A local supplier has written to The Fatu Network accusing The Gambia National Petroleum Company (GNPC) of serious corruption practices. Below, we produce the letter from the said supplier and a reaction from GNPC after The Fatu Network contacted them for their side of the story
I am one of the hardworking Gambian suppliers who has put in a bids for GNPC furniture for Petroleum House and I have been surprised at the level of corruption in that organization headed by the very corrupt aide of the former dictator, who is no other person than Mambureh Njie. Pa, I was very surprised at first until I remember this is the former Jammeh SG who is used to such corrupt practices under his former Boss. I will not blame him but the current government for recycling such stinky potatoes back into the government.
Since October, my company put in a bid for a major project worth tens of millions of Dalasis for the furnishing of Petroleum House which was advertised in the papers. It is now March, 5 months later and we have heard nothing from GNPC about the position of the contract. They have not written to us or even return our bid security.
Sir, which bidding process takes 5-6 months for you to explain?
All of us who bided knows that it is because their preferred supplier who they made a deal with could not be given the contract because they will be exposed. We make noise about this to many people in the government and the Ministry, and it reach their ears so they decide to let it cool down hoping that we will forget but I am letting them know that there will be no retreat or surrender.
Sir, can you imagine that after putting in our bid which says clearly that transportation and insurance costs should be included, they turn around and write a so called clarification letter to all the companies that they should clarify whether we included transportation and if not what is the transportation cost?
When my company receive this strange letter and replied that of course our prices, we did our investigations and contacted the other suppliers and find out that we all stick by our initial price except one company who they already had a deal with to increase their price by one million dalasi under the excuse that this was the transportation cost?
We also found out that this one million dalasi was to be the ‘cut’ the cut for former hungry baboons of Dictator Jammeh who wants to make GNPC their Banana farm (Mambureh Njie and his Finance guy Amadou Jobe).
Sir, this is illegal and against GPPA in the Gambia. Everyone knows that you cannot increase your price after your bid has been opened. These peoples did not just increase the price but they went on and recommend to give the contract to that company.
To my surprise one of our contacts told us that until we were prepared to give a cut of more than the one million dalasi already offered and accepted, we cannot have the contract. We refuse because this is New Gambia and corrupt people like Mambureh Njie cannot spoil the Gambia durig Jammeh’s time and still continue to spoil the government of Adama Barrow too. We are hardworking Gambians who deserve to win contracts in a fair and balance way without taking millions out of our hard owned monies.
Sir, this is daylight corruption and bribery and need to be exposed.
GNPC Reacts
The Gambia National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) wants to clarify that the Corporation has not awarded the above-mentioned contract for the furnishing of the Petroleum house to any supplier.
It would be recalled that this procurement process started in October 2017 for the above-mentioned contract however, there are procedures that need to be followed before a contract can be finally awarded to the most responsive bidder and it was the same procedures which were followed.
Any procurement within the threshold of D10,000,000.00 (ten million Dalasis) should be submitted to GPPA for approval or disapproval at every stage of the procurement process. While any procurement above D10,000,000.00 (ten million) has to be submitted to the Major Tender Board (MTB) for the review and approval or disapproval at every stage of the procurement.
Based on the procurement guidelines and procedures on the 30th October 2017 GNPC sent their evaluation report for the procurement of furniture for Petroleum House to the Major Tender Board. The Corporation received a letter dated 12th December 2017 disapproving the GNPC’s evaluation report and advised the corporation on the following:
- Cancel the current procurement process and inform bidders accordingly
- Re-launch a new procurement process immediately
- Use the GPPA bidding document for Goods and sample evaluation report and apply appropriate evaluation criteria for procurement of goods.
- Re-submit the new Bidding document for the Board’s approval before proceeding.
The reasons given for disapproval of the evaluation report by the Major Tender Board(MTB) were the following observations:
- There is no evidence of conducting a Technical evaluation for items to be procured. Which should have the main purpose of the evaluation.
- The different evaluation methods used within the report. This is inconsistent with the instructions stated on Page 19 of the bidding document.
- The evaluation and qualifying criteria used of allocating scores is more of consultancy/civil works than Goods Procurement
Finally, The Gambia National Petroleum Corporation(GNPC) has not awarded any contract to any supplier for the furnishing of the Petroleum house based on the advised from the Major Tender Board.
GNPC
The Undocumented Story About The Cassamance Rebellion!
The Casamance Conflict is a low-level conflict that has been waged between the Government of Senegal and the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC) since 1982. The intensity of the conflict has varied over the years. Occasionally there have been violent flare-ups. The areas in which armed robberies/attacks take place have also changed over the course of time. Up until 2000, for example, most of the Kolda region was not an area in which attacks took place. Increasing frequency of cattle rustling and banditry from bands of armed people who routinely fled into Guinea-Bissau resulted in closure of the border with Guinea-Bissau in September 2000.
Throughout the history of the insurgency, there have been few incidents of fighting within the city of Ziguinchor and the resort area of Cap Skirring. In recent years, however, rural areas have been the sites of sporadic violent attacks on Senegalese military and civilian personnel and, on rare occasions, tourists.
The conflict has taken a hard toll on the population living in the Casamance. Normal means of livelihood (rice farming, other agricultural activities, etc.) are no longer possible for a high percentage of the population who no longer have access to their land or who have lost materials due to theft. Normal markets have been disrupted, and many normal services (such as financial services, health posts, schools) have been suspended or ended.
In December 2000, the Government issued a general warning to the national press that the dissemination of communications from the MFDC would be considered attempts to derail the Casamance peace process and would be prosecuted under the Penal Code. On the same day, the publisher and managing editor of the newspaper Le Populaire were summoned and interrogated for 7 hours by the criminal investigation division after the newspaper published a review of the 19-year-old Casamance conflict; 3 days later, they were arrested and then released on the same day after being charged with “disseminating false news and undermining public security.” In January 2001 the cases were dropped.
Sporadic fighting continued during 2001 in the Casamance area in the southern part of the country between the Government and the secessionist Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC). The incidence of violence in the Casamance region increased during the year, particularly in June and July, and reportedly resulted in some deaths. The military zone commander for the Casamance region made an effort during the year to reduce the number of human rights abuses committed by security forces under his command. During 2001, the press continued to report on frequent small arms attacks, raids, ambushes, and clashes with military forces by suspected MFDC gunmen, with continuing military and civilian fatalities.
In March 2001 the Government and the MFDC signed two peace agreements designed to end the 20-year insurgency; however, these agreements were ineffective and fighting continued in Casamance. Following a change in MFDC leadership in August 2001, new talks were proposed but had not taken place by year’s end.
During 2001 Human rights NGO’s in Casamance reported a decrease in the number of detentions of suspected MFDC rebels reported by local families; however, in January Amnesty International reported that 30 MFDC sympathizers remained in detention in Dakar and Kolda without trial. According to Amnesty International, the sympathizers were arrested in 2000 because of their Diola ethnic origin; they were charged with compromising state security, but no evidence was provided of their involvement in any acts of violence. Following the signing of a peace accord with the MFDC on March 16, on March 19, the Government released 16 of these prisoners; the remaining 14 prisoners remained in detention at year’s end.
According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), during the first 2 weeks of May 2002, approximately 2,000 civilians fled the country to the Gambia following clashes between government security forces and MFDC rebels in the Bignona area of northwestern Casamance. The UNHCR reported that 70 percent of these refugees returned to their villages by early June 2002. The numbers of refugees outside the country fluctuated according to the level of violence in the Casamance region; at year’s end, it was estimated that several thousand refugees remained outside the country, mostly in the Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. A UNHCR census in January 2002 counted 7,000 Senegalese refugees living in the north of Guinea-Bissau.
On 26 May 2003 separatist rebels in Casamance announced the death of Sidi Badji, a hardline leader who had held out against any compromise with the government on Dakar. The Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC) has confirmed the death of Badji at the age of about 83. Despite his advancing years, Badji had remained, at least nominally, the head of the MFDC’s military wing and commander-in-chief of its guerrilla army. Badji and his supporters opposed the softer line taken by MFDC’s veteran President, Augustin Diamacoune Senghor, a Roman Catholic priest who had shown a willingness to settle for a modest degree of autonomy for Casamance. Over the past two years there had been a concerted campaign by local non-governmental organisations and other would-be peacemakers to improve relations between Diamacoune and Badji and to send an unequivocal message of peace to MFDC combatants in the bush.
To be continued………
Saidina Alieu Jarjou
Political Activist
[email protected]