“Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children.” -Amilca Cabral

The pieces of the Gambian cake was swallowed by the western capitalists, the Jawara Adminstration and The Jammeh Administration. With the advent of the Barrow Government, we thought we are now out of the woods and saved from the wolves. It is not to be; we have a new maurading Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves masquerading as new Robinhoods.  They too want to have their share of the cake too. “It is our time to eat”, we can hear them whisper to each other.

Since independence, we’ve suffered from our own hands. While political leaders are scrambling for the pieces of our national cake, the poorest peasants in the backwaters of The country are struggling to have their three square meals. And that many tons of their groundnuts are in their homes without a market. Agriculture, which once was touted as the backbone of our economy, is neglected and the farmer is abandoned to plough a lonely farrow.  Thus, they’ve created a vicious cycle of destitution. It’s outrageous to realize that, destitution has became a way of life for poor majority of Gambians. The bourgeois is living on the sweat of the proletariat.

Arguably, both Jawara and Jammeh administration used state resources as a pillar to entrench themselves in power. They are all accused of controlling the state meagre resources.
“The poor were faced with making a choice to sell their     voters’ card in exchange for resources needed for their daily sustenance. Self-preservation under conditions of severe poverty seemed to be the most significant factor considered by many Gambians, as they accepted rice, money and other resources from politicians in exchange for their votes. Vote-buying was alleged in the Gambia even as far back as the 1962 elections, when MCP leader I. Garba-Jahumpa believed he lost his seat to UP member because the latter paid for many of his votes (Rice, 1967: 336).

This has weakened the political opposition in the Gambia, and exploitation continuously climbs the ladder. Poor voters have no real alternatives to survival, rather than selling their votes to the incumbent and continue living in the wretched of the earth.

Following the ouster of Jammeh, the Barrow leadership reported that the Gambia’s treasury was depleted, emptied so to speak. The most disheartening thing is to listen to the revelations from the Janneh Commission. By all indications, Jammeh and his associates conspired and looted our meagre resources, strangled our economy and hugely indebted our country in the name of unholy loans.

The Barrow Administration is also at it, his cases include, but not limited to;
(i) D10,000 donated to National Assembly members and Constituent chairpersons in a form of bribery and corruption.
(ii) D33 million supposedly donated to Fatou Bah Barrow Foundation by a foreign donor.
(iii) D11 million donations to the Gambian pilgrims.

This trend in our political system has raised a lot of fundamental questions: How much more will we’ve to suffer from the hands of our political leaders? Who will be the greatest physician to salvage us from the fangs of deep-rooted  cankerworm called corruption?

Buba S Njie
Political Science Student
University of The Gambia.

The Police have arrested one Babucarr Sowe, a senior commerce official at The Banjul International Airport allegedly involved in leaking confidential information to foreign partners.

Sowe has reportedly leaked information to Thomas Cook alleging that the runway at the Banjul International Airport is not safe for flights landing into country. He was allegedly dismissed by the Civil Aviation Board who reported the matter to the police for further actions to be taken.

Thomas Cook is the biggest tour operator from the United Kingdom to The Gambia. The Airline makes regular charter package holiday flights to the Gambia from four UK airports including Gatwick.

According to sources, the alleged culprit has named three accomplices at the airport who are currently under investigation.

The Police Spokesperson, Superintendent Lamin Njie has confirmed the incident.

“The suspect was arrested in connection to giving confidential information,” Police PRO Njie told The Fatu Network.

Though, he has not revealed the content of the leaked information but said the matter is under police investigation.

“He is not yet charged until the investigation is complete,” he said.

Sowe is reportedly helping the police investigation team at the Yundum Police Station.

Meanwhile, the Airport Spokesperson was contacted but he declined to comment.

Alagi Yorro Jallow

Alaji Mamudu: Julius Caesar was/is an exciting character, in history and in fiction. The historical Julius Caesar was a man of power. He was very unequivocal about where he stood on matters of law and power. He willfully subdued law for power, prescribing to his subjects: “If you must break the law, do it to take power… in all other cases, observe it.” The law exists for power, nothing more, he seemed saying. I am not sure he saw any other relationship between law and power apart from the former serving the latter. He would do everything, including murdering the law, to keep power, and, even death wasn’t enough to scare him from pursuing his first love – power: “I have lived long enough to satisfy both nature and glory,” he told a conquered people who were scared they could lose their republic to the ambition of the leader who was not bothered about anything else outside taking power and retaining it for its sake. By satisfying nature, Caesar meant he had lived long enough to die; by satisfying glory, he meant he had reached the peak of political leadership of the only super power of his age. So, nothing else mattered to him beyond coming, seeing, and conquering his enemies. The law is an escalator to higher grounds in power, fame and wealth. He had reached the port of power, nothing else mattered. Caesar has disciples in the Gambia.

Mamudu: The Gambia government has a mounting debt of $ 1. 2 billion which is equivalent to 59 billion (Dalasi); 54 % of which is coming from external sources and 46 % from domestic lending. These debts according to Mr. Bai Madi Ceesay, the Director of Budget says it represents 122% of Gambia’s GDP owed to creditors and international lending institutions and countries. But consider this, in 2017, the Gambia’s government incurred a debt of $1 billion, which would amount to 120% of the country’s GDP during the last decade of ex-president Yahya Jammeh’s rule, according to the IMF and World Bank. The IMF currently list the Gambia’s government debt as 99% of GDP $881 million. The most recently available figures say that of Gambia’s government debt, around 54% is owed outside the country, and 46% within Gambia. This would mean that of $1 billion of debt, $540 million is owed externally and $460 million domestically. The most recent figures from the World Bank and IMF are that Gambia’s government external debt is $467 million. Of this: $349 million is owed to multilateral institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, and African Development Bank, $112 million is owed to other governments, $6 million is owed to private creditors.

Mamudu: Total debt of the nation stands at about $1.2 billion, about and in5 years, the debt is in trillion and counting. This year, the government will borrow supplementary of billion just to keep the lights on. The question we should all be asking is what we have got for 1.2 trillion in 5 years. Fuel prices are rising, millions live hand to mouth with most not even having 100 dalasis in their name that they can rub together, the health and education systems are not fit for purpose, state coffers are being looted left right and center. If you think the Gambia will ever be capable of paying that debt while your great grand-children are still alive, then clearly, you’ve stepped out of your damn mind and lost your senses.
Gambia government took benefitted from the Euro bond of about 200 million. The ministry of Finance restructured hundreds of billions of unexplained (inexplicable) commercial loans, like magicians, turning them to bonds. Some laws govern the application of public funds in this country. Has anybody obeyed these laws in the sharing and application of these funds? The law can be broken if the objective is the taking and retention of power.
Mamudu: Do you break the law because the country is broke? Do you break the law because your government is broke? Do you break the law because you want to keep power? Even Caesar, who recommended law breaking as a legitimate pathway to power, in a moment, said his wife “must be above board” always. Are politicians’ no longer wives we contracted to manage our affairs according to established rules and mores? Why are they becoming husbands over their husbands deciding when to feed the home, what size of morsel to offer and when not to offer anything at all?
Noise over Asset Declaration is another. It has become another reason for power here. We appear confused over what we want with power in this democracy. It does not matter what happens to the power we invested our leaders with. They can use it to commit class murder (or is it class suicide), but very poor you would see it as your duty to follow your tormentor’s corpses to the grave. The hungry and disinherited is the ‘Jaliba’ of this democracy. He is made to make the loudest noise about who is thief, who is not. His mind and eyes are closed to all other possibilities, including why the left thief is condemned and the one on the right is the executioner.
President Adama Barrow is fighting the battle of his life. He is helmed in by all the instrumentalities of power in the Gambia. He has won surprise victories. We’ll watch how this turns out. It may become another paradox in the chain of paradoxes that define the Gambia nation. Even the history and proposed Anti-corruption Agency, itself is one interesting tale about the paradoxes girding Gambia’s flawed system. The government of Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara attempted to set it up Anti- Corruption Commission in the early 1990’s before the military coup of Yahya Jammeh but the new military regime refused to invest it with the required legal teeth. It did not enjoy this framework until Yahya Jammeh set up Commission of Inquiries probe former officials of the People’s Progressive Party government. We all condemn and crucify the Sir Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh regime for having scant regard for anti-corruption policies. But that government enacted the Anti-Corruption law which has become a one -stop shop for today’s men shopping for fame and revenge in the current wave of anti-corruption sentiments blowing across the country.
All is fair in politics as in war. You can break the law, it is allowed – provided it will serve the purpose of advancing your gaze at illusion of power. So, if you are on Adama Barrow’s side and feel unjustness in what is going on in this democracy, just take a deep peep into history of politics and war. It is a salad of surprises, ironies and paradoxes. Any of the sides may yet serve fresher plates of these in days to come.

A victim of the past regime, Sheriff Kijera has warned President Barrow not to follow the footprints of his predecessor, Yahya Jammeh. Sheriff was speaking at the launching of TRRC at The Dunes Hotel in Kotu.

“Mr President, certainly you will vacate the State House one day, and don’t want to be escorted out of our dear motherland like your predecessor,” Sheriff Kijera told President Barrow.

Kijera who was speaking on behalf of the Victims Centre called on the Gambian leader to avoid things that could give birth to another TRRC after he left office.

He added, “Mr President, there is life after presidency. You have to work hard to earn the respect of all Gambians.”

“We don’t want to have another financial commission to investigate the dealings of a former president,” he said.

The human rights victim of the past regime lamented about the appointment of perpetrators to elevated positions whilst the victims are still suffering with indignities and dying from sicknesses under the Barrow Administration.

“The victim centre has documented 100s of cases but still the real number will not be known”

Kijera said some of the victims are still mourning the loss of their loved ones whose whereabouts remained unknown. He added that they want to know whether they were properly buried and where they were kept.

Meanwhile, he commended the Justice Ministry for supporting the centre.

BANJUL— The Gambia has finally launched the most anticipated Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) to investigate human rights violations and abuses of the former regime. The event took placce at the Dunes Hotel in Kololi.

The Truth Commission was setup by an Act of Parliament in 2017. It has a 2 year mandate to cover the past human rights violations and abuses from July 1994 to January 2017.

It is reported that the truth seeking commission would amongst other things, endeavour to bring social cohesion, justice and national reconciliation to rebuild the country after 22 years of the dictatorial regime of the former President Yahya Jammeh.

Eleven new Commissioners including the Chairman were sworn in at the launching, they are all Gambian nationals. They are, Chairman Dr Lamin J Sise, Deputy Chairperson Adele Sosseh, Jammeh Ceesay, Anna Ngulu Jones, Mustapha Kah, Imam Ousainou Jallow, Lang S Kinteh, Abdurahman Sey, Ma Nyima Bojang, Bishop James Allen and Amie Samba respectively.

The newly sworn Chairman, Dr Lamin J Sise who has a work experience of over 30 year at the United Nations (UN) said it is imperative for the Gambia to investigate the human rights violations of the past regime.

“The investigations will cover from July 1994 to January 2017,” Chairman Ceesay said.

The TRRC Chairman posited that the commission would provide opportunity for the victims to relate accounts of what happened to them under the past regime. At the same time, the alleged perpetrators will be invited to testify before the commission.

Speaking at the Launching, the Honorable Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubacarr Tambadou emphasised the need for a balance between social cohesion, justice and the building of democracy in the new Gambia.

“The primary function of the TRRC is to investigate the past human rights violations and abuses under the dictatorial regime of of the former president,” AG Tambadou said.

He added, “Today, marks a day to show the world that we are capable of handling our own affairs.”

Justice Minister Tambadou who was one time a UN human rights prosecutor further stated that the launching of the TRRC marks a day to show the world that the Gambia will never condone human rights violations. He added that too many people have died under the former regime whose death shall not be in vain.

Tambadou called on the victims as well as the perpetrators to come forward to help the commission to heal the wounds and bruises of the nation.

In his keynote address, President Adama Barrow said the launching of TRRC is a relief, saying the Gambia has far too long suffered in the past authoritarian regime.

“For a long time we have looked forward to this day,” President Barrow said.

He added, “We will not have gotten here without the sacrifice of the victims of the past regime.”

The Gambian leader gave assurances to his audience that the dark days for the country is over.

“We believe for the TRRC to be meaningful it must be free from external influence,” he said.

President Barrow told the newly sworn commissioners that the hopes of the nation lies on their shoulders.

The Gambian born ICC Chief Prosecutor, Fatou Besouda commended the establishment of the truth commission, saying her office would closely watch the proceedings.

“This is good for Gambia to turn a page and write a new chapter,” Chief Prosecutor Bensouda said.

She expressed delight to work in solidarity with the commission.

Several speakers including the UN Special Representatives to West Africa, Muhammad Ibn Chambers addressed the gathering.

Meanwhile, the former Vice President, Aja Fatoumatta Jallow Tambajang Aand Agriculture Minister, Omar Jallow alias OJ were present at the ceremony.

WELCOME REMARKS BY ATTORNEY GENERAL AT LAUNCHING OF TRRC ON 15 OCTOBER 2018

Your Excellency, Adama Barrow,

President of the Republic of The Gambia;

Honourable Speaker of the National Assembly

My Lord, Chief Justice

Cabinet Colleagues

My Lords and Lady Justices of the Superior Courts

Honourable members of the National Assembly

Under-Secretary General for Legal Affairs &

United Nations Legal Counsel Miguel De Serpa Soares

Special Representative of the Secretary General Mohamed Ibn Chambas

Madam Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court

Fatou Bensouda

Assistant Secretary General for UN Peace Building

Oscar Fernandez Teranco

Regional Representative of the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights in West Africa, Andrea Ori

Members of the Diplomatic & Consular Corps

Allow me to also recognize the presence in our midst of the Chairman of the United Nations Peace Building Commission Ambassador Ion Jinga. We are grateful to all of you for your presence here today. We are particularly grateful to His Excellency, the President. Your Excellency, your presence here today is yet another demonstration of your personal commitment to the process of peace and reconciliation in our country.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

Ours was a country where fear ruled for over two decades; where mothers dreaded that midnight knock on their doors which took away their sons and husbands forever; where civil servants went to work every morning saying goodbye to their families as if it was the last time they would see them ever again because coming back home to them was never a certainty; where torture was routine; where unarmed school children were gunned down in broad daylight; where women under detention were sexually molested and where sexual assault was used as a weapon to break and subjugate them; where summary executions and targeted murder were an option without consequences; and where ordinary citizens speak of their leaders only in whispers within the four walls of their bedrooms.

But The Gambian people had resolved that they had had enough of the killings, enough of the tortures, enough of the constant stream of new orphans and widows, and said NO MORE!!! On 1 December 2016, we stood tall among nations and showed the world that a people yearning for freedom could rise from the ashes of tyranny and transition from dictatorship to democracy through the ballot box. We are a living proof that it could be done.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

While the departure of the former President has clearly marked a significant turning point in The Gambia, he has left behind a legacy that included many of the factors or root causes of conflict: decades of authoritarian rule characterized by gross human rights violations including torture, enforced disappearance, arbitrary arrests, detention without trial, and murder perpetrated by State agents; a deeply polarized society based on ethnic and political considerations; ethnic hatred manifested through hateful propaganda targeted at certain ethnic communities; political persecution; impunity for crimes committed, and of course poverty.

Consequently, the period immediately following the former President’s departure exposed the new Government to its first and most pressing challenge: sustaining the peace in the country amidst a real risk of inter-communal clashes motivated by ethnic and political considerations that had simmered beneath the façade of peaceful co-existence for over two decades. This requires reassuring all sides of the ethnic and political divide that there shall be no witch-hunt against any person or communities for the excesses of the previous regime; while at the same time reassuring victims and their families that justice will be dispensed through due process of law, respect for the rights of all Gambians, and in a fair, transparent, and stable environment; a balance between, on the one hand, fostering social cohesion and encouraging national reconciliation through justice, and on the other hand, the rebuilding of a strong and robust democratic foundation anchored upon respect for the rule of law and human rights.

In this regard and over the long term, the Government has resolved to improve the country’s constitutional, legal and institutional framework in various governance areas in order to consolidate democracy and align the entire governance architecture with international justice and human rights standards. The priority of the government is to put in place a new and resilient architecture to uphold the highest standards when it comes to human rights, justice and rule of law.

This means embarking on an ambitious legal and constitutional reform process focusing primarily on the following five main areas:

• Constitutional Review
• Institutional Reform
• Criminal Justice & Media Law Reform
• Truth Reconciliation and Reparations
• Addressing Impunity

In embarking on these reform processes, we have adopted a new governance culture in which public consultations and inclusiveness play an integral part. This is borne out of the strong conviction that by giving the people ownership of these processes, they are more likely to accept the outcome. In the case of the TRRC, public participation at every stage of the process engendered greater legitimacy.

The national consultations for the establishment of the TRRC were led by myself and included representatives from civil society organizations, victims’ groups, women’s groups, youth groups, professional associations etc, We travelled around the country and held public consultations with key stakeholders in the communities. The idea of a truth commission received universal support from political, ethnic and religious communities across the country culminating in the unanimous enactment by the National Assembly of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission Act 2017. The views and opinions expressed by communities during these consultations informed several key peculiar aspects of our TRRC process.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

With the victims at the center of our efforts, the primary objectives of the TRRC include:

• to investigate human rights violations and abuses committed during the past 22 years of former president Jammeh’s authoritarian rule;

• to foster social cohesion and encourage national reconciliation among Gambians;

• to address impunity;

• to recognize the rights and dignity of victims through the provision of appropriate reparations; and

• above all, to learn appropriate lessons in order to put in place effective mechanisms to prevent recurrence.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

The road to this launching event was long and challenging: the parallel and elaborate selection processes for the Commissioners, the establishment of the Regional Selection Panels, the public consultations and engagements at all levels, the direct involvement of thousands of Gambians in the selection process, the partnership with civil society and victims representatives, the training of over 50 media personnel, the nomination of 133 candidates from across the country, the public calls for objections, and the final appointment of the 11 ordinary men and women who have now been entrusted to preside over and facilitate reconciliation between victims and perpetrators. They include representatives from all 7 administrative regions of the country and the diaspora; from all 5 majority ethnic groups in the country; from the two main religious denominations; from the National Youth Council; and four women including the Deputy Chairperson.

Their task is arduous, but no doubt noble. I thank them for accepting this huge responsibility and I have no doubt that they will fully meet our expectations. I wish to thank in particular the Chairperson, Dr Lamin J. Sise, an illustrious son of this country who has accepted to come home and to give back to his country. Indeed our country may be small, and our country may be poor, but our country is blessed with a most fundamental resource, its sons and daughters.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

Today therefore marks the beginning of a process that will demonstrate to the world that we are capable of reconciliation as a nation, and that our conduct during and after the 2016 elections is a true reflection of our national character as a peace loving and progress people. A day like today gives us an opportunity to reflect further on the very sober words of our National Anthem that:

For The Gambia Our Homeland

We Strive and Work and Pray

That all May Live in Unity, Freedom and Peace Each Day

Let Justice Guide Our Actions

Towards the Common Good

And Join Our Diverse Peoples’ to Prove Man’s Brotherhood

Your Excellency,

Distinguished Guests,

Today also marks the beginning of a process that will show the world that The Gambia will not condone impunity for the most serious human rights violations and abuses. That is why the TRRC is not only mandated to recommend amnesty or grant reparations, but also to identify for prosecution only those who bear the greatest responsibility for these violations and abuses. This focus results from the reality that the prosecution of those generally considered the most culpable is likely to have the greatest symbolic value and  will provide the greatest sense of justice for the largest number of victims.

But like in all democratic societies, we cannot agree on everything. There will always be divergent views. Our young democracy will be tested again and again for that is what will make it resilient. We must therefore regard the emergence of divergent views not as failure but as a proud mark of our maturing democracy.

Let us not forget that less than 2 years ago, there were thousands of us fleeing across the border to neighbouring countries to escape a potential outbreak of violent conflict that was both real and imminent. Therefore, peace and stability must come first above all other considerations. But we are also aware, that true peace, as Martin Luther King said, is not merely the absence of tension, but the presence of justice.And justice can of course mean different things to different victims: some demand retributive justice; others want restorative justice; yet other victims are content with only recognition of their victimhood by their tormentors. The process we are engaged in is therefore aimed at catering for all categories of victims in the country.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

What happened in The Gambia in December 2016 can no doubt inspire millions of others who yearn for freedom and democracy around the world.

But we also cannot afford to be complacent. Removing the former President from power, impossible as it seemed at times, may prove to be an easier task compared to the challenges that lie ahead of us as a nation. But we have made a clear choice. We have chosen liberty over tyranny, democracy over dictatorship, and reconciliation over revenge! The road to sustainable peace and democracy in The Gambia will be a long and bumpy ride but we shall not fail, we will not fail. We will persist and we will persevere. With every falter and every stumble, for there shall be many along the way to that Promised Land of freedom and justice which we all dreamed about on 1 December 2016, we shall lift ourselves up again and again more determined than ever before to see that dream come true. Too many have died for this dream and they shall not have died in vain. We must therefore view the new Gambia as a project for laying a solid foundation of democracy anchored upon respect for the rule of law, human rights and constitutional authority.

These are not just lofty ideals for us here in The Gambia, they are powerful ideas that carry great meaning for our people; ideas that could have prevented the deaths of school children on April 10/11 2000, of Basirou Barrow, Dot Faal, Gibril Saye, Koro Ceesay, Daba Marena, Haruna Jammeh, Saul Ndow, Mahawa Cham, Mamut Ceesay, Solo Sandengand many others, and the gruesome torture of many more. These ideals can save lives! The new Gambia is therefore about the kind of legacy this generation of Gambians will bequeath to future generations of Gambians.

In establishing the TRRC, we have been inspired by the wise words of Nelson Mandela at the end of apartheid in South Africa, that: “Instead of hatred and revenge, we chose reconciliation and nation building”. I therefore call upon the victims, and especially the perpetrators to take advantage of this unique opportunity to come forward and help us heal the wounds of a battered and bruised nation. Every generation has been tested. This is the challenge of our generation.

Your Excellency,

Distinguished guests,

I cannot conclude without thanking you, Your Excellency, for your constant support and strong commitment to our transitional justice process and for the establishment of the TRRC; I would also like to thank some of our main partners: the United Nations Peace Building Support Office (PBSO) and the Peace Building Commission (PBC) for their tremendous and continuous support to our transitional justice process; to the UNDP country office staff members; the UN TJPMU; the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights; UNICEF; the International Center for Transitional Justice; the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance; Justice Rapid Response; the State of Qatar, the regional governors who coordinated the regional selection processes and the Regional Selection Panels that consulted with all 40 districts across the country to identify nominees for appointment as Commissioners; and more importantly, the staff members of the Ministry of Justice for their hard work and dedication; and to many others I cannot mention here today.

To conclude, allow me to re-echo the words of Saikou Jammeh of the GPU following the departure of the former President in January 2017. His words I believe capture the very essence of the dramatic political change that occurred in this country in December 2016: And he said this: “The sun is smiling on Gambia. Not because Jammeh has gone. Or Barrow is coming. But because Gambia has decided that Never Again”.

Indeed, NEVER AGAIN!!!!!!

Eight (8) out of the eleven (11) count charges against Madam Isha Johansen and Christopher Kamara have been dropped today during the no-case-submission at the High Court of Sierra Leone this morning. There are only three charges now remaining and the matter has been adjourned to the 31st of October, 2018.

Meanwhile, Madam Johansen has been granted permission by the court to travel for meetings and other international engagements, if the need arises for her to do so.

Stay with us for more..

Musa Bah

It is a known and agreed fact that when men and women of conscience remain silent while injustices are being committed, they bear equal responsibility for those injustices. It is wrong for citizens to be aloof and oblivious of the ills in their society. It was this very attitude during the previous regime that landed us in a repressive dictatorship which brought untold sufferings to many citizens of The Gambia. Many had to flee and seek refuge in different parts of the world.

It would be fool hardy therefore to think that because now we have a democracy, we should fold our hands and watch politicians while they falter and fail frequently. If we really wish to avoid going back to dictatorship and a regime that will violate the rights of citizens, and squander our public resources, we should – all together – seek to constantly engage the government (responsibly of course) and suggest ways of making it better.

When the majority of the country turn a blind eye to the goings-on, and the government and governors feel that they can do as they please, then we are in for a very rough ride indeed. In every society, you have people referred to as the intellectuals or the elite. These people have voices which are listened to and respected by both the governors and the governed. If these people choose to engage, then by simply speaking out, they can effect changes which will benefit the society. However, if they choose to remain quiet, then they are virtually committing the injustices or abuses of power that will ensue.

Nature has been cruelly kind to The Gambia. For, there is not a world institution of power and fame, where you won’t find highly educated Gambians doing wonderfully well. From the World Bank to the International Monetary Fund to world class universities in the West, Gambians are proving to be of great blessing to the world and those countries in which they find themselves. Unfortunately, many – if not most – of these Gambians do not seem to care what is happening in their home country. Had they come together to take interest in what is going on and sought to contribute – even if it is only to advise – this country could have been transformed in a short time.

Of course, there are some who are playing a very crucial role in advising and giving technical expertise to our government and other groups and individuals, but majority are just minding their own businesses for reasons best known to them. This is the Gambia’s tragedy.

For instance, since the story broke about the Fatoumatta Bah Barrow Foundation receiving thirty-five million dalasis from a Chinese Company called TIBEA, only ordinary folks like me and a few men and women of conscience have constantly spoken and written about it. Perhaps if more people spoke about it the government would have listened and said something about it. But because it is only the ordinary and voiceless guys like me who are talking, no action or explanation has been forthcoming from our government.

The National Assembly which is the lawmaking body in the country has a committee responsible for monitoring public finance and are to hold government to account, but they have still not said a thing about this saga. To add salt to injury, we have heard of the ‘brown envelopes’ which is like an obstacle to doing their work.

The intellectual class should come out and speak for the betterment of our nation. It is this nation that made them who they are and thus they should give back. They should not be selfish and only concern themselves with their pockets.

No one will come from outside and develop this nation for us. It is we – the Gambians – who can and will develop our country.

SPEECH BY

H.E. PRESIDENT ADAMA BARROW,

ON THE OCCASION OF THE

LAUNCHING OF THE TRUTH, RECONCILIATION AND REPARATIONS COMMISSION

BANJUL, THE GAMBIA

15^thOCTOBER 2018

Honourable Speaker,

Your Lordship, The Chief Justice,

Honourable Cabinet Members,

Secretary General and Head of The Civil Service

Special Invited Guests

Newly sworn-in Commissioners,

Chairperson,

Members of the media fraternity,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is quite a relief to observe that we are here, today, to witness another milestone in our emerging democracy, as we launch The Truth Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC).

Gambians had for far too long suffered under a repressive regime; a regime that failed its social contract with the citizens and, in doing so, oppressed the very people it swore to serve and protect. As a consequence, the TRRC was born out of the aspirations of a people who decided that they want a society where truth and justice prevail. This Commission is the outcome of the dreams of a people united in their wish for a better future: a future free of oppression, persecution and tyranny.

For a long time, we had looked forward to this day; hence, it is my singular honor and privilege to deliver this statement, as we take a historic step towards discovering the truth for national healing.

The story of how we got here would be incomplete if we did not first pay homage to the countless victims of the past twenty-two years; that is, the countless people who stood up to tyranny and, in the pursuit of freedom, selflessly laid down their lives. Those are the victims both known and yet to be known. Lest we forget, they also include those who are still with us today. Therefore, we resolve here, today, to investigate and establish an impartial historical record of the nature, causes and extent of the violations and abuses of human rights committed from July 1994 to January 2017.

The establishment of the TRRC is not an isolated development in our pursuit of a ‘New Gambia.’ Rather, it constitutes a component of the wider Transitional Justice Process, and it is pleasing to state that over the past twenty-one months, huge progress has been made in this direction.

To cite examples, we have set in motion a series of legislative, administrative and institutional reforms.

Most notably:

1. The Constitutional Reform Commission Act has been passed, and the Commission has begun its work.

1. We have commenced a process of reviewing all laws with a view to amending or completely repealing all oppressive laws.

• The National Human Rights Commission Act has been passed, and the process of its establishment is at an advanced stage.

1. Last, but not least, we have commenced a major reform of the security sector.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In establishing the Commission, a special focus was placed on its independence and inclusive nature. We believe that in order for the process to be meaningful, the TRRC must be free from all forms of outside influence. So too was the appointment of the Commissioners done via what I consider as one of the most transparent and inclusive processes this country has ever known. It is our hope that in doing this, the Commission’s independence and composition will allow for a sincere and inclusive process, with which we can all proudly associate ourselves.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This is the third time a Truth and Reconciliation Commission is being launched in Africa and, indeed, if we had our way, this would be the last. Over the past three decades, we saw the setting up of similar Commissions; for example, in South Africa after the fall of Apartheid and in Sierra Leone after the end of the brutal civil war that claimed many lives. One recurrent theme that struck us, as we looked up to other Commissions for inspiration in crafting ours, was the focus on the victims in each case. As a Government, we feel that, beyond establishing the truth and fostering national reconciliation, there is a crucial need to put the victims at the center of the process. It is for this reason that we included reparation in The Gambia’s model as a Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission.

While we appreciate that we cannot, in all cases, restore the circumstances in which the victims were prior to the abuses they suffered, we can, in appropriate cases, offer various forms of redress to deserving victims or their families.

Naturally, the TRRC may hold different meanings for different people; be it the State, the perpetrators, the victims, or the families of either group. To the State, it serves as an opportunity to embark on a process of re-birth and healing. To the victims, it provides an opportunity to establish the truth with regard to what they went through. For the perpetrators, it provides an opportunity to come clean, face their victims and seek forgiveness.

For the families of either the victims or the perpetrators, the moment may present itself for them to come to terms with the reality of the brutality committed by, or against, their loved ones.

Irrespective of whichever it may be, we must forge on resolutely as one people, united in our diversity, with the common belief that we can set aside our differences and confront our past, while holding on to the promise of a bright future.

As we embark on this process, we must bravely revisit the past in order to build a better future. As Gambians, and as a united people, our common experience remains our greatest teacher.

That bitter experience should guide us now, as we move towards forging a “New Gambia” wherein the respect for Human Rights, the Rule of law and guarantee of inherent freedoms are the pillars on which we thrive as a nation.

I am full of gratitude for the support our partners and friends have been providing, and for being with us, also, throughout the journey to regain our dignity and build a progressive democracy.

To the Chairman and Commissioners of the TRRC, my government has put everything at your disposal to ensure that you are able to carry out your work without any obstacles. The hope of the nation lies on your shoulders, and we are confident that you will deliver to the best of your ability and in the best interest of our dear nation.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We have a historic opportunity to re-write our history as a nation so that when future generations look back at the journey we have embarked upon, it will be with pride and from a future of peace, respect for human rights and the rule of law. We, as well, must be justified in our conviction that we are now doing full justice to the nation.

To conclude, I urge all Gambians to work together to promote reconciliation and justice and to heal and rebuild our nation. Let us stand together to say: “Never again shall a few people oppress us as a nation. Never Again! Never shall this beautiful Smiling Coast experience the oppression and tyranny of the minority against the majority.”

Thank you for your attention.

By Lamin Njie

‘We’re not afraid of any coach,’ that’s what Tom Saintfet had said before Friday’s match against Togo. Wait a minute; is this not the same Tom Saintfet who managed Togo some two years ago? I’m not really sure. I will have to find that out later.

This match was important to both The Gambia and Togo. Both were looking to reignite their campaign to qualify for next year’s Africa Cup of Nations tournament to be played in Cameroon. It’s been a not-good start to the qualifiers for the two. The Gambia had been held in a one-all draw by Algeria in a home match that will be remembered for its overcrowding hodgepodge. They’d already lost to Benin sometime last year. For Togo, they’d been held in a nil-nil draw by Benin. It preceded a one-nil loss to Algeria. And so this match was just important, just decisive for both countries.

Of course what much is known is that these two nations don’t compare when it comes to football. Togo have appeared in the Africa Cup of Nations eight times and their best spin was in 2003 when they reached the quarterfinals. And I think they also qualified for the World Cup once. What about The Gambia? Ours is that of disappointment, failure actually. The country has never stepped foot in the tournament. The only time it came within a hair’s breadth of making it was in those long gone days when we had the likes of Jatou Ceesay, Ebou Sillah and Seyfo Solly. Oh, and I also remember Pa Dembo Touray.

Pa Dembo was the man in charge of directly preventing the opposing team from scoring – the goalkeeper actually. Pa Dembo was a huge man. Not a very good goalkeeper – if global standard is anything to go by – but because he could kick the ball high up the field, a lot of people including myself loved him. He stayed on as the country’s first-choice keeper for I don’t know how long. The long and short of the Pa Dembo era is that they never really delivered.

It’s the present that matter now really. The Gambia, I know, is in Group D – a group which also has Algeria, Benin and Togo. Algeria tops the group after picking up seven points from a possible nine. They are followed by Benin who have 4 points while The Gambia and Togo each have two points. I know for Tom, starting your reign with two draws in two matches isn’t really bad a stats.

Truth be told, football has wheeled away from just scoring points. Football nowadays is development. Football nowadays is growth. Football is nowadays power. And no wonder even countries like Guinea Bissau are now having a go at it with so much seriousness and discipline. The pack that stepped forward against Algeria which is the same as the pack that tackled Togo seem to understand this.

There’s hope in the future, of course. These young lads or should I say an assortment of young and old because there still is Pa Modou, are playing good football. No one owns football these days. Good football is all it requires to get to the top. The Gambia should draw every relief in this fact.

Without doubt, Tuesday next week game against Togo will be crucial for The Gambia. The country will have to win this reverse fixture if it is to stand any real chance of qualifying. This is because The Gambia will be left with just one more home match which will be against Benin. The other match will be away to well-respected Algeria. Tom may be on a short-term contract but I believe he can pull off what the likes of Paul Put and Bonu Johnson couldn’t. And all should say ameen to that.

Alagi Yorro Jallow

 Where did all the genuine African revolutionaries go? They were either assassinated; Patrice Lumumba, Eduardo Mondlane, Samora Machel, Amilcar Cabral, Steve Biko, John Garang, Julius Nyerere, Leopold Sedar Senghor, Frank Fanon, Muammar Gadaffi  or fell under siege from their own legacies. It has been decades since we saw a visionary leader who inspired the Pan African idealism of the revolutionary 60s.

Look around. Africa is facing a leadership crisis. From South Africa to Egypt, Gambia to Madagascar, there is a clear sense of ‘we deserve better’. As African men, stifling under the stereotype of rogue males in power, there are not many examples around to deliver a much-needed inspirational leadership wake up call. The only standard for leadership presently is wealth and influence. Simple men with solid characters, sincere intentions and grand visions are consigned to the pages of African history.

Thomas Sankara: A man with a mission, ahead of his time and a man without college education. He was brilliant, gifted revolutionary. A man who changed Burkina Faso. The man who gave the Burkinabe a sense of pride. The French could not handle him.

Thomas Sankara, a man without a college degree was bigger than Che Guevara. His intellect and wit challenged the “officialdom” which speeches were written and delivered. His wit stunned his peers at the UN and OAU. Many, including some African leaders blessed with several distinguished degrees and honors did not understand him.

His ideas, sometimes considered Marxist, were out of touch with the global elite but resonated well in villages in Burkina Faso. He re-baptized his country. The name “Upper Volta” had no meaning. It was a colonial tag. He called his country, Burkina Faso – the land of incorruptible people.

This man, at only 33 then with secondary school education, was bigger than most of the African leaders combined at the African Union. No African politician living, or dead can match the intellectual vibrancy of Captain Sankara. He still speaks to his people even in death. Read his speeches and you will appreciate why.

He was a military man. He came to power through a coup. But he was different. He was no Yahya Jammeh, Idi Amin, Yoweri Museveni or Mobutu Seseseko. He loved his country and his people with passion. He travelled in cheap cars, encouraged people to work and played handball with his fellow civil servants after work.

He was not obsessed with Presidential toys – limousines, outriders and jets. Sankara was a simple man who wanted to transform his country. He was proud. For his people, for his country. He believed in intra African trade. During one of the OAU summits, he told other Presidents to encourage production and trading in Africa.

He wore cotton cloth fully woven and stitched in Burkina Faso using Burkinabe cotton. He could afford a suit from Saville Row in London, but he believed in the creativity of the Burkinabe. He was not an abstract compatriot, as many African Presidents were then and even now. He was a true embodiment of a real fellow countryman. He was in touch, with people and his country’s reality. A true son of the soil.

He was not the typical African President who betrayed the pride of Africans. He was a proud African. Even Francoise Mitterrand was confused. He once described him as “bright but not flexible.” France arranged for his best friend to murder him and bury him in a rudimentary grave. The murderer was Blaise Campaore.

He made himself President without college degree. Blaise Campaore sold Burkinabe minerals to the French. Twenty-three years later, a popular revolution largely driven by the ideas of the late Sankara drove Campaore into exile. The revolution often referred to as the “barefoot” revolution was driven by poor youths and music. The musicians even had a concert in the burnt down house of Parliament to celebrate.

France, a country whose interests Campaore served with passion could not protect him. Thomas Sankara was an African who lived ahead of his time. He is an example of selfless commitment to what Africa can be if only Africans believed in those possibilities. His spirit lives on…… He embodies that which is possible, if we escape mental slavery. Long live the Sankarist movement in Francophone Africa!

Dr. Omar Janneh

On many platforms, Mr. Ousainou Darboe was heard of making the point that President Adama Barrow should lead for 5 years because that is what the Constitution says. Indeed that is what the Constitution says, but I do not believe that the Coalition Partners were ignorant of the Constitutional provision of 5 years during their discussions, but that after much discussion/thought, they chose to go for 3 years (presumably) for some good reasons. I suppose Mr. Darboe made his position on the matter having considered the possibilities that a president is mortal, can be impeached and removed from office and may resign before his/her term ends. While Mr. Barrow may believe that he has some choice in the third, i.e., not to resign at end of the agreed term of 3 years, but I doubt if he has much choice in the first and second. But will the country and his Coalition Partners, some of whose support he may now lack because of sacking them, give him the chance to go on for 5 years instead of the agreed 3?

Given Mr. Darboe’s long standing position on the issue that Mr. Barrow should rule for 5 years, it seems doubtful to me if we would have been in the position we are in now – the “new” Gambia with a Barrow Presidency and him as Vice President- had Mr. Darboe taken part in the discussions to form the Coalition. He may have insisted on the 5-year term and no deal may have been struck, unless if the other Partners were ready to budge. Thus Jammeh may still have been in power. And when Mr. Darboe goes on to say that the electorate voted knowing that they were voting for the Coalition Presidential Candidate to serve for 5 years, I think there is some sense that the truth is being massaged somewhat. As Mr. Darboe was in prison at the time, he may not have known/realised that the Coalition campaigned, up and down the country, to serve for 3 years and the people voted believing/knowing full well that the Coalition government, if elected, would serve for 3 years, not 5. However, having got themselves so quickly drunk on power and thus unable to do anything of significance for the country for some 20 months, they have (Mr. Barrow and Mr. Darboe) changed their minds from 3 to 5 years. And please, let’s not buy into the idea that the Coalition agreement that the Coalition President should lead for 3 years was a gentlemen’s (informal) agreement and that they never meant it – what a lousy thing to say. Were they all deceiving the electorate and is politics therefore, tantamount to dishonesty? There is nothing gentlemanly in telling the electorate that you will rule for 3 years when you meant 5, especially upon tasting honey and milk. Gentlemen mean their words. After 22 years of dictatorship, gross rights abuses and brutality, would it not be refreshing and wouldn’t the Barrow government leave a positive legacy if they did as agreed? Unfortunately as Mr. Barrow is planning on not acting honestly to observe their so called gentlemen’s agreement, I think for the sake of country, the Coalition Partners must unite and insist that he steps aside after the agreed 3 years.

With President Barrow at the centre of (alleged) corruption/bribery scandal, it seems that his Presidency is continuing its journey towards the cliff edge. The administration’s spokesperson tried to deny the bribery scandal, but she muddied the waters even more and so the story won’t go away. Not knowing that a president must understand the need to serve all, not the few, and definitely not the National Assembly Members (NAMs) is the height of incompetence and cluelessness and a potential source for national humiliation. Furthermore, the infighting and indiscipline within the UDP, which seem to have escalated because of the recent meeting Mr. Barrow held at State House while Mr. Darboe was out of town, may (now) well have caused Mr. Darboe to reconsider his position on whether Mr. Barrow should stay for 5 years or step aside after 3, as agreed with the Coalition Partners.

Having resigned from his party to contest the elections against Jammeh as a Coalition candidate, one wonders why Mr. Barrow made the statement at State House that he is a UDP President. Is this not against the Coalition agreement? When did he re-join the UDP party and did he inform his Coalition Partners of his intention to re-join UDP?  I also wonder why he feels that it would be a betrayal for the UDP to put up a Presidential candidate, while he is President, a UDP President. The upcoming UDP Congress planned for December 2018 would be interesting to follow. If Mr. Barrow dismissed some of his Coalition Partners (Mr. Mai Ahmad Fatty, Mr. Omar A. Jallow, and Ms Fatoumata C.M. Jallow-Tambajang) with the view to strengthening his position and deepen his grip on power, I think he may soon realise that he may have made his position rather difficult. This is because, if it came to a ballot, he would need the blessing of some of those sacked individuals to get his way, i.e., stay as President for 5 years. Is he going to bribe them or anyone to support him? The argument against Mr. Barrow, especially from some of the sacked Coalition Partners, may (now) be that Mr. Barrow’s resignation from the UDP in order to be the flag bearer of the Coalition disqualifies him from contesting as a Presidential candidate (under the UDP ticket) in the next election.

It is my view that by publicly announcing that he (Mr. Barrow) is a UDP President and that the UDP should have no cause to nominate a new presidential candidate against him, he may have inadvertently jolted the Coalition Partners to react and call aCoalition Partners’ meeting, to discuss the three-year transition agreement, to which Mr. Barrow would be apparently invited to attend. As Mr. Barrow’s statement at the State House appears contrary to our understanding of the Coalition agreement, is there something that Mr. Barrow, (we) or the Coalition Partners do not understand about the agreement they reached in 2016? Of course, depending on the wording of the Coalition agreement, it may be possible for Mr. Barrow to run under a political party separate from (e.g., a new party of his own or otherwise) any of the parties that formed the Coalition, but I doubt if any of the Partners would have signed up to that. In any case, now that Barrow may have lost the support of the sacked Coalition Partners and there now seems an apparent tension between him and Mr. Darboe (who wasn’t at the first meeting, but may be at the upcoming one; by the way do not be surprised if they fail to reach an agreement because Mr. Darboe seems to prefer taking the win all position in a negotiation), it will be interesting to know what outcome this meeting will produce.

Assuming that the planned Coalition Partners’ meeting to discuss the status of the Coalition and the 3-year transition period goes ahead and the Partners fail to reach an agreement, it would be important for the Partners to consider referring the matter to the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and or consider asking the public in a referendum. In fact, is it unreasonable for the IEC to react to Mr. Barrow’s statement and demand an explanation from him for publicly stating that he is a UDP President? It can be argued that Mr. Barrow’s statement is not only a departure from the Coalition agreement, but also deceitful to the electorate, i.e., he may have broken the Coalition agreement on which he contested the elections and therefore, the election rules. If this notion is fanciful or lacks merit at the moment, I do not think it will be unreasonable to consider including something in the rule book (e.g., the Constitution – the CRC may perhaps need to take note) that will 1) prevent a Coalition President/any President from deviating from an agreed term limit and 2) ensure that the terms of any (Coalition) agreement are legally binding: that an individual who agrees to resign from their Party and lead as a Coalition President on the understanding that s/he shall not be permitted to contest in the next elections, but shall step down after the agreed term limit; that s/he is not permitted to form a party, re-join their former party or join any existing party during their term in office. I believe that such a provision may prevent a President from departing from an agreement and or making the kind of untrustworthy statements we have heard recently. In my view, Mr. Barrow’s recent statements have caused much anxiety in the country and it has the potential to prematurely destabilise his government. Furthermore, our recent history teaches us that when a leader says one thing and does another, such action invariably entrenches the leader into power, which is a slippery road to a dictatorial regime. For now at least, I will maintain the view that should Mr. Barrow’s explanation for saying what he said at the State House fail to satisfy his Coalition Partners (and the IEC), I think a referendum or an early Presidential election should be called. We should seek to have such a referendum by June 2019 and a possible general election by the end of 2019.

At the very least, people ought to be asked if Mr. Barrow should honour the Coalition agreement and serve for 3 years or 5. Mr. However, Barrow and the Coalition Partners cannot and must not tell us that he (Mr. Barrow) has not fulfilled the ambitions of the Coalition agreement and that he should be allowed to stay as President for 5 years. If the Coalition Partners have been following Mr. Barrow’s performance, they should know that Mr. Barrow will not deliver on the Coalition agreement even if they allowed him 6 years, twice the agreed time period. Indeed no such provision was ever communicated to the electorate during the 2016 elections and that given Mr. Barrow’s uninspired leadership and very poor performance, such a position is without merit and so Mr. Barrow must go. Of course Mr. Barrow and all those drinking honey and milk with him may have much to do, but they only have much to do for themselves and their families, and perhaps some few others, e.g. the NAMs – the donated vehiclesand the recently alleged cash gifts.

If Mr. Barrow insists on serving for 5 years, he will be deceiving his Coalition Partners and the whole country. Such blatant and unacceptable dishonesty would make the formation of another Coalition government, which helped us remove a dictator and could in the future help us remove other dictators and clueless presidents, difficult in The Gambia. Clearly, the current leadership and all of the Coalition Partners must know that they will not be on the right side of history for supporting such deceitful action; such action will not serve the country well in the long term. Therefore, we must push for a general election in 2019 and remove this bunch of ineffectual people from power. We must not accept, coercively or reluctantly, that Mr. Barrow should serve for 5 years. Mr Barrow and his administration are increasingly becoming a national humiliation. We must do away with our apparent affinity for mediocrity; we can do better, much better indeed.

By Sana Sarr

Dear Baa Tambedou,

Why You?

There are many screw-ups in this government. There is Hamat Bah, there’s the National Assembly members who sold their souls for cars, or D10,000, and there’s even President Barrow. Why do I single you out to write this open letter to? Why do I bother to write to you when it’s much easier to just write you off into the hopelessness bin like the rest of them? Full disclosure, I really don’t know enough about you to care about you personally. I care about what you represent to many Gambians, including myself, in this administration.

See, when the new government was being formed, many Gambians cried that they wanted certain qualities in the ministers that would be entrusted with the responsibility of rebuilding the nation. You, Baa, checked most of the boxes.

i. Technocrat – Being a trained attorney, you have the required knowledge and experience to make informed decisions based on what would work best in the national interest.

1. Not a Politician – As a non-politician, you would be free from the usual selfish/sentimental motivations that plagues the decision making of politicians. You would be more concerned about the welfare of all Gambians rather than what will win you the favor of certain voting groups or political parties.

iii. Youth – As a relatively young person, you would be more open-minded and not set in the old ways of doing things. You would also be more concerned, knowing that every decision you make affects the next generation of Gambians, which may be, not just your children, but you will probably be around in the next 25 years.

1. International experience – Having been educated and worked abroad, you are experienced in the modern ways of the world – worth ethics, attitudes, processes and procedures – best practices that can be the differences between success and failure.

1. Justice Matters – after emerging from a chaotic system where there was no justice, and the only laws were the whims and caprices of an unstable president, I do not need to remind you of how crucial this period of our history is. We’re not repairing, we’re basically rebuilding a whole system and trying make citizens believe in the effectiveness of institutions rather than individuals. We can make the best economic development plans and be blessed with all the natural resources in the world, but all of that is meaningless if there is no confidence in the systems to maintain law and order. “No Justice, No Peace” they say.

1. Not needy – Coming from your previous job, I doubt you really needed this job for money or prestige. You were doing quite well in a high profile job that paid very well. One could therefore be reassured that you’re not desperate for this job to be willing to risk your integrity to keep it. It’s reasonable to believe that your reason for accepting this appointment was purely out of a desire to contribute to national development.

For the above reasons, your presence in the government was the one cause of hope and confidence in not just this administration, but in the future it could lead us to.

On a personal note,  I can’t say I know you. I know some people who have known you since your schoolboy days at Kanifing South and Real De Banjul. They all tell me that Baa is an honest individual who can be trusted. I know those people won’t lie to me so I trusted them, and my faith was reaffirmed when you publicly spoke out when the government screwed up by failing to follow proper procedure when they tried to change the age limit for the presidency.

The Turnaround

You can therefore imagine my shock and disappointment with your recent utterances and attitude – the pardoned pedophile, the interview with Esau Williams, the threats to prosecute those who write false information, and now this latest press conference where you attempted to defend the indefensible, all bordering on the type of ego/arrogance that many who know you say is uncharacteristic of you.

When it was announced that President Barrow had pardoned a convicted Norwegian pedophile who was defended at trial by your brother, and the Justice Ministry’s official Twitter account came out to lie about it, some of our faith was again restored when you came out to strongly deny that you had any knowledge of it. We believed you when you promised to fully investigate the matter once you returned to the country. Imagine our disappointment when you would return only to simply dismiss the issue as “water under the bridge”. It’s obvious now that your impassioned defense was more about protecting your personal image than it was about seeking justice for Gambian children who were raped by this monster. Little did you care about setting standards of integrity and upholding the law, including holding those who use an official government account at the Ministry of JUSTICE to lie to Gambians.

When questioned about why the government, against conventional wisdom and general public outcry, pushed ahead to sign a shady deal entrusting our bio-data to a dubious Belgian company currently facing charges of corruption in their country, you again attempted to defend the decision, sounding like a political hack playing pundit on television, with those half-baked and unconvincing arguments that are well below your morals and intellect.

As we were trying to digest this new “Baa”, you released a new single with this interviewissuing some not-so-veiled threats reminding us that you have the powers to use the dictator’s laws to prosecute people for “false news” and “hate speech.” Yes, Mr. Tambedou, we all know those laws still exist. How can we ever forget that your government has so far failed to deliver on the expectations Gambians had when they voted you into office? We expected the bad laws to be changed, and you all are taking your merry time with them not because you’re unable to, but because you wish to use them when convenient. Since we’re doing reminders, may we also remind you that there are laws for you to investigate and prosecute appearances of corruption in government. You know, like national assembly members alleging publicly that the president is bribing them with cash, or the First Lady’s foundation having millions mysteriously deposited into their bank accounts. Those, Sir, would be of greater interest to Gambians than stifling free speech under the guise of prosecuting the publication of “false news.”

The Takeaway

Baa, despite all the disappointments, I still don’t think you have been corrupted for either financial reasons or for the prestige of the position. Heck, I don’t even think you’re drunk on power. I think you’re a punk! Yes, a coward! Your “new” attitude suggests very much like there’s someone, or some people, who you can’t say no to because you respect them too much. It seems like you don’t want to be seen as the disagreeable one who won’t go along with the popular decision on the team. You want to be liked by your colleagues/bosses.

“Olof Njie neh, su sa gamenj heseweh, sa dormi ndey morla kore warh.”I hope you have enough dormi ndeysto tell you that like someone who ate mbahal bufanaan, “Bro, here’s some chewing gum, soaked in listerine.”You are not the minister of Maslaha. You are the Minister of JUSTICE. This is a crucial time in Gambia’s history, a country that has been through hell and back, and now on at the crossroads of either realizing its potential or regressing another 2 decades. Your appointment represents hope for an entire generation of young Gambians and you owe it to all of us to maintain confidence in the potential of our country. Failure is not an option. You can shove this piece under the rug like you’ve apparently done with Barrow’s many “missteps”, but I sincerely hope that in the quiet of night, when you’re with no one but your conscience, you pause for a minute of introspection…and consult the Baa Tambedou that your childhood friends and family say you are.

Sincerely,
A Concerned Gambian who BelieveD in You

Alagi Yorro Jallow

The Gambia is blessed with a multitude of men and women with lofty mental faculties such as pundits and activists employed in government agencies, private entities or the world of politics where they are given a seat of esteem and power.

Ergo, it is only right to conclude that our country is equipped with trusted sages whose economic ingenuities, leadership dexterities and spiritual differences​ could gladly put our country at the peak of moral and socio-economic progress in a way where equity and equality transcends according to the “rule of law,” which is the very foundation of democracy.

But, sad to say, those so-called pundits and activists-turned-politicians become political gamblers and power freaks after winning the election; they commit themselves to accruing their campaign loses through the clever use of illegal resources. They take advantage by persecuting their inimical political foes, which is the by-product of sham empathy and fraudulent performances​ in public service. In time, their credibility and integrity will be placed under deplorable criticism because of their grotesque acts of authoritarian control, that is, a despotic shift leading to the “rule of men.” And when we say the rule of men, we mean “tyranny, or despotism, or oligarchy, that is a government of the few.” Any means they use, however unlawful, may be justifiably employed to maintain a strong government, which is characterized by political cunning or bad faith.

Now, by carefully observing how the new government works today, the question is as follows: Are we under the reign of the “rule of law” or under the “rule of men?” And which of the two is the most reliable system for delivering a safe, secure and progressive Gambia?

Remember, “prudence lies in knowing how to distinguish the best between the degrees of justifiability in judging things and in choosing the least justified!”

Human Rights activists and groups to advance human rights have long been hijacked by self-appointed guardians of the “truth” whose definition of free speech is censoring, shouting down or even physically assaulting those who might disagree.
Hardly surprising that there is a growing backlash. The tragedy though is that the values of true human rights activism have been terribly degraded by these, some malicious, some misguided pretenders. Human rights are not left-wing or right-wing, they are universal. Everyone is entitled to freedom from torture, slavery and has the right not to be imprisoned without a fair trial. I’m glad there are organizations and brave individuals who challenge human rights violations wherever they occur irrespective of political tribalism.

Dr. Omar Janneh

In the piece published on August 24, 2018, I made the point that Mr Abdoulie (Morikebba) Janneh seemed a very, very busy man to take up the post of Chairperson of The Gambia’s TRRC, but that he may have given this challenging task much thought. Interestingly, it seems that someone has not done their homework because on October 4, 2018 the Ministry of Justice told us that due to scheduling conflict, Dr. Lamin J. Sise was identified and that he would be replacing Mr Abdoulie (Morikebba) Janneh as the Chairperson of the TRRC. Dr. Lamin J. Sise has a very attractive track record and he is diligent and I wish him very well. But for the sake of consistency, why didn’t the Justice Ministry give the public the chance to also object to Dr. Sise’s appointment?

Anyhow, the reason for this piece is that on October 9, 2018, the Justice Ministry reported that The Gambia’s TRRC Commissioners would be sworn in on October 15, 2018. They went on to claim that they received no objectionsto the fitness or suitability of the intended Commissioners. I suppose I may be a lone voice and therefore, would not expect that the Justice Ministry would act upon one of my objections which may well have been neutralised by the post by Mr Matarr S. Baldeh (lone voice/lone voice– it’s for the readers to decide), but the post on my objections was viewed, by more than 1000 individuals, on a number of platforms. Interestingly, because the Justice Minister (an avid reader), Mr. Matarr S. Baldeh and I belong to the same Listserv (Community of Gambianist Scholars), I believe he would have either seen/read my objections there (as well as the subsequent piece from Mr. Matarr S. Baldeh that sought to neutralise it), here,here,here,hereor here. Overall, most will also recall that some of my posts on the TRRC generated some debate (e.g., click hereand here). I said at the time that I was making my objections in the manner that I did, and on time, because the Justice Ministry gave the public – in The Gambia and the Diaspora- little option; they neither facilitated nor were they flexible (as if by design so that they can get what they want, they gave us 10 daysover the Muslim feast of Eid al-Adha) in the manner in which the public could send in their objections. In this digital age, asking the public to submit their objections to the appointment of the intended Commissions of the TRRC by either surface mail or in person, as if all Gambians live on Marina Parade in Banjul, was a joke. Given the way they have gone about asking the public to submit their objections and the many different options the Justice Minister could have received my objection, I think to say that they received no objections may be massaging the truth somewhat. Thus it seems to me that these guys are not serious at all and that they may also have a hint of arrogance about them.

Based on some of the write-ups I read and the TV/YouTube clips I have so far watched, I think the mistake that is being made, especially by the TRRC Secretariat, time and again is to assume that when we, from what seems like, solicit the support of victims to massage our characters – using beautiful adjectives, the perpetrators and the rest of society should/must have no cause to object or complain. Well, justice is blind; and so it is my view that the Commission must not ignore the concerns of those who served in the previous administration and the perpetrators, because doing so would make it probably very difficult for them to establish the truth. It requires intuition, and impartiality– the other side must trust the process, not arrogance to get it right.

We must recognise that inserting the second “R” (reparations) in The Gambia’s Truth Commission, for a country that is a basket case, was a mistake. We know that they have to beg (and let’s stop kidding ourselves, there is no such thing as free lunch; we may have to reciprocate favours in ways not quite beneficial to us) others to pay for the reparations, as if the rights abuses were committed by those hands giving us their taxpayers’ money. When will our Executive restore our dignity? We cannot dig ourselves out of our mess through begging, which we seem to have no qualms about. In my view, the promise of reparations creates an expectation on the part of the victims, who have suffered much too much, that the size of the reparations received may be dependent on the severity of what they suffered. And therein is a potential problem, because the Commission has no capacity whatsoever to forensically scrutinise the veracity of what they hear. We have to accept that some people are untrainable!

I believe it is also fair to question the sensibility, honesty, morality and justification for allowing some conflicted individuals to (excessively and continuously, over the duration of the Commission) benefit from the Commission by virtue of being employed on it while others (– far and wide; and some may never be questioned by the Commission and may well have suffered far deeper) have to wait for the promised compensation to arrive. Indeed, one might also ask whether it is likely that if/when that (begged) money comes, some of the conflicted individuals employed by the Commission, hence already benefitting from it, may receive more compensation than those who might have suffered far worse rights abuses. This is because of the seemingly deliberate cronyism and partiality in the setting of The Gambia’s TRRC.

It appears to me that they have deliberately staged much of The Gambia’s TRRC process, from the Act to some of the appointments, so that they can get what they want. Justice is objective and impartial, but The Gambia’s TRRC is none of those. Doing the right thing at the wrong time, especially very poorly is tantamount to poor leadership and only unsecure leaders do that.

Press Release

During its 10th Meeting, Cabinet considered a number of papers laid before it for consideration and adoption.
1. Cabinet adopted a paper presented by the Hon. Minister of Information and Communications Infrastructure to reduce international incoming termination rate from US$0.45 to $0.25 and $0.30 in The Gambia. The essence of this move is to make the Gambian destination more competitive (cheap), enable the country to comply with the required harmonization within ECOWAS; combat specific network-related fraud in communications services and increase the volume of direct incoming tele-traffic and improve on the current revenue stream of incoming international voice traffic.

2. Cabinet also adopted a paper presented by the Minister of Information and Communications Infrastructure for the establishment of an ICT agency in The Gambia. The Agency will be mandated to carry out several issues including, but not limited to:

• Provision of centralized platform for the government’s e-governance adoption and application.
• Facilitate the use of ICT for the improvement of the efficiency, effectiveness and operations of government and cost effective delivery of government services.
• Facilitate the development of systems and applications (e-agriculture, e-tourism, e-health) for improved public service delivery.
• Facilitate the creation of Made-in-Gambia ICT services to boost local content generation to drive self-employment.

3. Cabinet also adopted a paper laid before it by the Hon. Minister of Interior for the ratification of the ECOWAS convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their ammunitions and related matters. The former government refused to ratify this ECOWAS-wide convention when it was first brought before it in 2011. The new government has taken the bold step to join the league of nations in the ECOWAS sub region to adopt this important document for its subsequent ratification in the National Assembly.

Done on this 11th day of October, 2018, State House in Banjul, on behalf of Government Spokesperson,

………………………………………………………
Mr. Ebrima SIllah
Hon. Minister of Information and Communications Infrastructure.