By Kexx Sanneh

Am reliably informed that, they supposed to meet Goodluck Jonathan in Nigeria on the issue of the Draft Constitution.

However, it was abundantly made clear by a veteran politician and people who understand procedures that; there are only two alternatives to sort out the predicament the country is facing over the Draft constitution.

Both are internal, having nothing to do with external solution or help. Therefore, what are these politicians trying to do? In whose name and interest?

The two alternatives are: The Executive way or The Parliament way.

The Executive could bring in a new bill for the amendment of the 1997 Constitution which has to be gazetted before it will be table before the National Assembly and Draft Constitution will be completely different from the one rejected by members.

OR

On the other hand, parliament will sit in March. The Speaker may allow a motion to rescind the decision by the minority in parliament to prevent the Constitution Promulgation Bill to go to the Committee stage.

So there is no other middle road.

The draft constitution is not a matter for another country, foreign elite or organisation but a matter purely for the national assembly members to sort out. Running to Nigeria won’t change anything.

Then, what are these intermediary measures for? In whose interest and name are these politicians engaging into negotiation?

Know the boundary of your political parties.

By Pa Louis Sambou, Blogger

One really need not have a vested interest in the subject matter nor even have a skin in the game one way or another for them to hold the view that ‘Three Years Jotna’ (TYJ), was from the word go a cause in futility. This was my view back then and it remains my view today. The President has constitutional authority to remain in office for 5 years; citizens (TYJ in this instance) by the same measure are entitled to exercise their right to freedom of speech and expression including to challenge any President to step down regardless of whether the premise of such a position is valid. My sincere apologies for stating the obvious but, it’s crystal clear that the legality of any exercise of such a right is not dependent on the merit or the State’s approval of the object of such advocacy. However, it must be emphatically stated that the latter’s right does not go as far as empowering them to seek active measures in order to effect the removal of a President nor does the former have a legal authority to thwart any citizen’s right to express an opinion to the effect that they should relinquish power. Not that I’m suggesting that either or both the aforementioned are guilty of overstepping their bounds in the afore-stated literal terms — well I’m not saying so just yet but, only affirming that the above-stated is my understanding of the relevant law being section 25(1) of the Constitution.

In the case of TYJ at least, I doubt anyone could land any legitimate punches on them for want of trying. For what it’s worth, it’s fair to say that the cause merits credit for effort. For a cause so diminished and which now only exists in memory and name, serious questions have got to be asked of the wisdom which informs the State’s decision to rearrest and reinvent the wheel supposedly to ill-advisedly re-initiate a fresh trial having withdrawn their case against those concerned; this overlooks or perhaps ignores all consequential political risks as well as others. To be absolutely clear, I’m by no stretch of any imagination suggesting that such would replicate the political trials of 2016 which arguably primed the atmosphere for the David versus Goliath knockout blow which followed on 2 December 2016 when voters handed former President Jammeh his head. However, in an election year, such is nevertheless a glaringly obvious unmitigated risk especially given recent precedent. For anyone who is of a risk averse disposition, it’s quite extraordinary as to how one (the government of the day in this instance) places oneself at such jeopardy, not only in willingness but also with anticipation as if they have the exclusive franchise on the potential risks.

All aspects of the lamentable event(s) which necessitate this literature are worrying for sure and, under normal circumstances, the logical genesis of any assessment of this nature would begin with some sort of an analysis of the legality of the event(s). With this one though, the truth of the matter is, for a supposedly emerging democracy, it’s so abnormal and unprecedented, it dwarfs even the silliest of tricks and contempts against the norms of the established legal order imaginable under both the quasi – dictatorship and the dictatorship jurisdictions of the former regimes. No disrespect to equally concerned and well-meaning commentators who already did so but, just like I’ll be extremely reluctant to engage a tin-foil hat claim that there are 62 instead of 26 letters in the English alphabet, I’m equally firmly minded to steer well clear of any attempt to abseil down the rabbit hole of seeking to analyse the legality of the State’s grossly irresponsible actions on this occasion. I would however add that there’s good reason to believe that what appears to be an emerging rogue State doesn’t seem to have colonised our Courts (well not yet) in which case we should be heartened by the high likelihood that the dishonourable ploy will, in the long run eventually crumble under the weight of its internal legal contradictions and rightfully so. Therefore, I guess there’ll be ample opportunity for a posthumous examination at some point in the future. Until then, its legality certainly merit no analysis whatsoever. Contempt does not deserve the deference of dignity and, it mustn’t be accorded it.

The actions lamented herein, when considered in isolation of everything else, it’s perfectly understandable how one would quite easily end up heaping all responsibility and culpability squarely on the government. This won’t be an inaccurate conclusion but, it isn’t complete either and I say so because such a determination rides on an assumption which does not take into account the existence of oversight authorities but for whose malfeasance the enabling environment for such abuse to take place would not even exist. With a national human rights watchdog (the NHRC) which for reasons best known to them actively goes out of its way to launder culprits of human rights violation and undermine complaints against human rights violations, what could possibly go wrong? I’m certainly not attempting to draw a link akin to an unhinged suggestion that the dry season comes before the rainy season so therefore 7 months of dry season causes 5 months of rainfall — of course it’ll be daft to imply a causal link between two inter-related occurrences which precede each other solely on grounds of close proximity and inconsequential relationship. In the case of the subject matter under review however, truth be told, the observable realities are such that there’s a reasonable nexus between the malfeasance of the oversight authority (the NHRC in this instance) and the impunity which drives State actors to engage in noncompliant conduct in the full knowledge that accountability will not follow.

Once one begins to abdicate their responsibility and compromise their underpinning values whether wittingly or otherwise, then not far down the line from such unjustifiable omission comes passive complicity. I feel obliged to point out that I make no accusations of complicity but only stating that if such trend continues, it would be reasonable to construe the NHRC and the State to be part of one noncompliant whole in which case any future accusation(s) of NHRC complicity in future human rights violations on the part of the State would be absolutely valid and impliedly so. I cannot see why not. Could you?

So, I suppose the crux of my argument here is that the issue isn’t a one dimensional one and, more importantly, unlike the days when a national human rights watchdog didn’t exist, human rights violations by State actors in today’s Gambia should be viewed in conjunction with the NHRC’s failure to discharge its statutory core mandate, a failure from which impunity is evidently beginning to take hold and thrive to the detriment of society as we’ve seen play out at the Court premises a couple of weeks ago . The irony of the NHRC’s decision to lecture on public health (COVID19) whilst not saying a single word on such  monstrosity of a violation I’m sure inspires so much confidence.

For someone who belonged to the ‘constituency’ of Gambians whom were branded the pejorative label “D.S.S” (please don’t ask what that means) by the ex highly provocative allies (now bitter adversaries) of President Barrow from whom emerged TYJ, it’s quite tempting to join others in rubbing my hands in glee at their misery. However, that misses the point entirely because the focus should be the noncompliant conduct (or the violation for a more fitting term) which sets a dreadful precedent under whose wrath anyone of us could fall someday rather than the focus being incorrectly fixated on those to whom such violation is subjected today. My views on TYJ and the deception which conceived the cause is public knowledge; I even had to hold back (and in fact still holding back) on throwing their way an accusation of double standards concerned that such may undeservedly imply the existence of standards where none at all exist. This is how much regard I attribute to the cause. But, however objectionable one finds these as some do, such must not prejudice one’s sense of reason to such extent to allow passion to override it. The actions of the State under review set a very concerning precedent and that has to be a worry regardless of one’s subjective view and opinion of TYJ et al.

Once a government starts to act in the sort of unconventional manner with people with whom politically, it diametrically disagree, then they’re on that long miserable road to totalitarianism. Well, this is the impression such gives, just the wrong sort of seed any incumbent would wish planted in the minds of a post 2016 Gambian electorate especially in an election year. I of course do not speak in astrological terms but, just saying that history does have a way of repeating itself and in light of which fact one would imagine that the State would appropriately reconsider its growing noncompliant conduct and readjust accordingly.

Today marks a true reflection of selfless service of the people who struggled for the attainment of self governance and realization as a nation. In an effort to liberate our people from dependency to self esteem and with the mantra of reaching out to the targeted goals clock fifty six years exemption of reliance.

This is the spirit of servant leadership and as we celebrate this year’s anniversary, The Gambia Action Party strives for genuine feeling towards national development. Our independence as a nation has no denotation or referent when majority of the citizens wallow in abject poverty and starvation as survival becomes an uphill battle for more than half of the country’s population. The rise in commodity prices at the markets has no justification and does not depict the true nature of the Gambian standards of living as poverty continue to grip our nation.

Our agricultural and socio-economic sectors have been crippled, the educational frontiers are becoming increasingly difficult to align with the international standard, the healthcare sector in deterioration and the dilapidated conditions of the roads still exist. The Gambia Action Party led government shall ensure better operational measures geared towards this endeavour.

Fellow Gambians, self-food sufficiency, well secured nation with effective border control, low crime rates, extirpation of corruption,  provision for the youth development mechanisms and the people centric approach shall be implemented under a GAP led administration as development can only be grabbed when our teeming youth engross in various businesses, transforming their talents, skills and expertise to produce goods that we need for survival.

Our independence as a nation is meaningless when our government is in dereliction state of affairs to beshield the sovereignty and protecting our birthright is a cause that we cannot afford to swerve. Our mission is to ensure the Gambia compete globally in all fronts.

We call for all the citizens to be law abiding and maintain the good relationships amongst ourselves as the sovereign owners of The Gambia. In our quest for development, we must not base our daily practices on tribalism, defamatory comments, regional, religious or sectional connotations as we are all Gambians on an equal grounds. Our ideological political differences must not create enmity, divisiveness, hatred or harbour anger against one another but a clear manifestation that our strength as a nation rest on ideals, unity, friendliness and component necessary for the nation’s triumph.

As COVID-19 engulf the nation, we call on everyone to be in adherence of W.H.O protocols and Ministry of Health. Life will never be the same again as we lost dear ones and more people getting infected by the day, we pray for the departed souls and let life be back to normalcy.

Secretary General & Party Leader of GAP,

Hon Musa Ousainou Yali Batchilly.

Once again, we have assembled to celebrate The Gambia’s historic attainment of Independence as a sovereign state. Fifty-six years on today, we thank God for allowing us to continue the never-ending task of nation building.

Together, we can look back with pride, satisfied that Gambian citizens themselves are ably managing the affairs of the nation, even though our pace of development could have been faster.

Due to the pandemic, for instance, 2020 was not a normal year globally. With the new Coronavirus variants spreading wider and faster, 2021 has not started well either. Nonetheless, it is a significant year for various reasons.

First, it marks the end of our three-year National Development Plan. Second, it is the target year to usher in the Third Republic. Third, it is the year to elect a President, and mark the end of the current transition phase under my leadership.

Despite all the challenges, we should note that obstacles that tend to slow down progress can actually inspire us further, and strengthen our determination to succeed. This was demonstrated as we confronted the 2020 challenges, and we are more determined today than ever.

Your Excellencies,

Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,

Boys and Girls,

The Gambia’s attainment of Political Independence on 18th February, 1965 was chiefly about sovereignty and self-determination. Globally, these ideals are reflected in the freedom people enjoy in order to lawfully pursue their interests, progress and wellbeing.

Our sovereignty should be measured, therefore, by the extent of our security as a nation and as individuals. This depends on how civil liberties and freedoms are guaranteed to fulfil the people’s aspirations and the realisation of their potential individually as members of a nation, family and society. This realisation guides my Government’s policies.

As we celebrate our National Day, let us appreciate that Political Independence and National Sovereignty are portrayed by the recognition, dignity, freedom and self-determination of a people. Broader still, sovereignty is about self-rule through domestic policies, and interdependence through foreign policies and cooperation. It does not imply isolation.

In this regard, we must look inward as a nation to tap our resources and comparative advantages, and look outward to supplement them and compensate for our shortcomings.

This is why bilateral relations and membership to multinational organisations are relevant government strategies worldwide.

Your Excellencies,

Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,

Boys and Girls,

Sovereignty, as a key focus of this address, entails Government engagement in circumstances wherein the State and people are one unified, solid entity. Within this framework, our identity as a nation is characterised by our cultures, which are informed by our individual beliefs, principles and actions.

How far we go and how high the Gambian flag flies depend on how united we are and how closely we work towards attaining our national targets.  Significantly, our political affiliations and choices determine our development trends, and our determination, diligence and economic status drive our development activities.

Distinguished Personalities,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Boys and Girls,

Working with the various arms of government and the security sector, my Administration will continue to defend the sovereignty of the country, and protect the freedoms and liberties of the people.

On the other hand, we encourage all Gambian citizens to make use of those liberties to exploit the existing opportunities, promote positive socio-political values and engage in activities that enhance national development.

Linked to democracy, our national vision is informed by the hopes, aspirations and will of the people; hence, my Government objects to all forms of injustice and oppression, as reflected in our decisions and actions. Crucially, we are a government that has the passion and commitment to transform our thoughts and ideals into reality through policies, programmes and projects.   

Constitutionally, I am mandated to listen to the people, which is the essence of the annual Meet The People Tour. The feedback from the last tour was quite positive and inspiring. Thus, we will continue to listen, and exhibit the will and integrity to act rightly.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me reassure you all that my Government is steadfast and confident of delivering on our promises. So, let us muster our collective will as agents of change and progress to continue the development and democratic transformation of our institutions and society, while resisting division and injustice.

Together, let us remain civil and tolerant, socially and politically. If we coexist in peace and harmony, we will excel as a united force, which is the basis of success.

The Gambia’s international ratings in various areas of life are impressive, and are improving year by year.  

We will remain focused, conscious that we have a vision to realise, a mission to fulfil, policies, programmes and projects to deliver and the will to act and stay resolute.

Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,

In a democracy, the government plans, reacts and acts in the interest and on behalf of the people, but not the influential few only. Where there is divergence, the voice of the majority should prevail, no matter how powerful the minority may appear to be. 

It is now clear that my Government adheres strictly to universal democratic principles and values. This underlies the institutions we seek to strengthen, the goals we set, the programmes we implement, and the manner our governance structures are fashioned and programmed to operate.

It should be noted, however, that democratic principles should guide governments, as well as individuals, families, institutions and organisations. In the process, we must accept each citizen as an independent person entitled to free choice and voice, once they do not violate the law and the noble values we hold as a people.

The 2021 Presidential Election provides an opportunity for all Gambians to display political prudence and discipline, bound by democratic values.

Our Government has been prepared adequately by the experience gathered over the past years to meet the people’s expectations. We know where the needs of the people are greatest, how painful it is to live in an underdeveloped country, how bitter it is to be marginalised and how unjust it is to be deprived of our rights and forced to accept what is not in our best interest.

As always, I plead for national unity, reconciliation and tolerance. The true Gambian nature is marked by warmth, sympathy, generosity and willingness to support one another. Let us apply these values wherever we may be.

For the good of all, we need to give a new meaning to National Independence through our relationships, interactions and service to the nation within the framework of good governance, speedy development and peaceful coexistence in a nation and government for all citizens.

The time has come for us to courageously look into the future with optimism, accept one another, patch up our differences, and find ways of working together in the national interest.

We have witnessed how partisan politics and conflict pull people apart and undermine the power and glory of nations, no matter how great they may be. Not even the most powerful are spared of division if the law is not upheld.

The lesson is that the law guarantees the mandate of governments and the rights of the people; therefore, let us work together to achieve our development goals and desire for national unity.

Boys and Girls,

My mandate as President compels me to focus on the national picture in whatever we do, while being mindful of the concerns of the individuals, communities and diverse groups that form our society.

As a result, my Administration believes that we should have smart citizens who are soundly educated, sufficiently enlightened, duly exposed, relevantly experienced and adequately empowered with the necessary expertise and skills to constitute a quality human resource base for development. Education will continue, therefore, to be a national priority, and opportunities will remain endless for all children and youths to exploit.

Our target is to maintain a robust education system that delivers results based on the needs of the learners and stakeholders. I advise you, boys and girls, to be ambitious; learn to search for knowledge and utilise it to the advantage of society as a whole.

Reject drugs, crime, ethnic rivalry and all vices that are harmful and obstacles to your wellbeing and those around you. Condemn violence and division, embrace the nation, and strive to be useful and law-abiding patriots. The future is for you to shape, and now is the time to think about how you want to live in it. Getting it right today means succeeding tomorrow.   

Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,

With much honour, I thank all those within Government, especially the Cabinet members and their staff, our representatives around the world, the institutions, corporate bodies, religious leaders, civil society organisations and every law-abiding citizen and resident of The Gambia for your support and cooperation.

I also register deep gratitude to our international friends and partners for supporting the development and welfare of our people and nation.   On behalf of all Gambians, I commend the school children and their parents and teachers, the Education Sector personnel and the Security Services for their bright outfits and impressive parade.

By no means the least, I thank all those present for adding grace to the occasion. To the participants and organisers of the event, we say: well done, and thank you very much.   

Finally, I congratulate every Gambian on this solemn occasion, but as we celebrate, let us remember the health regulations, and protect ourselves and those around us by wearing a proper mask and sanitising our hands often.

May God bless The Gambia, and bless us all.

Thank you for your attention.      

1. Banjul [Bathurst] was established in 1816, nine years after the abolition of the slave trade, primarily as a fort to prevent the river from being used by other nations for the export of slaves. British and French merchants interested in legitimate trade soon began to settle on St. Mary’s Island (Kombo) under the protection of the fort and the military post grew into a town. The Settlement became a Crown Colony in 1821.
2. In the beginning the new colony had a hard struggle for existence. The abolition of the slave trade was far from pleasing to the Chiefs and to the native traders up river who found themselves deprived of a very profitable source of income. Beeswax, hides, timber and gum were a poor substitute financially for slaves and the merchants had an uphill task in building up a profitable trade. By 1829 the total imports and exports amounted to only 30K to 40K pounds Sterling.
3. 1866—The British Government Select Committee wrote a policy paper ordering a severe retrenchment from all British West African Settlements except for Freetown in Sierra Leone. The British were in serious negotiations with the French to exchange Gambia for some other French colony (Guinea, Ivory Coast, Benin and Gabon). The negotiations failed when the French refused to swap Dahomey (Benin) for Gambia in 1876.
4. The British Government refused to allow the Governor of the Gambia to interfere with the internal affairs of the tribes on the river banks and up till 1893 the Colonial Office recorded annually: “The Administrator of the Gambia exercises no jurisdiction over the population surrounding the British Settlements.” The British Empire was at first apathetic and hostile to any suggestion of active supervision or colonization of the Gambian territory.
5. The Anglo-French Convention of 1889 defined the current borders of modern day Gambia as an absurd narrow enclave within a French Colony.
6. Groundnuts, first introduced to the Gambia by the Portuguese in the 1600s was the second major export from the new colony in 1830—about 100 baskets. The British governor, Sir. Arthur Molony (1884-1886) called it “the commercial idol of the Gambia”. The Gambia was then dubbed the “Groundnut Colony.”
7. The Gambia was steeped in tribal warfare between 1851 until 1901 which sometimes threatened the existence of the British colony in Banjul: Internal dissension, civil wars, domestic slavery, women kidnapped/raped in the fields, and traders frequently robbed.
8. These tribal wars between the Fulas, Mandinkas and Jolas obliged the British in Banjul to intervene; and some among these tribes placed themselves voluntarily under British protection. The British Colony grudgingly signed treaties and agreements with local chiefs along the river Gambia from Barra to Koina in order to protect the local inhabitants from the jihads and tribal wars.
9. The Legislative Council (which later evolved into the Gambia National Assembly) was established in 1893; and a Protectorate Ordinance of 1894 issued giving the local chiefs semi-autonomy under the direct supervision of a British Commissioner.
10. In 1901, Musa Mollo, the King of Fulladu and the most powerful man during pre-colonial Gambia, finally signed a treaty with the British Colony and effectively created the country we called today the “Gambia” an entirely British Colony and Protectorate.

By Ebou Jallow

The Gambia used to be one of the most isolated, most oppressive and disconsolately countries in the world when it comes to respect for the rule of law and due process. Just over four years ago, everything seemed to be just normal by the standard of failed state ruled by a dictator. People were heavily restricted, civil societies movements were systematically scrutinized, thousands of political activists were jailed, economic sanctions largely imposed by the west. The questions everyone wants to know is that why change has not come after so many decades of dictatorship? What are the significant driving forces behind this? Why does the government lack public trust as well as the strive to create a broader space in combating corruption?

Motivation of my write-up

I was born and grew up in The Gambia a great chunk of my life under Jawara’s and early part of Jammeh regime. I travelled to the United States for a better and more secure life. When I came to the USA, one of the most encouraging factors that I found important was the driving force behind healthy democracy and good governance. Without a doubt, one of the greatest organizational capacity of good governance, is to build on the quality of organizations so that development is based on organizational capacity rather than simply relying on political will, personal will of a strong leader and state power, which may not be sustainable over the longer term.

Having a skilled staff is not sufficient if the government organization do not have the capacity to make good use of these skills. Capacity of government organizations is a key factor in the provision of many important services to businesses and the public, and in creating conditions for economic progress and social cohesion. After fifty-four years of economic stagnation, insurmountable corruption, massive national debt and lack of effective government that works for everyone; what is our stake and commitment in turning our country around?

How long will we own a depleting health care system which has resulted in lost of lives whilst our national coffers are looted? How long will we own a poor electricity system that cannot supply stable source of power without constant load shedding? How long will we own poor infrastructure system? How long will we own a government that works just for a few and not for all Gambians? How long will we own a government which allows vultures and mafias schmoozing our meager resources? How long will we own a government that is fixated on longevity in government as a hiring tool rather than hiring qualified personnel who will bring transformational change?

The struggle that defeated Yaya Jammeh was solely based on the belief that Gambia deserves better, her people deserve better, both urban and rural Gambia deserves better, our agricultural sector deserves better. With these rhetorical questions in mind, are we better off now than four years ago? Let’s reflect on the possibility of something new for all Gambians because we deserve better! Reflect on the massive national debt we incur as a country which the government has been asking for deferment on the payments! Reflect on the composition of personnel who are in key positions within our government have they delivered on the basic needs? With ten months away before 2021 December national elections, let us start a conversation in our political rallies, gatherings, homes and bantabas which will address these needs. The renewed energy and enthusiasm across the political spectrum are commendable let’s redouble our efforts in order to salvage Gambia from its current predicament. Our political environment is intense, this will increase as the elections draw near let us fasten our belts because it worth the FIGHT! For fifty-four years this notion that somehow, we must continue on the path of mediocrity will not only deter progress as a country but will go at greater length in betraying the trust of those who died for the freedom.

Sariang Marong

Vancouver, WA

USA

A glance at the current crop of likely presidential candidates in the December 2021 presidential election is both comedic and entertaining. It is truly a case of “Yimping,” “Yampang” and “Yampangpori.” Pardon my irreverent, tongue-and-cheek swipe at our elite political leaders, as the election is a serious matter that harbors vastly important consequences for the future of Gambia and Gambians.

Yet, to stop myself from weeping, or descending into bouts of mild depression, which I do often when I think about the poor prospects of a stable and prosperous democracy under their watch, I am compelled to imagine our political leaders as comedians.

Certainly, you can think of many moments that made, or could make you laugh out loud upon hearing the president, or vice-president demolish the English, or Arabic languages, or see the affable president dozing off at a meeting following a delicious meal of “thiep bu dien,” one of his many favorites.

In a world grappling with a year-long global pandemic and political fiasco in the (dis) United States of America, how else can the human race survive without South African comedian, Trevor Noah’s humor, his Trump jokes and jokes on colonialism?

Alternatively, imagine the resulting pondominium of the current government and its retinue of advisors lost at sea while each groping to steer a ship to an unknown destination- without a map. This could be hysterical. Or watch them ransack Jammeh’s files and notes for pointers and direction to navigate the lost ship- castigating him for all that is wrong with our country while the brute’s sympathizers in the new administration try desperately to sink the ship.

Similarly, imagine the ruling elite and its newly minted party boss consorting with the then disgraced ruling party mafia boss arguing about who was most suited to captain a sinking ship- “where were you”?

The political leaders that remain offer Gambians another commiedy treat. Gripped in throes of grandstanding, and revelling in past glories, and entitlements, they parade the country as Gambia’s saviors. At their feet are the newly registered lilliputian political parties that remain financially trapped, and with bowls in hand, their leaders panhandle for donations with little prospects to pose a credible threat to the established parties and their leaders.

The comedy thickens and takes a twisted-turn with “one-man” political parties that seek relevance and a chair at the table. Without a constituency to speak of they gaslight as larger-than-life political pundits striving to be taken seriously and be thrown a bone. Cartoonists will have a field day of this.

Consider other comedian politicians that have abandoned their half-dead parties and thrown their lot, and gaff with promising presidential wannabes. It is all a case of smoke and mirrors as the electorate listens, Seriously, how can anyone take these hustler-politicians seriously at all times without going mad? Take it from me; humor is the medicine to the madness.

And, you certainly do not want to miss the tall, and often animated national assembly stand-up comedian with protruding eyes for a hearty laugh. You can see him on TV pacing the national assembly floor in his “njaxass” outfit gesturing for emphasis and effect on a heavy national political issue. How could anyone miss the humour in this otherwise serious politician?

Also, how can anyone not get the comedic punch when “homeless” members of the national assembly roam the streets of Banjul and leave their cardboard shelters to resoundingly vote themselves a huge housing loan facility amid a global pandemic? Goodness, what were they thinking? Laughter, humor, even satire are sometimes the only antidote, or escape to pent-up anger and frustration over Gambian politics and politicians and their foibles.

When next you get frustrated over Gambian politics and the political elite, and risk ruining your day, reach out for George Orwell’s, “Animal Farm,” as a backdrop to the comedy show that is Gambian politics. Better yet, watch Senegalese comedian, Kuchaa, make fun of Yahya, Macky, and Adama. It may just be the break you need.

Take it from me; when you are at the brink of giving up on politics, and politicians in Gambia, and wish to lower your blood pressure; take a break from the madness, and laugh your heart out by reimagining our elite politicians, as prototypes of “Yimping, “Yampang” and Yampangpori,” before snapping back to reality.

Come on, relax! Have a sense of humor! Happy Valentine’s Day!

Ablaye

By Momodou Ndow

As I was getting ready to rest my head on my pillow and allow my brain to shut down yesterday before going to sleep, I received a notification on my phone from YouTube recommending for me to watch Babadinding’s testimony. It was 10:45PM. A feeling of utter disgust immediately came over me and I literally said “fuck Babadinding!”

I had watched his lies all day yesterday and how he betrayed an entire nation, just to satisfy Goloh. According to the scumbag, it was all about his family, so he became a first class coward and allowed Goloh to use him like a child, to carry out the gross injustice Gambians suffered for 22 years. He said that Goloh insulted him and nothing he couldn’t do about it. If you were looking for someone whose dignity and self respect is in the gutter, then congratulations, you found Babadinding Jobateh Lawyaa Baa!

I find Babadinding to be without even a remote sense of honor, dignity or courage; and these traits may be irreparably imbued in his soul. I frankly don’t even think he has enough sense to be embarrassed about his lack of ethics as a Lawyer, Judge, and Minister of Justice. In fact, he seems oblivious to what he did wrong and doesn’t know what he should apologize to Gambians for. Imagine that! Not even divine intervention can help him.

With his justification of the killing of the 9 Mile2 inmates, Babadinding fully participated in the planning and execution of the murders. He should be disbarred and the families of the murdered inmates should file civil lawsuits against him for the planning and execution of their loved ones! There is no statute of limitations for murder, and I hope he gets changed and tried for the murders, even if he is a hundred years old. What a wretched soul!

The writer, Momodou Ndow, is based in the United States.

By Sana Sarr

Since the Truth Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) began its sittings, I have watched many witnesses appear. Various witnesses have left me with a number of different emotions including sadness, anger, amusement and sometimes even reflective. I honestly thought I had seen it all…and then came Lamin Babadinding Jobarteh, on Thursday, February 11, 2021.

Jobarteh is a former National Intelligence Agency (NIA) Operative, former magistrate and former Justice Minister among others. He had been adversely mentioned for overseeing, participating in or turning a blind eye to a number of human rights abuses during the brutal regime of Jammeh. Jobarteh was the Justice Minister when Jammeh murdered 9 prison inmates and Jobarteh stood to justify those illegal acts at the time. Now, I must admit that Jobarteh was not unique. His “performance” has been tried by many before him. In fact, he came across as a poor man’s Modou Hydara, the former NIA Director, who appeared at the TRRC just a few days before Jobarteh. Both men, thinking they’re smart, came with the strategy to act more slick than combative. They’d simply throw Goloh Jammeh, under the bus by gladly assigning all blame to him rather than try to defend or shield like the likes of Lang Tombong Tamba tried. Jobarteh’s strategy included generally accepting collective responsibility, but flatly denying any and all individual responsibility. So, yeah, his actions are not unique, but here’s a Mandingo proverb…

“duwo bay leka buwoo domo, barri mengkaa maa akungna, woleh taa ka foh”.

Translation – All vultures eat sh*t, but the one that rubs it over it’s head is the one talked about”

The reason i’m writing this commentary is because Jobarteh is that vulture that rubbed the sh*t on his head, and I’ll explain.

See, like his fellow brutes who enabled the dictator, Jobarteh proffered the usual lie that he was only following orders to commit the atrocities because he feared that the dictator would harm him if he failed to do so, and continuing on with the deceitful generalization that anyone in his position would do the same. Yes, it’s offensive for him to  think that we all live in the gutter just because he finds comfort in the filth, but we’ve heard the lie before. What set Jobarteh apart was the boldness with which he almost proudly proclaimed, and repeated, that he values his family and will never regard other Gambians as worthy as them. He was unabashed in announcing that he would never defend the truth if it meant he would risk losing his livelihood and ability to care for his family. Babadinding Jobarteh would gladly abuse, torture, violate or murder all of us rather than risk the luxuries his precious family enjoyed. He declared complete indifference to his oath of office, the constitution and the welfare/suffering of those they victimized. Yes, we know this to be true for most of these enablers, but hearing Jobarted proudly repeat it enunciates the roots of our problems as a nation – a twisted barometer by which our society determines good from bad. For many in our society, the good person is the one who goes to the mosque or church, is seen praying, fasting, invoking the name of god, throwing around some Arabic phrases (mashallah, inshallah…) and speaking respectfully to his elders. They show regard to those related or close to them and they throw the occasional crumbs to the beggar on the street. Heck, even Goloh Jammeh once swore to Allah that he would “drink alcohol and eat pork if he failed to carry out his threat of executing people.” This proves that in his mind, and sadly in the minds of many, eating pork and drinking alcohol was the ultimate sign of evil, much worse than the murder he was threatening to commit.

Like Goloh Jammeh, Lamin Babadinding Jobarteh reminded us that even though he swore to execute the duties of his office “without fear or favor, affection or ill-will”, that oath meant nothing to him when it came to “feeding his family”. He reminded us that even though he wears the big haftaan, utters Bilahi, Walahi, Talahi while holding the Quran, that oath is worth less than toilet paper when it comes to feeding his precious family. Jobarteh reminded us that even though his Islamic faith teaches him that Allah is his sustainer and protector, that he truly saw dictator Jammeh as a stronger benefactor who had power over his security and sustenance. Where oh where would poor little Lamin, a trained lawyer, find a job to feed his family if Jammeh was unhappy with him?

I pity Jobarteh, because despite the humiliation he faced at the TRRC after being metaphorically undressed and caught in embarrassing lies time and time again, the man still told the commission that he did not know what he needed to apologize to Gambians for. Jobarteh’s closing remarks were further evidence of how misguided and morally bankrupt he is. He identified the following as the areas where greatest reforms are needed to move the nation forward
– sectoral reforms: Citing people who lack the academic qualifications being appointed to jobs
– Illegal detentions by security officials (same thing he made a living on)
– traffic police giving drivers a hard time
– parents needing to watch their daughters for the way they dress

While i’m sure these are all areas we may want to focus on at some point, it is a comical tragedy that a former Justice Minister, one accused of participation in gross human rights abuses, and a co-pilot on the plane during our nation’s darkest days, has time to even think of them, talk less of calling them the areas requiring “greatest reforms”.

I hope someone from his precious family, perhaps TRRC Chairman Cisse, his fellow Bansang buddy, can bring Mr. Jobarteh back to reality. Tell him that where we need greatest reforms is in our characters. Sectoral reforms are important, but those sectors will need to be overseen by men and women. For them to work, these need to be women and women who understand and value words like integrity, nobility, dignity and service. Our public institutions need to be led by individuals who see  that every family is just as precious as their family, and that their family is not safe or secure unless we strive for the safety and security of every other family. We need reforms to learn that those who only care about their immediate families have no place in public service. I hope our society’s reforms include making sure that Babadinding and his kind are the greatest threat to the peace, stability and progress of the nation.

The writer, Sana Sarr, is based in the United States

The idea, vigorously contested, emerged as sections of the political community were becoming increasingly energised by what they considered to be incompetence and betrayal by the Government of His Excellency President Adama Barrow (President Barrow). It is rooted in the uncontested reality that short of a coalition of parties and other political forces, there wasn’t a snowball’s chance in hell of consigning Professor Jammeh’s all-powerful APRC Government to history given the prevalent public climate to 01 December 2016.

A coalition of political parties and other entities was ultimately concluded, and a campaign like no other in Gambian history launched. In the exuberance of the period, Candidate Barrow promised to serve three years and graduate to elder statesmanship.

It was an undertaking that failed to adequately reckon with the grandeur and majestic trappings of the presidency for those with nothing to return to after the temporal sojourn at a No. 1 Marina next to the blue Atlantic waters, the golden sands, and the soothing breezes that descend on the presidential abode.

And so a campaign like no other in the political history of The Gambia in terms of numbers, and diversity going to ethnicity, gender, age, profession ensued. Some referred to the Coalition’s phenomenal appeal and public support as a ‘revolution’. Others called it a ‘movement’. Whatever the nomenclature, it was incontestable that seismic political events were unfolding in the run-up to the presidential polls.

After the last coalition rally at Bakau on 29 November 2016, I wrote:-

“It would be extraordinary if the 01 December presidential election does not usher in a change of government in The Gambia. No independent observer can be in any doubt that the smell and shape of change has commandeered the public space of homeland dearest. The people are emboldened and the overwhelming logic of numbers compellingly drives the narrative. I subscribed to the contention that a new government will begin to take shape in Banjul at the tail end of the next sixty hours.

In conversation after conversation, it is settled that the 01 December presidential election decides the straightforward questions of liberty and dignity within the rule of law. In short, governance over a generation is the single issue up for appraisal by the ruled of the rulers. Or more accurately, the ruled of the Ruler”

About the Bakau rally, I wrote:

“The carnival atmosphere as expressed in jubilation, the dancing, and sloganeering are unprecedented. A young lady remarked as she passed to the meeting ground in Bakau that Jammeh came to power on Friday and he will vacate on Friday. As they walked home from the Bakau Primary School, a group of young ladies in their late teens to early twenties joyfully stated that they must now walk home to London Corner. A restaurant cook who was heading to work told me he walked from Buffer Zone to Bakau this evening, and I travelled back with him to his place of employment on Kairaba Avenue”.

The energy was phenomenal.

A suffering nation placed its hopes on Candidate Barrow and a memorable victory turning the coalition’s man to President-elect on 02 December 2016.

Over time, a multitude of factors and soured relationships over governance and betrayal triggered 3 Years Jotna (Jotna), an organisation committed to President Barrow’s exit after three years. He invoked his mandate to serve for five years pursuant to 63(1) of the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia and the stage set for inevitable showdown.

It came in January 2020 when a second Jotna demonstration demanding President Barrow’s resignation on the basis of his own undertaking led to the arrest and prosecution of nine of its members. For over a year, the Jotna trial was before the Courts and it encountered a dramatic development on 10 February 2021 when the State filed a nolle prosequi before his Lordship Honourable Mr Justice B A Bakre of the High Court.

Upon discharge by the Court, the waiting police immediately rearrested the Jotna accused as they stepped outside the premises. On the particular facts, re-arresting Jotna constitutes an abuse of process in that the State is aware its case has effectively collapsed.

I was in Court some two years ago when the NIA 8 benefitted from a nolle and they were never rearrested. They remain free! As usual, misplaced priorities considering the antecedents of that group and the gravity of the allegations levelled against them.

On the other hand, the seventh accused in the Jotna line-up organised, and, or, and attended, countless demonstrations under London and other European skies against this country’s immediate past political dispensation and President Barrow is the greatest beneficiary of that fight to uproot lawlessness in The Gambia.

That the post-dictatorship dispensation will be noisy was certain, but noise and national security are worlds apart. The views for and against the Jotna question are exhaustively ventilated in the public space and the events leading to the arrest and prosecution of its leadership are familiar if factually heavily contested.

In effect, those factual questions appear to absolve Jotna. In the circumstances, it is troubling that the police power was utilised in the perverse manner this nolle was calculated to achieve. The State effectively lost its case but instead of accept defeat in good faith as a minister of justice, it acted in a manner calculated to undermine public confidence in the legal system.

However viewed, that is disgraceful!

In its current posture, this is a petty dispute with absolutely no national security implications.  The State’s case cannot sustain the judicial searchlights and President Barrow is urged to act the statesman and allow the Jotna accused to walk away. The presidency is no arena to wage petty vendettas against fellow citizens no matter how ardently disagreeable the disagreement.

Within the law he is vested with extraordinary powers to punish, truncate punishment, and forgive. The journey to that rarefied status was long and arduous, and its paths, across continents, under varied climates, were strewn with the blood, tears, and resources of ordinary citizens, including members of Jotna. President Barrow himself named some who parted with their resources for his political project, and if confessed murderers are let go, and known crooks including those who demonstrated against him in foreign cities like New York are employed in presidential advisory roles, surely his benefactor Karim Touray deserves more. And Yanks Dabo, an indefatigable fighter for a new Gambia deserves even more.

In an eloquent case for mercy, Portia, in The Merchant of Venice states:

The quality of mercy is not straind.
It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven
Upon the place beneath. It is twice blest:
It blesseth him that gives and him that takes.
‘Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes
The thronèd monarch better than his crown.
His scepter shows the force of temporal power,
The attribute to awe and majesty
Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings;
But mercy is above this sceptered sway.
It is enthronèd in the hearts of kings;
It is an attribute to God Himself;
And earthly power doth then show likest God’s
When mercy seasons justice

A week today, this country commemorates 18 February, a good occasion for soul searching. I urge President Barrow to gift his Jotna opponents a proper nolle and liberate his advisers from the shame that comes with rebelling against conscience.

Lamin J. Darbo