally. This suggests he is unlikely to garner the support to ensure constitutional provisions in his favour.

So the president’s second term will be a delicate balancing act between maintaining his political legitimacy and consolidating his power. He faces the predicament of continuing his tenure under a controversial constitution or reforming the constitution and, in the process running the risk of limiting his executive power.

We Need A Cabinet With Integrity!

By: Madi Jobarteh

In the swearing ceremony of the new Cabinet members, both the President and Vice President made very good speeches. They condemned corruption and malfeasance and re-echoed the very purpose of public office as they called for strong leadership, responsive policies, performance, and accountability that will impact on the quality of life in the country.

By default, they publicly acknowledged and vindicated the efforts and voices of unrelenting activists, investigative journalists, fact-checkers and vocal citizens! Barrow and Joof have both confirmed that public office is not to seek privileges and self-aggrandizement and vowed that the corrupt state of affairs has to change.

This was the sweetest part delivered by none other than the President himself.

“Your appointments to Cabinet have come at a time when Gambians want Government to be held accountable. This is an era in which the citizens are better informed and politically more active. They now enjoy uncensored freedom of expression, association and participation in national issues, and are determined to fight corruption. As a result, public figures must think, act, and behave differently in the national interest.”

I wish President Adama Barrow had said these words in January 2017 and made sure he took frantic actions to back those words! If he had done so or listened to those conscientious voices of activists, today in 2022 he would not have said these words which are clearly lamenting that corruption, inefficiency, and negligence are the order of the day in his Government, shamefully.

But words are meaningless if they are not backed by actions. I hope the President and Vice will make sure that their words will be matched by the right actions! That’s called integrity!

Integrity is words matching with actions. This is not a western idea, but that integrity as a virtue can be found in our cultures and religions as well as in our families. Integrity is what distinguishes a good person from a villain. Integrity is what makes a person trustworthy, consistent, honest, and dependable.

As we welcome the new Executive team, I have no congratulatory messages for any of them. Rather I remind them of integrity. I remind them that public office is sacred. Public officials carry life and death by the decisions and actions they take. Literally, people live or die depending on the actions of public servants! Therefore, no public official is small, especially if you hold the highest position as President, Vice President, or Minister and so on.

It is to remind the Cabinet that to hold public office is the highest honour a citizen has. Public office is the sole property of the entire people. The power, authority, and legitimacy of public office are derived directly from the people. Hence when a citizen is elected or appointed into public office, you carry the collective power, authority and will of the people. It’s a trust in which citizens surrender their rights to enable public officials to serve them. Therefore no one has a right or excuse to betray that public trust!

To serve in public office is not a favour. Public officials do not give any charity. Rather the citizens pay them abundantly with incredible privileges, incentives and benefits that serve them a lifetime. Ironically and insultingly, most of the citizens who pay these public officials only receive back poverty, deprivation, high cost of living, unemployment, lack of opportunities with poor, erratic, and expensive services! This is true simply because public officials would neglect their duties, abuse their office, plunder public wealth, underperform and abuse the rights of their citizens. Shamelessly.

Therefore, let us put it to President Adama Barrow and his entire Cabinet that citizens owe them nothing. They owe citizens everything. We should not be kind to them, nor will we undermine them. Rather, we will mercilessly, uncompromisingly, and vigorously hold them accountable. We will scrutinize every word, decision, action and even their appearance! If they don’t like that, so be it! Get out of public office!

The past five years have been a disaster for the country which was presided over by none other than most of the ministers in this Cabinet. If they had performed well between 2017 and 2022, we should not have been in these dire straits. But they failed. No reforms; no system change of any significance. Poverty of the people is as widespread as corruption and inefficiency of public officials from top to down! There is widespread suffering and frustration thanks to the underperformance and recklessness, and negligence of public officials.

The time has come for Barrow to match words with actions! I did not expect any of the ministers in his first Cabinet would be maintained because they failed the country in their first five years. So, if he maintains these same people, one wonders how he will succeed this time around. Therefore, good words are not enough. Let the right actions be taken to show us that he is true to what he says. As citizens, we should record their words to hold against them every day.

On my part, it is neither my job nor do I have any inclinations to congratulate public officials. My job is to check them. So, I want to tell Pres. Adama Barrow and Vice President Alieu Badara Joof let their nice words be backed by real and meaningful actions. Citizens want action to change their lives for the better! Let them show the country that they are men of integrity who are leading a Cabinet with Integrity. Let them prove that they are not fake, corrupt, and hypocritical! Let them show Gambians that they are leaders the people deserve!

For The Gambia Our Homeland

Biography Of Dr. Mamadou Tangara – Gambia’s Foreign Affairs Minister

Dr. Mamadou Tangara is Gambia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad of the Republic of The Gambia. He was appointed Minister in 2018. A position he previously held from 2010 to 2012. A consummate diplomat, Dr. Tangara also served as a distinguished member of the Gambian Foreign Service, in his capacity as Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Permanent Mission of the Republic of The Gambia to the United Nations in New York. He is reputed for the crucial role played in getting The Gambia back to comity of nations as PR and as Foreign Minister from 2017 to date. He also served as Minister of Higher Education, Research Science and Technology.

Executive Board/Chairmanship Positions

Throughout his career, Dr. Tangara represented The Gambia in various Executive Boards of the United Nations and other International Organisations. In January 2022, he was appointed to the Advisory Board of United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) – Division for Multilateral Diplomacy. A two-year term from January 2022 to December 2024.

He has also served as Executive Board Member of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO); the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and UN Women;

Dr. Tangara has chaired on numerous occasions the African Group at the United Nations in New York. He presided over the memorial meeting for the late Nelson Mandela. Dr. Tangara served as Chairman, University of The Gambia Governing Council; President of Alliance Franco-Gambienne and Honourary Ambassador of the Brabant Wallon, Region (Belgium). He is also an eminent member of the Diplomatic Foundation of the Kingdom of Morocco. Dr. Tangara is a member of Board of trustees at the Qatari Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Centre (ROLACC) in Doha.

Professional Positions

Dr. Tangara has had an extensive professional career, and prior to his high-level appointments, he served as Coordinator, National Authorising Office Support Unit (NAOSU) for the European Development Fund (EDF) projects and programmes implemented in The Gambia. He also consulted for the United Nations Fund for Population Affairs (UNFPA) and other International Organisations. Dr. Tangara was also Focal Person for Unesco Science and Technology and Innovation in The Gambia and served as Governor for Africa Capacity Building Foundation. His professional career in academia includes, International Examiner and Researcher. He is also an Interpreter, trained journalist, a Demographer, Lecturer etc. Dr. Tangara delivers lectures at world class Universities and higher citadels of learning and these includes Universities of Oklahoma, State University of New York and John J. College in New York, India’s Council of World Affairs, the US State Council on Foreign Relations etc.

Educational Background 

H.E. Dr. Mamadou Tangara holds a Doctorate degree (PhD) from Université de Limoges, France. His research on the myths and secret of oral historians of the Manding received Mention Très Honorable avec Félicitations a l’unanimité du Jury from the Universite de Limoges. He holds two Master’s degrees in Comparative Literature and Demography. He worked at The Point newspaper and he was also Editor in Chief of the French Magazine, La Lune. As a true Pan Africanist, Dr. Tangara was made member of the Steering Committee of World Festival of Black Arts, Dakar 2009. He has written extensively on Semiology of Cultural Interaction, Literature and Conflict Resolution, and African Writers and their Cultural Heritage. Dr. Tangara was in 2009 a fellow for Mo Ibrahim Fellowship programme in Governance for Development in Africa.

Dr. Tangara attended Several conferences, research seminars and study tours in London (SOAS, Commonwealth Institute), Paris (INALCO, BNF), Bordeaux (Université Victor Segalen), Aix-en- Provence (Archives d’Outre-mer), Amiens (Université de Picardie), Chambery (ISOLA Conference), Leiden University (Holland), Bayreuth University (Germany), Université de Ouagadougou, IFAN-UCAD, Tamanrasset (Algeria), INEP (Guinea-Bissau), Kela, Kangaba, Barazan (Mali), RDD (The Gambia), Peacebuilding Commission (New York – USA, Seoul – Republic of Korea and Addis Ababa – Ethiopia). He also led the Gambian Delegations to the UNGA, AU and ECOWAS Summits, UNESCO Conferences and several other international meetings.

Languages

Dr. Tangara is a multilinguist, fluent in English, French, Spanish, Mandinka, Wolof, Bambara, Dioula, Krio etc. This made him effective and responsible in a multi-cultural world as well as in various academic and journalistic positions.

Awards

Dr. Tangara is the laureate of the most prestigious Award of the United Nations, the UNFPA 2019 United Nations Population Award, (Individual Category). He was awarded at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on 20th June 2019 in recognition of his courage and leadership through the use of diplomacy both in the global and national arena respectively.

Dr. Tangara was conferred the Insignia of Member of the National Order of the Republic of The Gambia (MRG). He is a recipient of Medallion of Limousin Region and the city of Bellac in France in recognition of his humanitarian work. Dr. Tangara was conferred prestigious accolades both within and outside The Gambia in recognition of his tremendous hard work and commitment to human development.

Why it’s still important to get vaccinated against Covid-19

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By Gordon Jonathan Lewis, UNICEF The Gambia Representative

The Ministry of Health is launching the fourth national vaccination campaign against Covid-19 on 9th May, and this represents an excellent opportunity for the country to rapidly increase vaccination coverage. Currently, less than 21 per cent of the total eligible population (over the age of 18 years) has been fully vaccinated, a far cry from the global goal of reaching 70 per cent by mid-2022. This campaign is relevant because, for the first time, children over the age of 12 years will be vaccinated, representing an important decision by the Ministry of Health to protect this highly vulnerable group with safe, efficacious and approved vaccines. In addition, the campaign will administer three types of vaccines not only at fixed sites, such as health centers, but also in communities using a variety of social mobilization and communications strategies involving community and religious leaders, public and private media houses and social media platforms. So, if you wish to get that much desired booster shot, this is your chance.

The Gambia is at a crossroads when it comes to Covid-19 vaccination. On the one hand, the country possesses a significant arsenal of vaccines, generous funding has been made available by development partners, national and regional plans have been developed and a modern ultra-cold chain facility has been established that can store up to 1.7 million vaccine doses at any given point. The country has demonstrated that it can implement these campaigns successfully with good planning, coordination and leadership by the Ministry of Health, other sectors of government, the private sector and civil society. In other words, lack of resources is not the key challenge to reaching the afore-mentioned goal.

On the other hand, however, the combination of several factors conspires against reaching this goal, including: a historically low load of positive cases since the pandemic began (generating the false impression that the pandemic is over); a wrongful perception that in some countries Covid-19’s impact has been less severe than originally anticipated; a pervasive and persistent vaccine hesitancy fueled by misinformation; the progressive relaxation of control and prevention measures in many countries (only made possible by high rates of vaccination); and, lastly, an assumption (not necessarily far-fetched) that a large swathe of the population in The Gambia and other African countries has already been exposed to the Covid-19 virus, thus acquiring some immunity.

But Covid-19 continues to impart significant damage on the most vulnerable, as noted by a recent UNICEF-World Bank study showing that at least two thirds of households with children have lost income during the pandemic. Thus, it is imperative that we address these issues head-on and remind ourselves that we are still not out of the woods. As demonstrated by the omicron variant, and its subsequent mutations, Covid-19 is indeed a wily and unpredictable adversary, but science and public health demonstrate that vaccination represents the best roadmap to reach normalcy, protect our health and save lives. Yes, surges and spikes will occur, but the more people are vaccinated, indeed, the sooner we reach herd immunity, the less likely the probability that these will be similar to the waves experienced in 2020 and 2021. So, yes, it is still necessary to get vaccinated against Covid-19. It is the smart thing to do.

Perhaps the most important message to the vaccine hesitant, the unconvinced and those mulling whether getting the vaccine is worth the effort and still necessary – if you are vaccinated and you get infected, you will only have mild symptoms and save yourself a trip to the hospital and, better yet, avoid your name appearing on the next obituary notice. It is worth noting that preliminary data from the Edward Francis Small Teaching Hospital corroborates that most Covid-19 admissions during the omicron peak were amongst the unvaccinated.

With your help, with your decision to get vaccinated, with your motivation of others to get vaccinated, we can get to 70 per cent! Let’s do this Gambia!

“We Now Have Two Insurrectionists As Speaker And Deputy” – Sidi Sanneh Takes A Dig At Fabakary Jatta And Seedy Njie  

By: Sidi Sanneh

Speaker Fabakary T. Jatta is quoted as saying the reason African presidents are disinclined to relinquish power is because they are afraid of the payback and humiliation they’ll suffer at the hands of their successors should they vacate power voluntarily.

He made this argument in advocating and promoting the return of Yaya Jammeh amidst the related events. First, he became Speaker of the National Assembly and his fellow traveller and former APRC soul-mate Seedy Njie who became his Deputy Speaker to jointly manage Barrow’s legislative calendar.

The Speaker was campaigning unabashedly with such unethical fervour and with neither shame nor relent, while halfway around the world, a member of Jammeh’s infamous hit squad known locally as “The Junglers”, was being tried in Germany for crimes against humanity. A similar charge awaits another Jammeh associate, his former Interior Minister who has been in custody in Switzerland for nearly three years. There’s yet a third alleged human rights abuser in custody in the U.S. being investigated for a similar charge.

While Germany, Switzerland and the United States are observing the spirit and letter of international law, by contrast, The Gambia – the crime scene – where the gruesome atrocities took place is busy concocting embarrassing excuses for not doing the right thing by bringing the perpetrators to justice.

The machinations of the government of Adama Barrow are a never-ending Kabuki dance routine, choreographed by Barrow and fueled by the APRC-faction led by Speaker Jatta designed to truncate the transitional justice process to appease Yaya Jammeh. Barrow saw this as a way to build a workable coalition, as well as to entice Jammeh, to buy into the enterprise.

Their plan has not worked because they failed to get Jammeh onboard – an unsurprising outcome because Jammeh knows he will never set foot in The Gambia without providing a full account of his 22-year presidency to the Gambian people, as well as to the international community.

Yaya Jammeh is also aware that Barrow’s unilateral decision is worthless because the alleged crimes against humanity committed under his 22-year watch cannot be expunged from the record by a presidential pardon independent of the victims of the dictatorship, as well as the international community having a say in the matter.

Bai Lowe’s case in Germany should serve as a reminder to the government of The Gambia that the matter extends beyond the shores of The Gambia and the reach of those at home trying to scuttle the process. The accused have committed crimes against humanity. The long arm of international law will trace them, investigate them, and judge them from wherever they may be.

Speaker Jatta’s efforts to stymie the transitional justice process started very early in Adama Barrow’s administration. In fact, the two commenced meeting in December 2017, almost a year after Barrow assumed office which, ultimately and unfortunately, culminated in the nominations and election of the two as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly to the chagrin of many Gambians including the management and staff of the Victims Center.

In their letter to President Adama Barrow, Sheriff Kijera, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Center expressed their concern about the nomination of Fabakary T. Jatta and Seedy Njie by citing that “these two individuals…do not only represent the brutal dictatorship that The Gambia endured for 22 years…the two men were also key pillars of the power behind the tyranny of former President Jammeh.”

In his role as the last Information Minister, appointed in the final days of the regime of Yaya Jammeh, Seedy Njie almost plunged the country into civil strife for refusing to recognize the results of the presidential elections. We now have these two insurrectionists as Speaker and Deputy Speaker of Gambia’s National Assembly responsible for shaping and guiding President Adama Barrow’s legislative agenda through parliament.

The backlash resulting from the nominations of these two was immediate. It was a shock to many Gambians including our development partners, all of whom view the transitional justice program as an integral part of our economic, political, social and cultural recovery and healing process.

The Gambia cannot, and will not, emerge from 22-years of dictatorship whole without a thorough and unabated truth and reconciliation process which was the main mission of Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission whose Report is now on life support. The TRRC Report looks like it will meet the same fate as the Janneh Commission and the Constitutional Review Commission Reports i.e. in Adama Barrow’s office dustbin.

Over Land Allocation To Cabinet Ministers: Samsudeen Sarr Defends Lands Minister

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By Samsudeen Sarr

It is crystal clear that there is a calculated and dishonest campaign perpetuated on social media by certain disgruntled elements but in particular by Mr. Madi Joberteh to malign the character of the minister of lands Hon. Musa Drammeh for allocating government residential plots to cabinet Ministers and other entitled dignitaries.

After conducting a thorough investigation of his condescending allegations I can attest with certainty that the minister concerned Hon Drammeh acted per the land allocation rights vested in him and enshrined under the Land Administration Laws under section 11A of the State Lands Act 1991 CAP 57:02 Laws of The Gambia and also under Regulation 8 of the State Lands Regulation.

Evidently, the ministers and other beneficiaries listed by Mr. Joberteh as donees in the allotment were first confirmed to have never been allocated such homesites before. It is also pertinent to acknowledge the fact that the area in question was state-owned land at the time the allocations were made to the recipients.

It was actually a decision made by a government-constituted-land commission like any other commission mandated to act on the legal guidelines of an important transaction. So any attempt to blame Hon. Musa Drammeh for executing a collective responsibility will be unfair on him and blatantly disingenuous, to say the least.

How deceitful can we be to pretend as if previous governments of The Gambia hadn’t in the past allocated land through this ministry to an uncountable number of public servants including ministers, military officers and private citizens? How long ago was it for Gambians to forget such layouts as in Kanifing East, Kotu East, Fajara, Pipeline, Bejilo, and Cape Point among others that were launched by the previous two Governments and distributed to civil servants, ministers, business owners, military officers and other eligible Gambians?

This writer was a bonafide beneficiary with all his counterparts when in 1987 the then minister of lands Honorable Alagie Yaya Ceesay acting on government injunction issued all commissioned military officers a patch of ground at the Kotu East Layout. And I don’t think any sane Gambian at the time attempted to use Madi’s counterargument for us to return the lands or called for the arrest and prosecution of the minister on what seems to be mere politically-induced rhetoric.

We have to realise that there is nothing new or strange about what the minister Hon Musa Drammeh has done to trigger the unprecedented brouhaha on social media propagated by none other than rogue opposition elements vying to score cheap political points.

But does it surprise anyone that the protagonist spearheading the character assassination of the minister is none other than Madi Joberteh who over the years has come to epitomize intellectual dishonesty? But what do we expect? After zealously rooting for the opposition political parties to unseat the Barrow government and suffering a succession of humiliating defeats, his wounded ego has now impelled him to weaponize misinformation and character assassination aimed at swaying public opinion against the current government and its honourable members.

But like in his previous failed attempts to incite social and political rebellion in the country-Westfield intersection has since become synonymous with his futile endeavours-this new strategy of Mr. Joberteh will equally crash rather than gain the traction he desires.

They may try to manipulate the gullible and unsophisticated Gambians who may not know much about the past but to think that there are no longer conscientious and knowledgeable people around to remember and identify all those families and their offspring who in the past benefitted from such government-land allocations, particularly within the Fajara and Pipeline layouts is both absurd and narrow-mindedness.

Please don’t start us into calling names or publishing lists of those families whose unruly offsprings had found nothing abnormal with the process yesterday but deem it obnoxious today.

Madi and his gang of dishonest critics embedded in the opposition coterie ought to recognize that as recently as in 2018 a good number of their comrades-in-the rampage accepted similar land offers from the ministry of lands and will never surrender the properties for any number of juvenile threat to protest at Westfield or hollow ultimatums to sack, arrest, charge and prosecute any government official.

Trust me, I was indeed privy to a list of many recipients in the past whose names if published will only embarrass these hopeless bullies and members of their families.
Folks pretending to be holier-than-thou on the social media today when their parents had yesterday benefitted from the same offers leaves me wondering what these guys have been smoking lately to take all the Gambians for granted.

But whom are we kidding about Madi Joberteh? When Mballo Kanteh a serial murderer was coached to appear before the TRRC and accuse me of torturing him Madi in his habitual arrogance literally wanted me lynched for the contentious testimony. But when his blood brother Lamin Babanding Joberteh was accused by the same Kanteh of more savage torture he said nothing about him.

The partisanship in this fellow flows deeply in his DNA. He probably has the names of all his family members, associates and colleagues who actually benefitted in the land allocation at the ministry of local government from Hon. Musa Drammeh but will act as if they are all “pardonable” or don’t even exist.

If we cannot commend Hon Minister Drammeh for allocating land to deserving Gambians whether they are ministers or not, please spare him in your hateful and wretched crusade.

The honourable minister did not do anything wrong other than to legally allocate government land in the manner it has always been done for officials they happen to hate and despise for who they are. Our conscience will not let us remain indifferent to unsolicited character assassins, calamity engineers and lacklustre losers like Mr. Madi Joberteh and his chums.

Kudos Honorable Musa Drammeh, your work is very much appreciated by all sincere Gambians.

Anxiety Grips New National Assembly

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By D. A. Jawo

Many people are still trying to make sense of President Adama Barrow’s choice of the five people that he nominated to the National Assembly, in complete contradiction of the letter and spirit of that provision of the 1997 Constitution that gave him the power to nominate people to represent certain interests in the legislature.

While it is not specifically spelt out in the Constitution, but commonsense dictates that the President was expected to nominate people to represent certain marginalised/interest groups that otherwise would not have had the opportunity of having anyone amongst them being elected. Therefore, in the interest of equity and national inclusion, the President is given the power to pick people to represent the interests and aspirations of those marginalised/interest groups in the legislature.  In this country, such marginalised/interest groups that had always craved for such representation in the legislature include, the differently-abled persons, the minority Christian community, the Lebanese/Syrian community, trade unions, as well as the women and the youths, amongst several others that deserve a voice in the legislature. Even with all his buts, former President Yahya Jammeh tried to respect the spirit of that constitutional provision by nominating people to represent some of those marginalised/interest groups.

However, if we closely scrutinise even the demeanor of those that President Barrow nominated, it is quite obvious to anyone who cares for the truth that his objective was simply to boost the numbers of his National People’s Party (NPP) in the National Assembly rather than for any other reason.

Of course, his nominations for 2017 were also not the best, because, apart from having three women, one of whom represented the differently-abled, all the five nominees, except one, were members of the United Democratic Party (UDP), which, like the NPP today, was enjoying all the privileges of a ruling party. However, it was quite obvious then that President Barrow was courting the UDP with the intention of having the party to adopt him as their leader in anticipation of not only reneging on his campaign promise to serve three years, but serving his full term, and also running for a second term. We all saw what happened when he failed to achieve that objective; things fell apart and eventually, there was a divorce, culminating in the formation of the NPP, and the rest is history.

Indeed, no matter what justification one may try to give, nominating controversial characters like Fabakary Tombong Jatta, Seedy Njie and Fatoumata Jawara was the worst choice that President Barrow ever made. We all witnessed the negative roles that both Fabakary and Seedy Njie played during the political impasse that occurred immediately after the December 2016 presidential elections when former President Jammeh was defeated by President Barrow. The duo; Fabakary as then Majority Leader of the National Assembly and Seedy Njie, as information minister, tried everything possible to thwart the will of the Gambian people, almost plunging this country into civil conflict, just to protect their own interests and that of their master. Therefore, morality demands that those two gentlemen should never have been allowed anywhere hear the National Assembly, let alone become its leaders.

As for Fatoumata Jawara, it is hard to justify forcing her on the people when she has already been rejected as not suitable material for the National Assembly. This is certainly the height of disrespect for the people of Tallinding Kunjang Constituency, in particular, who in no uncertain terms voted against her in the National Assembly elections.

In view of all the above and several other compelling reasons, one would wonder whether President Barrow sought proper advice before making his decision to nominate these people. We are all aware of the bad blood that already exists between Fabakary as leader of the APRC and the breakaway faction of that party which contested and won all the five seats in the Fonis, as well as members of the UDP. In such a situation therefore, it is difficult to see how such a person would earn the respect of those members in the National Assembly.

Of course, if the Speaker of the National Assembly does not enjoy the respect of a majority of the members, then it is hard to see how anything productive can come out of that institution. What is therefore likely to happen is that most of the time of the National Assembly would be wasted on petty squabbles and bickering between the Speaker and those members, thus leading to a stalemate on most issues of national importance. One would have therefore thought that President Barrow would put all such a possibility under consideration when he was making his decision as to whom to nominate.

Another reason that made Fabakary unsuitable for leadership of the National Assembly is his uncompromising position on many issues of national concern, especially with regards to the transitional justice programme. We all heard how critical he had been of both the Janneh Commission and the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC), as well as his unmeasured opposition to the draft constitution. Probably his opposition to the draft may have been one of the reasons President Barrow encouraged his supporters in the National Assembly to vote against it, thus throwing away millions of Gambian tax payers’ money. He was publicly quoted saying that the TRRC report should be thrown into the dustbin. Therefore, it would be foolhardy for anyone to expect that such a character would hesitate to use his position as Speaker to try and sabotage anything pertaining to those issues whenever they come before the National Assembly.

Many people were critical of the last National Assembly for failing to achieve much during its tenure, but with all the signs and symptoms we seem to be seeing in this new legislature, it is hard to expect any better results. In fact we should be lucky if the anticipated acrimony between the Speaker and some of the members did not lead to chaos of gigantic proportions that could derail our fragile democratic dispensation.

Bring Back Our Lands! Sack and Prosecute Musa Drammeh

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By: Madi Jobarteh

Minister of Lands Musa Drammeh must either be thinking that the Gambia is a 17th-century tiny fiefdom, or he is such a myopic person or both that he thinks corruption, patronage and abuse of office are normal. It is high time that Musa Drammeh is contained and removed from public office and prosecuted lest he plunges this country into the deep red fire!

Musa Drammeh must be told that public office is not Drammeh Kunda or Barrow Kunda or Jobarteh Kunda for the purpose of self-aggrandizement. Rather he must know and accept that each and every public office is established by the Constitution for the sole purpose of serving nothing other than the public good.

Those who hold public office do not hold it for themselves. Rather elected and appointed public officials are considered by the Constitution as public trustees or servants of the people. Public officials are neither kings nor queens nor are they special beyond and above the people. Period.

Hence the recent allocation of public lands to the Vice President and a bunch of ministers and private individuals is utterly out of place in any civilized, modern democratic republic. The ridiculous rationalization given by Musa Drammeh is utterly unjustified and illegal. It is even more nonsensical to claim that such practice was happening since the time of Jawara and therefore justified to continue with this practice today. There is no legal basis for such malpractice!

In the first place, there is no provision in the Constitution or any land law that empowers the President of the National Assembly, much less a Minister to donate public lands to any public official or private citizen. Unfortunately, in this country, public officials at the highest level have always arrogated to themselves certain services, goods, and benefits just because they claim to hold public office.

Such practice is based on no law, rather it is a practice they have created for and by themselves which is based on nothing other than to illegally enrich themselves by turning the public office into a self-serving tool.

The claim that the Minster made that the allocated lands were mere replacements for lands taken from these individuals is an insult and willful attempt to hoodwink citizens in justifying theft. It was this Government that set up the Janneh Commission which had documented all the landed properties that Jammeh had illegally taken. If there is any citizen whose land was taken by Jammeh, the normal thing is for the Government to return that land to its rightful owner. Land does not disappear like a burning candle or a matchstick in a haystack.

Therefore, if any minister had lost his or her lands to Yaya Jammeh, what Musa Drammeh got to do is to go back to the Janneh Commission Report to identify that land and give it back to the rightful owner.

In fact, if the Minister’s claim is true, which I doubt that these Ministers lands were taken by Jammeh, then what about the lands of many more Gambians whose lands were also taken away.

The fact is Dr Isatou Touray, Ebrima Sillah, Bakary Badgie, Dawda Jallow, Amadou Lamin Samateh, Fatou Kinteh, Amie Fabureh, Claudiana Cole, Saffiatou Samba Tangara, Alkali Conteh and Sheriff Tambadou were not ministers during the tenure of Yaya Jammeh.

That means they were ordinary citizens like all of us. Therefore, why give them public lands as a replacement or simply because they requested it when there are thousands of Gambians without even a single land and while others’ lands were also taken by Jammeh?

I call on all these individuals to return these lands right now otherwise they are nothing but stinking and shameless thieves who are exploiting public office for personal gain. All of these individuals already have their own well-built homes. But even if they don’t have a home, they are well paid from where they should go to buy their own lands elsewhere. As public officials, they are paid a salary and they should live within their salary or any legally and legitimately earned income. The land is not a salary and certainly, it cannot be an incentive.

For that matter, I hereby call on Gambians to protest this blatant act of corruption and abuse of office. Stand up and speak up now and do not let unscrupulous individuals without conscience abuse our lives and future for their selfish interests.

I call on political parties and CSOs to stage a massive and unending protest until these lands are taken back from these people. I call on citizens and CSOs to go to the courts to challenge this shameless daylight armed robbery led by Musa Drammeh in the middle of Ramadan! Shame!

Above all, I call on the National Assembly to pass a motion of censure as per section 75 of the Constitution to dismiss Musa Drammeh and order the IGP to arrest and prosecute him for abuse of office, fraud, corruption, and economic crimes. Since 2017, Musa Drammeh has become the single most corrupt, abusive, and uncontrollable minister in the Gambia.

His blatant disregard of the law and the national interest and direct interference with local councils and mismanagement of public lands is scandalous, unacceptable, and criminal. The culture of corruption and patronage that Musa Drammeh is perpetrating in this country is a threat to national security. He has shown total disregard for public interest and the future of this country.

This man thinks the Government is a personal and family farm to enrich himself and his political allies. Politicians like Musa Drammeh are able to damage the public good only because citizens allow them to do so. Until Gambians are willing and ready to make politicians face severe risks and consequences for their decisions, we shall continue to be bastardised and plundered by these corrupt and incompetent minsters like Musa Drammeh and his ilk until eternity.

Musa Drammeh should be sacked and prosecuted. Now!

For The Gambia Our Homeland

Examining The Orientation of Public Health Practice in The Gambia: Letter to my Lecturer

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Dear Mr Nget,

10 years ago this week, I was seated right in your classroom as a student at The Gambia College – School of Public Health in Brikama Campus. Those moments will ever be cherished. Haha! Ok.

Very well, please allow me to offer you my honest professional and intellectual reaction to the service I have dedicated my life so far in this country.

Sir, since 1887 when the first public health ordinance was passed in The Gambia, our focus has steadily been on general public health practice. Until 1961 when the Ministry of Health was established, The Gambia continued to rely on the expertise of few public health experts who managed to situate the said Ministry. And then in 1964, the seriousness of the focus of general public health practice was well scoped, further creating an Endemic Disease Unit, mass vaccination campaigns, and upgrading the then Village Dispensaries to Rural Health Centers. Beautiful!

However, in examining the orientation of Public Health Practice in The Gambia, we need to move away from general public health practice to precision public health. The world today has lost sight of general practice to speciality skills utilization. This has fueled and favored precision public health over general public health practice.

We do not necessarily have to shift focus from the population care approach over individual patient, but we need to swift focus now on giving right treatment at the right time, every time to the right person. Of course this has been the goal of public health practice but there is a lot of hype around this as per it’s real application.

Precision public health practice will allow a good moderation for targeted population interventions. Yes, the general public health practice has been the bread and butter method of our health care system that had made us achieved this much as a country. But then, in this day and age, we cannot do good public health practice without health technology and speciality skill-sets. Colonial public health practice does not match the realities of the current trends of emerging diseases and other health emergencies. The sand has shifted!

Our approach in Public Health Practice today must take into account the individual variability of genes. This is why genomic epidemiology is needed today best than ever! We need to have essential gadgets in measuring our environmental factors and not merely using perception score tools or flipping pages of health diaries. Our approach to disease surveillance must shift without heavily relying on printed investigation forms but a networked surveillance platform that will sink real time information and run the analysis for risk trends on the spot as well as wearable tech-gadgets. We should be able to see the real time case events on a standard emergency dashboard that can be monitored by personnel’s of the Public Health Emergency Operation Center (PHEOC) at Kotu.

Sir, we must act fast and intelligent to revolutionize public health in this country. Are we not jealous of this beautiful cadre? We need to advance our demographic risk mapping with such speciality skills that can provide us with an in-depth analysis of disease penetration in our communities and the care delivery logistics needed. Such mapping can better inform our gallant field forces – Public Health Officers – in the conduct of performing contact tracing for individuals that may have been exposed to a certain disease to slow the speed of community transmission. At least we have done well with MobileHealth – 1025 Operations.

Today, our roads are a death trap for the productive population of this country. Precision public health will allow a more proactive tailored intervention-based strategies for our driving population and road users. The factors responsible for road crashes are multilayered. We have to attack the layers one after the other, from policy, road engineering and markings, speeding resolves, user behaviors and knowlege, etc.

Sir, finally, we have to break the barriers to better understand case profiles, predict risk and outcome, and act upon that evidence at the right time, every time to the right population.

Let me use this opportunity to ask the Almighty Allah, to bless you abundantly. You imparted a great deal of knowledge on me. Thanks!

Your Student,
SG Sillah
Public Health Commentator

“Although The Country Faces Economic Challenges: The Issues Confronting Gambians Are Purely Social In Nature,” Gambian Economist 

Gambian Economist, Nyang Njie has noted that although the country may face economic challenges like most other countries, the issues confronting the small West African country are purely social in nature. These issues he identified include tribalism, envy and opportunism among others.

He noted that these are born out of a poor social contract that existed since 1956 when The Gambia gained her independence.

“Fixing Gambia starts with an equitable society. We are all first amongst equals and no Gambian is more Gambian than the next one. Instant gratification and glorification of wealth have taken away the humanity in us.

Corruption is embellished and most care less to question the source of wealth. The issues confronting Gambians are purely social in nature (tribalism, envy and opportunism). These are borne out of a poor social contract we lived under since 1965,” Nyang Njie said.

He further noted that a society without upright virtues is bound to be decadent. And subsequently, a decadent society is chaotic and lawless. 

Meanwhile, he prays that God would save, “our dearly beloved nation” The Gambia.

Fabakary Tombong Jatta: The Undisputed King-Maker

By: Professor Abdoulaye Saine

Though I do not care much for his politics, like him or loath him, I take my hat off for Fabakary Tombong Jatta. As the new Speaker of the National Assembly, he presided over the somber swearing-in of the new, recently nominated, and continuing members of the National Assembly. By aligning his splinter/break-away faction of the APRC, Jatta, a political animal, and strategist helped orchestrate Barrow’s NPP, to a clear victory in the presidential election, and now the National Assembly election with a slight edge made stronger by five additional nominated members.

Jatta, in my book, is the undisputed King-maker, and political operative who had for most of Yayah Jammeh’s tenure, and now Barrow’s helped direct, among others, both the content and direction of  Gambian politics. When one expected Jatta to be discarded and disgraced in the aftermath of APRC’s pre-election internal criss, he took the calculated risk of building an alliance between his APRC faction with Barrow’s APP, for which he is now handsomely rewarded.

With Sida, Halifa, Ya Kumba Jaiteh, and Ousman Sillah gone, the National Assembly will likely become Jatta’s new platform to drive through, with few obstacles, Barrow’s political agenda- using his folksy carrot and stick approach to hatch out political deals in the Peoples’ Assembly. Talking about the Peoples’ Assembly; except for a few, most members are political novices who have not distinguished themselves in the professions or academically- some could barely read the oath. But here lies their individual and collective charm(s). This is because the presidential and assembly elections may have very well occasioned a sea change, a new chapter in Gambia’s modern politics where the high-brow elite and highly educated politicians and their supporters have been smartly  out maneuvered, “bested” by a less lettered/credentialed, non-elite political class including the likes of Barrow and his advisors. Call it a “class coup.”

This is truly remarkable, as this underrated bunch of (respectfully) “half-baked” politicians, despite their party affiliation together now hold the key(s) to Gambia’s future in the next five years, and perhaps, beyond. Think back for a moment of the Parliament, and Parliamentarians of the immediate post-independence era, and you get my point.

Perhaps, the electorate voted the way they did, in both elections, like it or not, partly because they lost all hope in the elite and elitist politicians and voted for the current assembly members without the blink of an eye. Could it be that the current crop  of assembly members have their ears closer to the ground and speak the language of the masses? Is it also because the electorate would rather vote in a president and assembly members who will likely meet some of their expectations rather than the old and relatively more lettered political elite?

We must never underestimate the Gambian electorate, as they are more astute and sure of what they want than we ordinarily give them credit for. Similarly, we must not underestimate this “new class” of relatively young, novice politicians, as we did the A(F)PRC and Jammeh, specifically. We do so at our peril. You may like, or loath them but they hold the keys to our futures and our nation’s.

I knew Fabakary Tombong Jatta at Armitage High. He was an unassuming, soft-spoken lad with a slight stutter- perhaps the most unlikely candidate for the post of Speaker in hind sight. But was I/were we wrong in underestimating Tombong then, as he has risen high to assume one of three key political positions-  Speaker of the “Peoples’” Assembly. Congratulations to Speaker Jatta and new NAMs. For the older and elite/elitist politicians, and supporters, you have work to do.

Young Gambian Star Optimistic About Winning The Senegalese League Trophy

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By: Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

Casa Sports Gambian midfielder, Alasana Faye has said that he is optimistic about winning his first-ever league trophy in Senegal as his team sits on top of the Senegalese top football league table standing with 9 games to play.

Paco, as he is fondly called, is on loan in Casa Sports from BK Millan, after the latter’s relegation to the second tier of Gambian football end of last season.

“I am having a good season with the team and this gives me hope that we will win the league at the end of the season”, the combative midfielder told this medium.

Casa Sports triumphed over Generation Foot last weekend by a goal to nil in a top of the table clash. The triumph rolled them on top of the league standing, two points clear from the second spot occupant, Generation Foot.

The 21-year-old agile midfielder is an integral part of his side and has been playing week in and week out for Casa Sports.

Struggled during the advent of the league due to injury, the midfielder has regained his fitness and featured for the Cassamance based team playing as a robust defensive midfielder providing security to the defenders.

“Playing every week is paramount for my progress and I can’t be happier than this. The league is very competitive and well organised. I have recovered fully and the objective now is to win my first league title as a footballer”. Faye enthusiastically told The Fatu Network.

Faye’s loan with Casa Sports will end at the end of the season. His objective, in addition to winning the league, is to sign a professional contract.

Casa Sports will be playing Linguere FC this weekend as they prepare to maintain their lead on the table standings.

OPINION EDITORIAL: Hello To The Gambia. Let’s Get To Work Together!

By Sharon L. Cromer, Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of The Gambia

Of all the times to arrive in The Gambia, I came at one of the best. A few weeks after our plane touched down, I witnessed the National Assembly election. The Gambia has achieved another milestone for the democracy that its people have worked so hard to restore.

The election marks a positive inflection point and offers much promise. Particularly inspiring are the many committed young adults who actively worked on the elections and participated in civil-society-led voter education and election observation. There is a clear desire to improve on the bold steps that Gambians took toward democracy in 2016, and that is cause for optimism.

Make no mistake. The Gambia, like the United States, has its challenges as we both strive to strengthen our democracies. As The Gambia’s partner, we do not have all the answers, but in the spirit of collaboration, we want to help create a better future for our nations.

During my tenure, I pledge that the United States will be steadfast in helping The Gambia build democratic institutions, promote respect for human rights, and strengthen inclusive, country-led economic development—all goals that we share as free people.

As your partner, we will move ahead on many important ongoing bilateral and multilateral initiatives. These include our new USAID development agreement to strengthen judicial institutions, along with other initiatives such as donating – in partnership with COVAX – safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine doses, grants for educating women and girls, support for the media sector, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation Threshold Program to develop and implement strategic reforms for the energy sector.

I hope to do even more, especially in pursuing initiatives that promote transparency, good governance, respect for human rights, and self-reliant economic development. We will help Gambians increase accountability and give a voice to all the people of this great nation. I have seen firsthand the power of these partnerships in other countries and look forward to moving forward with many here in The Gambia.

Most of all, I hope to meet more of the many Gambians who are working to build a better future for themselves and their families. Forty years ago, I traveled through The Gambia and was so impressed by the warmth and optimism of its people that I never forgot it. It is good to see this spirit has not changed.

There is so much to look forward to. For now, I thank you for the most positive welcome—both in terms of the people I have met and the events I have just witnessed. My Embassy colleagues and I are so enthusiastic about partnering with the people of The Smiling Coast of Africa. The Gambia has a special place in my heart, and I am eager to lead my team as we work with you.

Gaira Joof Snubs Gamtel And Hawks To Sign For Wallidan Fc

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By: Muhammed Lamin Drammeh

Gaira Joof, the erstwhile Gambia Under 23 striker who was playing professional football in Israel has snubbed Gamtel FC and Hawks FC by signing a contract with serial Gambian league champions, Wallidan FC on Wednesday.

The contract signed with the blue boys yesterday will see the 23-year-old attacker staying on till the end of the season.

“I am glad to sign this with Wallidan. I believe that I can help them to win the league and regain my fitness before my summer move”, the attacker told The Fatu Network.

Three other clubs — Gamtel FC, Hawks and the defending champions Fortune Fc, have all contacted Joof but he opted to sign for Wallidan Football Club.

According to the 23-year old attacker who has been battling a knee injury since March 2021, the passing of Hatib Njie, a renowned supporter of Wallidan urged him to sign for the team to fulfil his promise.
” I made a promise to him that I will play for Wallidan. This has been his wish. Now that he is not alive, I am ready to give all to the team to win the league for him.”

The speedy and dazzling attacker last played for UM Fahem in Israel where he suffered a serious knee injury. He played 11 games for them, scored 4 goals and got 3 assists.
He was very influential for the team before he went on to nurse an injury that will ruin his contract with them.
Wallidan currently sits fifth in The Gambia Football Federation Division One league. The blue boys will hope to finish the first round of games in the top five and fight the battle against Real De Banjul and Brikama United for the league trophy. The team’s acquisition of Gaira Joof will add more weight to their attack, but only if the former UM Fahem star repossesses his fitness.

Objection to the President’s National Assembly Nominations

By all standards, these current nominations betray the reasons and rationale for presidential nominations. The norm that has guided the President in proposing nominations to the National Assembly is to cater for sectors of society that are under-represented to promote inclusion and national unity. For that reason, women, youth, persons with disabilities as well as minority groups such as Christians and the Lebanese-Gambian community have all benefited from this constitutional gesture. Unfortunately, the current nominations by the President do not fit this requirement. The press release from the State House only gave five names without providing any reasons or rationale behind their selection.

What is apparent is that the five names are all political surrogates and allies of the President. Hence these nominations are an act of quid pro quo, which is only to reciprocate favours. Favoritism is an aspect of bribery and corruption in which the President should not indulge. These nominations therefore undermine the integrity and independence of the National Assembly as well as threaten national interest since the nominated individuals will be duty bound to serve only the interest of the President who nominated them.

The position of Speaker and Deputy Speaker is significant in the governance of the Gambia. The Speaker is in fact the third highest public official in the country, after the President and Vice President. The National Assembly is the highest organ of the State whose primary obligation is to oversee the Executive to ensure that the President and his appointed officials abide by the rule of law and are transparent, responsive, and accountable in the performance of their functions. The Legislature and the Executive share only an accountability relationship purposely for the good governance of the country. Hence, nominating an individual as Speaker based on favoritism directly interferes with the principle of separation of powers while undermining the Speaker from ensuring that the National Assembly is effectively playing its oversight functions.

The President must therefore be advised to withdraw these nominations forthwith and revert to the very norms and standards that underpin this unique prerogative that he has. For that matter, the President should be advised to nominate a Christian of high integrity and reputation, a person with disability of similar character as well as a youth, a woman, and a Lebanese Gambian. These are the kind of nominations that will cement the unity and peace of the Gambia as a viable nation capable of governing itself along the highest standards of human rights, inclusion, and diversity.

The nomination of Fabakary brings out a lot of issues. In the first place, Fabakary is a key architect of the APRC Dictatorship under which scores of Gambian children, women and men were subjected to the worst human right violations, while public wealth was bastardised without remorse. The Janneh Commission and the TRRC have amply displayed how Yayas Jammeh was left totally unchecked by the National Assembly such that for an entire generation he toyed with Gambian lives and wealth as his personal property, thanks to public officials like Fabakary Tombong Jatta and Seedy Njie.

Since he entered the National Assembly in January 1997, Fabakary never took a position that aimed to check the Executive and the Tinpot Dictator Yaya Jammeh. Under his watch, Fabakary allowed the violations of citizens to perpetuate without any form of accountability. He was a key member of the house in 2001 when the Indemnity Act was passed that provided cover for those security forces and their civilian superiors from accountability for their massacre of Gambian children.

From 2007 to January 2017, Fabakary was the Majority Leader during which he spared no effort in entrenching tyranny of Yaya Jammeh on Gambians. In January 2017, Fabakary was the very one who placed a motion on the floor of the National Assembly to impose a state of emergency just to destroy the sovereign will of Gambians as expressed in the December 2016 presidential elections. As if that was not enough, this Fabakary went further to place another motion to extend the life of both the Assembly and the President, thereby effectively annulling the results of the presidential elections which was the undiluted will of the Gambian people.

Furthermore, it was Seedy Njie, as a National Assembly Member and a Minister of Information at the same time, who vowed that president-elect Adama Barrow will never be sworn in. Seedy went further to state that Yaya Jammeh will rather remain in office thus seeking to damage the collective will of citizens. Since then, Seedy became a vociferous mouthpiece for a dictator who was hellbent on trampling on the will of the people.

Since 2017, Fabakary continued to lead the APRC and Jammeh supporters to direct their energy in attacking any person, institution or initiative aimed at justice and accountability for the crimes of the APRC Regime and its leader. Fabakary has been the leading voice in aggressively discrediting the entire transitional justice process and the TRRC continuously, consistently, and constantly. By doing so, Fabakary and his APRC continuously insulted and mocked victims of human rights violations of the 22-year evil regime. Until today, Fabakary Tombong Jatta and Seedy Njie remain unapologetic, remorseless, and uncompromising for their unpatriotic, illegal, and immoral roles in support of APRC Regime and Yaya Jammeh Tyranny. Rather they are still committed to seeing that the transitional justice process and the TRRC Report are flushed down the toilet.

Hence the nomination of these two individuals poses clear and present danger to justice, peace, and reconciliation in the Gambia. Their presence in the National Assembly means that the pain and misery of Gambian victims shall continue to fester while further threatening the lives of any Gambian who seeks to bring about justice and accountability for the atrocities of the APRC Regime and Yaya Jammeh.

Therefore, it is basic common sense for anyone to realize that persons like Fabakary and Seedy should rather face accountability rather than to be rewarded for their violations against the State and Nation of the Gambia. These two individuals do not have any legal, political, or moral standing to be in public office ever again, much more assume the highest positions in the highest institution of the country.

By these nominations Pres. Barrow has betrayed both himself as a victim of APRC Tyranny which was aided and abetted by Fabakary and Seedy while harming the soul, dignity, and integrity of the Gambian nation and all her sons and daughters. Pres. Barrow must therefore be asked to not only withdraw these nominations but must also sincerely apologize for this grossly poor judgement and demonstration of irresponsible leadership. By nominating these individuals therefore, it is clear like the sunlight at noon that Pres. Barrow has put the Office of the President into disrepute which is an impeachable offence as per Section 67 of the Constitution.

To add salt to injury, the nominations Fatoumatta Jawara, Kebba Lang Fofana and Maimuna Ceesay all point to a clear case of the President using his office to deliver favours to persons who do not deserve it. Surely Fatoumatta contested the elections and lost hence it is immoral to bring her through other means into the parliament. That tantamount to imposing her as a lawmaker. What is so special about Fatoumatta that the President is hellbent on seeing her inside the National Assembly? Similarly, Kebba and Maimuna do not represent any sector of society. They are mere surrogates of the President. It will therefore be immoral for the President to compensate such people with public office.

I wish to therefore call on President Adama Barrow to rescind his decision without delay. I would advise the President to liaise with youth groups, women groups, the Christian Council, the Lebanese community as well as the Gambia Federation of the Disabled in order to identify proper representatives.

Barrow has a duty to cleanse and purify our democracy and governance system. This can only be done through upholding honesty, patriotism, and adherence to high values. Barrow must realize that he has been elected as President of the Gambia hence he is not in competition with anyone. Rather he has a duty to bring all Gambians together in unity, peace, and respect. It is obvious that a Fabakary and Seedy Njie leadership in the National Assembly will only bring about confrontation with their opponents there such as UDP and No to Alliance Movement and other Independents. Hence a Fabakary leadership will be divisive and unproductive because there is so much enmity between him and his political opponents. In that case it is the Gambia which will lose.

Failure to rescind this decision, I urge the newly elected NAMs to put up a motion to reject the entire nominations and demand the President to propose new and proper nominations through consultations with various sectors of society. If the National Assembly also fails to stop these nominations, I urge all political parties and civil society to mobilize their supporters and citizens to go on the streets to demonstrate and use all legal, peaceful, and nonviolent means to demand these nominations be cancelled immediately.

For The Gambia Our Homeland
…………………………………………….
Madi Jobarteh
Skype: madi.jobarteh
Twitter: @jobartehmadi
LinkedIn: Madi Jobarteh
Phone: +220 9995093

National Assembly Election Postmortem

By: D. A. Jawo

Gambians have spoken through their ballots by electing those they want to represent them in the National Assembly for the next five years. It had been an election full of anticipations as well as surprises.

In view of President Adama Barrow’s landslide victory in the last presidential elections, most members and supporters of his National People’s Party (NPP) and indeed many other Gambians had anticipated that they were going to sweep clean the legislative elections and dominate the next National Assembly.

However, even though they managed to scrape a slight majority President Barrow and his supporters are no doubt quite disappointed with the results. One would therefore wonder what had become of their acclaimed strategists who helped them win the presidential elections barely three months ago. There is no doubt that the NPP hierarchy would meet to analyze the results and find out what went wrong.

Among the numerous surprises is the fact that this is the first time in the history of the Gambia that a ruling party has not won a single seat in the Greater Banjul Area and virtually annihilated the populous West Coast Region as well. The party has been consigned to be a ‘Bolongkono’ party.

It is quite unprecedented that President Barrow lost even in the very constituency that he cast his vote, which is Banjul Central, and that is quite symbolic. One would therefore wonder how the NPP lost all the seats in Banjul, despite all the noise and capital they were making out of the Banjul rehabilitation project.

We will now eagerly wait to hear what explanation those who gave President Barrow the solemn promise that the people of Banjul were grateful for what he had done for them and that they would accompany him all the way, would give for their dismal performance in Banjul. It is a similar situation with his vocal militants in the West Coast Region who had promised to deliver the whole region to the NPP while ending up with a single seat out of the 12 constituencies of the region.

While the jury is still out as to why the NPP performed far less than expected, the overwhelming evidence is that many Gambians are disappointed with the performance of the Barrow administration, especially in the face of the daily price hikes of basic commodities and the mounting corruption perception, and the apparent failure of the government to be seen to do much about it. Just as President Barrow himself is often quoted saying; “You can say you own your party but the people own themselves”.

Therefore, the people have clearly demonstrated that they own themselves and make their own decisions as to whom to support.

Another possible reason why the NPP performed poorly is the selection criteria for their candidates. It is alleged by some NPP supporters that instead of following the dictates of their constituency committees, most of the candidates were imposed on them by the top echelons of the party. That eventually led to some aspirants rebelling and contesting as independents, thus causing some confusion within the party’s ranks.

Among the many surprises of the results of the elections is no doubt the failure of two veterans of the People’s Democratic Organisation for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS); Sidia Jatta and Ousman Sillah, to get re-elected.

The most shocking of them was no doubt the defeat of Ousman Sillah in Banjul North, who everyone had thought would be re-elected with a landslide, and he ended up being defeated by a virtually unknown quantity.

Therefore, just like the NPP, PDOIS also need to sit down and do some soul searching as to what may have gone wrong with their strategies. However, while five other new parties; the Gambia Moral Congress (GMC), Citizens Alliance (CA), Gambia For All (GFA), All People’s Party (APP) and National Unity Party (NUP) contested and failed to win a single seat, two parties that seem to have suffered the most humiliation are the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and the Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC).

They have not only failed to win any seat, but they also failed to defend the seats that they held before the elections. Another group that has been humiliated is no doubt the APRC (Fabakary Tombong Jatta faction) who lost all their five seats in the Fonis to their bitter rivals, the ‘No to Alliance Movement,’ who they had always branded as an insignificant group of rebels who had no effect on the APRC power base.

However, now that those ‘rebels’ have wrested the whole of Foni from the APRC, one would wonder how Fabakary Tombong and his group would continue to demand some political concessions from President Barrow when the results in Foni have shown that they have minimal control over the APRC general membership and as such, they have little to bring to the dining table. It is probably time for President Barrow to re-assess the weight of his numerous allies to see whether they add any value to the relationship between them and the NPP.

While the United Democratic Party (UDP) lost quite a lot of ground as they were not able to maintain all the seats that they won in 2017, under the circumstances, they seem to have a cause to be satisfied with the results, especially when they succeeded in not only warding off a strong NPP assault but even went on to defeat five of their former recalcitrant members who were among those who gave the UDP leadership a tough time.

Now that the National Assembly elections are over and no doubt President Barrow has a good idea about the weight of some of his allies, we now expect him to go ahead and form his new cabinet. There is now hardly any reason why he should continue to keep members of his interim cabinet in suspense, wondering whether or not they would be re-appointed in the new cabinet.

Another significant outcome of the elections was the fact that five of the most vocal opponents of the draft Constitution in the National Assembly; Fatoumata Jawara of Tallinding Kunjang, Saikouba Jarju of Busumbala, Saikou Marong of Latrikunda Sabiji, Baba Galleh Jallow of Sannementereng and Alhagie Jawara of Lower Baddibu, have all been defeated, apparently as a punishment for their part in voting out the draft Constitution that cost the Gambian taxpayers millions of Dalasis, without any remorse. We can all recall how they were seen dancing and jubilating after they voted to throw away the draft, to the chagrin of many Gambians.

We expect that before the swearing-in of the new members of the National Assembly, President Barrow would reveal the list of five nominated members that the 1997 Constitution empowers him to do. However, we have seen that in the past, the letter and spirit of that provision of the Constitution was not given the merit it deserved. Instead of nominating people to represent certain marginalised groups, which include the women, the youth, the disabled and also members of the Christian community, President Barrow instead has the tendency to use it to compensate his political allies.

For instance, the last legislature was the very first in the history of the Gambia which did not have a single member of the Christian community. While President Barrow had the opportunity to address that in his nominations in 2017 by nominating at least one Christian, he failed to do it.

There are even speculations that he may nominate some of those who failed to get elected during the elections, which would be tantamount to disrespecting the wishes of the Gambian electorate who rejected them at the polls.

This time around also, as there is not a single Christian among those elected, and unless he uses his prerogative to nominate at least one member of them, there will again be none. Therefore, rather than nominate NPP militants, we expect him to use the opportunity to pick those who deserve it most.

“The President’s Speech Is Brilliant; It Is Now Time To Translate Those Words Into Actionable Policies And Progressive Governance”

By: Christian Conteh

Legal luminary M. Robertson Roberts has commended President Adama Barrow for delivering a speech he describes as brilliant but says the head of state must now work towards translating his words into actionable policies and progressive governance.

Roberts Esq was commenting shortly after the president delivered his address to the nation on Monday night following the conclusion of National Assembly Elections over the weekend.

“An absolutely fantastic speech by President Adama Barrow. This is the most well-crafted speech he has delivered since taking office. The entire speech kept me mesmerized and this is not something that I experience often. It was a very substantive piece of work and it showcased humility, maturity and willingness to work and improve,” he said.

He further noted that the President’s speech showcased a longing for national unity and respect and regard for political diversity geared towards a common good. The president he maintained spoke and did not throw shades nor did he use a single political innuendo, thus demonstrating class and dignity from start to finish.

This Barrister Roberts says is what The Gambia needs and it is indeed a breath of fresh air to listen to the President speak like he did.

“Mr. President the words are brilliant, however, it is now time to translate those words into actionable policies and progressive governance. Let it not stop with words alone Mr. President. The entire country now wishes to see how your words will commensurate with the appointment of your new cabinet; the country waits,” He said.

National Assembly Elections 2022: Low Turnout of Voters

By: Christian Conteh

There is visibly a low turnout of voters in the 2022 National Assembly Elections here in The Gambia. This state of affairs was predicted by experts.

They (the experts) suggested that a low turnout of voters on Saturday (today) will be due to a sense of apathy and distrust for politicians by the Gambian people.

The people the experts say are already focused on finding a way to survive during these trying times. 

Adama Gaye is a political analyst who has a vast knowledge about political systems in West Africa, he is also a former director of information of ECOWAS. He believes that the economy is going to be Barrow’s “main challenger” in the legislative elections.

“These shocks from outside have not been helpful to Barrow,” said Gaye. “Since he has been re-elected, the economy has been worsening so the population may blame it on him.”

The Gambia is among the world’s 15 least-developed countries in the world, according to the United Nations.

Tourism, which is the backbone of the country’s economy, was squashed by the coronavirus pandemic, putting at risk the nearly 140,000 people involved in the sector. To further exacerbate the situation, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered a hike in fuel and food prices across West Africa, including The Gambia.

Gaye added that issues related to sovereignty could haunt the president and deliver more votes to opposition candidates.

“Some Gambians feel the need to re-assert their country’s sovereignty over Senegalese and hence give a signal to Mr Barrow, making him understand that either he distances himself from Senegal or they will challenge him at the elections,” he said.

The reference is to the ongoing hostilities between Senegal’s breakaway region of Casamance pushing people to cross over and seek refuge in The Gambia.

“Today Is An Opportunity To End ‘Barrowflation’ ” – Momodou Sabally Says

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By Momodou Sabally

The embattled UDP Commando Momodou Sabally has taking a hit on President Barrow and his NPP again, this time calling on Gambians to vote for his (Sabally’s) UDP party. Sabally said that the National Assembly Elections today are an opportunity to end what he calls ‘Barrowflation’ a term which describes the high rate of inflation and hardship under the Barrow administration.

His opinion piece reads:

Ours is a boat without paddles; call it an aeroplane without direction. A ship heading for the iceberg while President Barrow is getting more and more intoxicated with power.

The essence of democracy is the balance of powers: an effective mechanism of checks and balances for overall sanity and effectiveness.

It is common knowledge that the term “democracy” is derived from the Greek words “demos,” which means “people”, and “Kratos” which means “strength, power”. Therefore, power belongs to the people. “Moreover, the democratic system of a country is a product of the free will of the people as a whole, where every individual is free to make political choices that suit his interests.”

President Barrow and his National People’s Party (NPP) stand to counter all of these principles because Barrow wants to be your absolute master. I know you will not want that to happen because the old saying is true: “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely!”

As if the preponderance of evidence (partly corroborated by the European Union is not bad enough) that the December presidential election was not fair, Barrow and his NPP are now taking further steps to steal the people’s franchise by using supposedly legal road blocks to cancel the power of the people to choose their own representatives.

It is quite clear to everyone that Barrow and his NPP clearly campaigned against the implementation of the Janneh Commission report during the December election to the extent that their own information minister called on me to leave the UDP because a UDP government would implement the Janneh Commission report and that would harm me. Minister Ebrima Sillah made these remarks during an NPP rally in Foni.

Their cherry-picking of that commission’s report in terms of what to implement from it; and who to spare and employ in Cabinet is a clear testimony that this government does not believe in justice and fair play.

Now that they have connived with the IEC to use that same Janneh Commission to strip me and the electorate of Busumbala Constituency of our rights to vote and be voted for, we all need to speak with one voice and show Barrow and his turncoat NAM the red card. The fact that Barrow and his accomplices used ‘the law’ to stop me from contesting does not make it the right thing; as Dr. Sulayman Njie posits in his essay “Momodou Sabally: Let the People of Busumbala Decide, Man”: “It’s very possible that the decision to deny him of his birthright — the right to run for office — is legal, but just because something is legal doesn’t make it right or even democratic.”

Indeed “There is no greater tyranny than that which is perpetrated under the shield of the law and in the name of justice.” as the revolutionary Philosopher Charles Montesquieu asserted in his treatise, “The Spirit of the Laws”.

By using the Janneh Commission report as a political weapon and ignoring the Faraba Banta Commission report, President Barrow has clearly demonstrated that he is not interested in justice, rule of law, and fair play. The fundamental question we must ask ourselves is this: would we sit down and not vote; or worse still vote for the NPP to have a majority in our law-making body?

Therefore, I am calling on all voters of Busumbala Constituency to come out with full force on April 9, and vote out Barrow’s candidate Saikouba Jarju.

A National Assembly candidate who sold his soul to the devil does not deserve to be re-elected into that esteemed office.

Barrow knows that my presence in the National Assembly would shine a bright searchlight on his corrupt administration and that is why he abused the legal process to stop me from contesting this election.

He knows that his auctioning of our sovereignty to other counties; his daylight robbery of our tax money in the national budget and his aiding and abetting of organized crime in this country would come to an end if I become elected as National Assembly Member.

He knows that all the social and institutional ills he is spreading in this country would suffer a deadly blow if the people of Busumbala Constituency are allowed the opportunity to vote for me; and that is why he used the IEC as a willing accomplice to truncate my bid to represent you in the National Assembly.

If Adama Barrow actually believed in fair play; and if he respected the right of the voters to choose their own representative, why did he prevent the voters from exercising their democratic rights to vote for their own representative?

My good fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters of the nation’s political powerhouse, Busumbala Constituency, please come out in your numbers on April 9 and vote massively to deny the NPP’s Saikouba Jarju the opportunity to return to that sacred House after selling himself to Adama Barrow for a monthly allowance of D10, 000.

By voting out this NPP incumbent from the National Assembly, you would have taken one more powerful step in curing the worst sickness of our society, #Barrowflation: the worsening of the ills of our society like inflation, corruption, deportation, drug trafficking, high crime rates and insecurity.

It is a documented fact that our country is now a major gateway, and destination, for hard drugs like cocaine. Barrow’s involvement in the Casamance war has made our country unstable to the point that the IEC was contemplating postponing elections in that area for security reasons.

With our current high unemployment rates and impending deportation of youths from Europe, The Gambia is a potential recruitment base and target for terrorist groups like Al Qaeda in the Maghreb.

A vote for the opposition, and against the Barrow cabal, in this election would be a vote to secure our local peace and global stability. A strong National Assembly to check and control the executive will help cleanse our nation and preserve brand Gambia as a bastion of peace, security and stability.

May Allah grant us the “freedom and peace each day” that we pray for. “Let justice guide our actions towards the common good.”

God bless The Gambia.

 

Powers of the National Assembly

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By: Madi Jobarteh

Introduction

The National Assembly which is called Congress, House of Representatives or Parliament in other countries is undoubtedly the most powerful institution in any democracy. This is because the National Assembly carries the greatest responsibilities to ensure that the rule of law prevails, and human rights are protected, and social goods and services are delivered. These responsibilities can be found in multiple places in the 1997 Constitution.

In essence the Constitution places the National Assembly at the heart of accountability in the Gambia. Without accountability there cannot be progress because it is only accountability that tells us if we are making progress or failure or if we are stagnant. Foremost among the institutions bestowed with such responsibility to ensure accountability in our governance systems and development processes is the National Assembly.

This article is therefore aimed at highlighting the role of the National Assembly in the Gambia by pointing out the powers and tools of accountability at its disposal as stipulated in the 1997 Constitution. With those powers and tools, it makes the National Assembly therefore the most crucial and strongest public institution in the country that makes all other institutions perform and abide by the law.

It means the Executive and all institutions within the Gambian society are secondary to the National Assembly contrary to the generally misconceived view that the Executive is the primary state institution. What this means therefore is that it is the National Assembly that can make or break the Gambia. The ultimate goal of this article is to therefore inspire citizens particularly to begin to engage the National Assembly in far stronger and innovative ways in order to support it to play its rightful role in building the Gambia we want.

Some Brief Historical Context

The very history of the parliament itself reflects that power, whether held by an institution or an individual, that is unchecked and unrestrained can become detrimental even onto the very institution or individual that holds it. Probably the first idea of an institution to be known as ‘Parliament’ can be traced to 1215 when landowners or barons in old England rose up against their king to stop him from collecting taxes or imposing levies on them without the prior advice and consent of a royal council.

This rebellion by these barons came to be captured in what is called the Magna Carta that went further to set out several other rights, processes and obligations intended to limit the excesses of the monarchy and to guarantee the rights of these barons, and citizens by extension.

By its history it is clear that the royal council which eventually transformed into the British Parliament, otherwise called the mother of all parliaments, became the key decision maker and check against the monarch hence the Executive in later years until today. Therefore, the parliament in a democracy is the foremost institution that guarantees the protection and the fulfilment of rights and a limitation against the Executive.

But while in the past the parliament was selected from among barons, landowners and the high and mighty of society, modern democratic and republican values provide that indeed the parliament should emerge from the people as representatives entrusted with the power to protect the public good.

From the works of leading western political philosophers such as John Locke, Montesquieu and Tocqueville, who conceived of a new governance system based on separate organs and powers to ensure liberty, justice and prosperity for all, we would see that the functions of a parliament make it the most critical organ in society. It was at this period of world history that the idea of democracy as we know it today began to emerge leading to the emergence of the United States in 1756 as probably the first democratic republic in the world.

Montesquieu’s ideas about separation of powers became the basis of the US constitution, while Tocqueville was a strong advocate of parliamentary democracy which is widespread in western countries under constitutional monarchies. John Locke’s main contribution, in his seminal work ‘The Second Treatise of Government’ debunked the idea of divine rulers claiming that the only legitimate government is one derived from the consent of the people and therefore any government that rules without the people’s consent or violates the contract with the people can be overthrown.

General Overview of the Role of the National Assembly

The National Assembly is the guardian of the people. The National Assembly holds the national purse and determines how public resources such as money are to be spent. The National Assembly is the defender of rights by ensuring that the Executive and all public and private institutions and individuals as well as communities abide by the rule of law. The National Assembly is in charge of national security and individual liberties through checks it places on armed and security institutions of the Gambia.

How the National Assembly performs these tasks can be divided into four main functions.

  1. Oversight, i.e. by checking and challenging the work of government through robust scrutiny;
  2. Law-making, i.e. by making or changing laws either proposed by the Executive or by individual members;
  3. Representation, i.e. by raising and addressing the issues and concerns of its constituents;
  4. Resource allocation, i.e. by checking and approving taxes and budget to allow government to spend to provide public goods and services.

Section VII of the Constitution is about the National Assembly; its functions, procedures, meetings, dissolution and qualifications of members among others. In addition to its legislative powers as spelt out in Part 3 of this chapter, Section 102 provides for what it calls, ‘Additional Functions of the National Assembly’, as thus:

(a)           Receive and review reports on the activities of the Government and such other reports as are required to be made in accordance with this Constitution;

(b)           Review and approve proposals for the raising of revenue by the Government;

(c)            Examine the accounts and expenditure of the Government and other public bodies funded by public moneys and the reports of the Auditor General thereon;

(d)           Include in a Bill a proposal for a referendum on an issue of national concern defined in the Bill, or

(e)            Advise the President on any matter which lies within his or her responsibility.

These additional functions clearly give immense powers and tools to the parliament to ensure that public welfare is protected and guaranteed through the delivery of goods and services. These powers enable the National Assembly to ensure that there is efficiency, transparency, accountability and responsiveness of public institutions and officials at all times. Further, they empower the parliament to tackle corruption and abuse of office and strengthen the rule of law and good governance.

In the execution of these functions the Constitution requires under Section 112(b) that NAMs demonstrate integrity and shun corruption and be guided only by their conscience and the national interest. Section 110 even provides protection for the National Assembly and its members such that no one should disrupt or prevent or create any obstacle for a member in the execution of their functions. In fact, from sections 114 to 116 NAMs are protected from prosecution, arrest, detention or forced to serve as witness in a court while traveling to or coming from the National Assembly or merely be in the service of the parliament.

Section 118 protects citizens from criminal liability for publishing reports of the parliament further emphasising not only the power but also the presence of an enabling environment for NAMs to perform their duties. To further expand this enabling environment the Constitution guarantees freedom of expression for NAMs in their debates such that they will not be questioned or impeached (Section 113) for anything they say in parliament!

National Assembly Power over the Executive

The authority that the National Assembly has over the Executive is immense. In the first place the National Assembly serves as an advisory body for the President under Section 102(a) as stated above. Under Section 63 Subsection 3 the National Assembly can pass vote of no confidence in the President thereby sacking the President. Still, the National Assembly can cause the dismissal of the President by impeaching him under Section 67(2) for ‘abuse of office, wilful violation of the oath of allegiance or the President’s oath of office, or wilful violation of any provision of this Consultation’ or if he or she misconducted himself ‘in a manner which brings or is likely to bring the office of President into contempt or disrepute’.

Not only could the National Assembly discipline and dismiss the President, but the parliament can as well dismiss the Vice President and Ministers under Section 75 for poor performance or abuse of office or violation of the Constitution or misconduct. This means where the National Assembly lacks the power under the current Constitution to vet the appointment of the Vice President and Ministers, yet this provision gives the parliament power to restrain, disciple or sack them.

Furthermore Section 77 provides that the President shall report to the parliament at least once a year on the condition of the Gambia and on the policies of the Government and the overall administration of the State. This provision goes further (subsection 3) to oblige the Vice President to answer, in the National Assembly, to matters affecting the President and that the VP and Ministers (subsection 4) are required to answer to requests from the National Assembly anytime to matters under their purview and the general business of the Government.

Hence if there is abuse of power, corruption and inefficiency within the Government then no one is to be blamed other than the National Assembly. This is because the National Assembly has all the powers and tools to control, contain, restrain, reprimand and even sack the entire Executive for poor performance, misconduct of any kind or violation of the Constitution. In fact, by its name, i.e. Executive, it means the Government is merely a law enforcer while such laws are made by the National Assembly which is otherwise called the Legislature, i.e. to legislate. Hence the Executive is answerable to, and only implements what the Legislature has created or approved.

Power over the Judiciary

Not only does the Legislature have powers over the Executive, but it also carries more weight than the Judiciary as spelt out in multiple places in the Constitution. Chapter 8 of the Constitution relates to the Judiciary. While judicial power rests with the courts and the National Assembly cannot interfere with court decisions yet the power of courts could only be exercised as set out by the Constitution and acts of parliament. For example, it is only by an act of parliament can magistrates, Cadi and other lower courts be established under Section 120(1)(b). Section 121 empowers the National Assembly to determine how the Chief Justice is to lay out the procedures and practices of the courts.

Even where the National Assembly does not directly appoint nor vet the appointment of the Chief Justice and other judges (even though a member of the Judicial Service Commission is nominated by the National Assembly) but none of these judges could be removed from office without the expressed participation and consent of the National Assembly under Section 141 subsection 5. Furthermore, the National Assembly determines the salary and other incentives of judges of superior courts (Section 142). Hence the role of the National Assembly in ensuring that the Judiciary obtains job security, receive necessary resources and have the capacity to manage itself point to the fact that National Assembly is instrumental in the functions of the Judiciary.

Power over Other Executive Institutions

Similarly, one will notice that in multiple places of the Constitution, an act of the National Assembly is required in the establishment of public institutions and their procedures, budget, appointments and other functions. These institutions ranging from the civil service, security institutions, public enterprises, or the creation of commissions of any sort. The National Assembly plays oversight function over all state institutions to ensure that they perform efficiently, transparently and responsively according to law.

Through its various select or standing committees, the National Assembly has overwhelming powers and tools to scrutinize every citizen, sector and institution. For example, Section 119 states that a person summoned before the National Assembly or any of its committees to give evidence shall enjoy the same privileges as if one is appearing before a court.

This means in some instances the National Assembly carries the status of a court! Section 109(2) empowers National Assembly committees to even investigate any ministry or a matter of public concern. For that matter subsection 3 gives a committee the same ‘powers, rights and privileges’ of a High Court in forcing any citizen to appear before it as witness and to produce any document and to even examine citizens abroad.

One can go on and on to highlight the powers of the National Assembly, hence to state that the National Assembly is the most powerful and most significant national institution is an understatement. To prove this point, one has to refer to the supreme law to realize that the most mentioned institution in the Constitution is the National Assembly itself. In over 460 places, the Constitution named the National Assembly.

The next most mentioned institution in the Constitution is the ‘President’ at less than 300 times. The name ‘Gambia’ was mentioned only 224 times while the ‘People’ was mentioned only 18 times and ‘Citizens’ 43 times. Superficial as it may sound, to me this indicates that the most important and strategic state institution is the National Assembly.

But just because the National Assembly is the most powerful state institution does not necessarily mean it will therefore always perform its functions according to law in the service and best interest of the nation. For that matter the National Assembly must also be monitored in order to ensure that it continues to effectively perform its functions and not to connive with the Executive under the guise of the law to exploit, oppress and plunder the nation. The words of Montesquieu are therefore pertinent here when he said,

 “There is no greater tyranny than that which is perpetrated under the shield of the law and in the name of justice. The tyranny of a prince in an oligarchy is not so dangerous to the public welfare as the apathy of a citizen in a democracy.”  

Therefore, I would urge Gambian citizens to not be apathetic and silent on the issues of public welfare and how state institutions, especially the National Assembly handle these affairs. The task before citizens therefore is to be vigilant, active and interested in the affairs of the National Assembly.

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