ALH ESSA GIGO 1928-2020 A LIFE LIVED FOR OTHERS
By: Saihou Omar Gigo
Saturday, august 21st, two thousand and twenty years after the passing of his namesake (Jesus Christ), the sun attempted to rise at 6am, but like an aircraft fatally wounded by heavy turbulence, it struggled and staggered under the weight of nature. And at 9am it crashed! No, it wasn’t the sun; literally. It was infact, the light of Kuntaya, the Torodo Imam of seven generations , Alahaji Essa Gigo, who fell, to rise no more, except for the soul.
IN THE BEGINNING
Late summer 1928, Essa Gigoarrived on planet Earth in the village of Kuntaya. His father, Gibby Gigo, alongside a long lineage of grandparents were all Imams and religious scholars who hailed from the village of Demet near the border with Mauritania, in Senegal’s Futa region. Too soon, life turned too hard, because he lost both parents at a very early age. Orphaned, he shuffled from one custodian to the other; criss-crossing the Daras (Islamic Schools) of Senegambia. For those years, the young Essa would endure pain and hardship in the hands of others. There were times he wore the same shirt and trouser for a year; eat one meal per day, supplemented only by bush fruits; and endured the ruthless beatings- – sometimes with sticks laced with thorns- – of guardians who envied him outperforming their own children.
In one instance, a guardian bought all his children new clothes for Tobaski except him. Bitter, he rushed to the bush to scarvenge for remnants of Coose, which he later processed to Cous-Cous (chereh), which he carried on his head and walked nearly 40km to Barra. He sold the cous-cous, bought new clothes and returned. As fate would have it, that same guardian later became handicapped. And his victim, Alh. Essa Gigo, rather than seeking vengence, chose to be his sponsor till his death.
IN SEARCH OF LIGHT
Education was his home, and he lived in it with great satisfaction. In his early teens, he conquered the Quran and the classical books before turning to a vast pool of studies in the Humanities and Islamic Science.
His memory, many would attest, easily rivalled a computer chip, and his critical mind in lockstep with the early Greek philosophers humiliating presumed intelligence and the intelligensia in bright noon, in the streets of Athens. Without exaggeration, Essa Gigo was a man of Immense Intelligence. But even more consequential, he was a man of substance.
The young Essa treasured knowledge, and he had knowledge: Yet, unlike many of his standing and era, he never even pretended he did; he never sought recognition, nor attention; he never ventured into grand MARABOUTISM. N0! Absolutely no false powers or claims of special gifts or knowledge.
Pa Alagie, also fondly called BA, was and remained what he was: Original and authentic, plain and simple. Instead of using the word of God to make a living, he chose to employ his sweat to earn a living
After exhausting his studies in the sub region, Pa Alhagi returned to Kuntaya in the late 50s’and went to Mecca in 1959. In the year after, he became the Imam of Kuntaya, where he led prayers for 60 years.
IN THE VAULT OF VALUES
In his vault, he stored his values. They were not objects; they were instead invisible invaluables. Among them were a deep-rooted belief in holistic education, solid work ethic, spectrum-wide integrity, discipline, humility and empathy.
It is argued that, among the species, Man has emerged above all others due to his sophisticated mind. That intelligence of tall order, though, could be for all the wrong reasons. Consequently, the molecules that makeup that eloquent mammal, famously called man, must have other markers other than smartness. Slated another way, there are other ingredients in the recipe that must complete the humanness of mankind. For ease of argument, let’s call such ingredients values
Apart from the premium he placed in education and faith, work consumed all his passion. He was the farmer original, who produced crops for nearly 80years, until the very moment he passed. Epic was his work ethic, which seemed like an import straight out of Asia. With such intense productivity, he soon built wealth out of farming.
Subsequently, he got into the business of buying groundnuts and trading commodities, especially during the dry season. For many years, he worked for the Gambia cooperative union, and even rose to become its president. The man with zero western education somehow knew how to balance the books of accounts as if he were a certified accountant. Truly, many agreed that he had a way with numbers ways ahead. No gain saying that if he had western training, he would have been a celebrated polyglot in the leagues of Cheikh Anta Diop.
Discipline too was a central theme in his life. This particular trait he inherited from his uncle, the late chief of Jokadu, Alagi Abou Khan, perhaps the strictest and best-known disciplinarian in The Gambia. Together they constituted a team that educated, drilled and cultured many a life much like a mechanic does with broken automobiles. They instilled the values of respect and hardwork, honesty and humility, faith and fair play, integrity and intellectualism in every student who passed through that corridor.
IN THE SERVICE OF OTHERS
Perhaps because he lost his parents too soon, BA developed a lot of sympathy and empathy for all people. For decades, he toiled the farms and literally gave almost everything away, every year. His children offered him countless opportunities to return to Mecca, but he refused; advising instead, to offer it to other well-deserving people who have not had the opportunity to perform Hajj.
BA even repeatedly declined the offer to rebuild his own compound in Kuntaya, advising again to use that money to help others in more dire situations. Generations of children passed through his hands. They were other people’s children. But he raised them well, fed them well, and educated them well. He treated them with the same level of care and dignity as his own biological children.
Little did anyone know that up to the time of his passing, Alh Essa Gigo was still paying the school fees of other people’s children; rent of other people; food of other people; Tobaski rams of other people; yes, in very generic terms. WELFARE OF OTHER PEOPLE!
Such stunning revelations came only after his death. His philanthropic work was very extensive, yet quite discreet. For he sought no attention, no commendation, no reward. He was and will remain the unknown author of many works moving mankind, however incrementally, towards a better place, in a better shape.
GOOD BYE GIGO
In between Kung and Kuntaya, in between the vast savannah grasslands stooped by the force of the monsoon winds, and the still stitched forest of beautiful flora and fauna, we your children stood there. We saw you walked past us, announcing in your signature voice—soft yet steel- “am going home, my final home”.
We tried to hold your hand helplessly; pleaded helplessly; prayed helplessly. Indeed the force that wrested you from our arms, it appeared, was bigger than all the energy Albert Einstein mustered into his famous equation. We knew who had spoken, who had decided, who was moving BA from our arms definitively.
So you walked, and walked away. The increasing distance kept decreasing the light. You walked away, you the gentle son of Kuntaya, the teacher of light and love, you walked away till you melted into the horizons, or more precisely, the Heavens! We suppose.
Generations to come will know that on this land lived a very frail man, vast in deeds and thin in talk. He was an honest, straightforward-man. Etched all over the landscape of this country was his example of what it means to be a good, disciplined and productive citizen who made a difference in the lives of others. They will learn his way and hopefully be inspired by his poetry.
Work, work is a virtue
Learn, learn to light the universe
Hold each other. Love each other
Be faithful, Be polite, Be humble.
For sooner or later everyone, everything decays!
Struck by that note, I turned to my siblings to paraphrase the poetry of a better known Poet, Youssou Magigain Ndour.
Gouy gou Raygee, Demnah (The big tree has fallen)
Yoon Wou Goudah wee, Jehhna (The long road has ended)
Alhamdullilah, Bye Bye (Thank God, Good bye)
Saihou Omar Gigo
Son of Alh. Essa Gigo
COACH PASAMBA JOW – COMMENT: The IEC chairman’s term expired in 2018
By: Pasamba Jow ( Coach)
Many Gamnbians, including yours truly, are grateful to the Chairman and his team for conducting the 2016 Presidential elections and ensuring that the will of the people was reflected in the outcome. It is however imperative that an institution like the IEC is fairly and constitutionally constituted. It is in this vein that I want to add my voice to the ongoing debate on the Chairman’s tenure.
It is now an established fact that Mr. Njie was first appointed to the IEC in 2006, and he resigned in 2007, thus ending his first term. It is important to argue here that Section 42 (4) of the 1997 Constitution clearly states that: “Subject to the provisions of this section, the members of the Commission shall be appointed for a period of seven years and may be re-appointed for one further term:”. Once Mr. Njie resigned from his position, his first tenure of no more than seven years was exhausted.
When Mr. Njie was reappointed in 2011 in accordance with section 42, it meant that his term, irrespective of position held in the Commission, was to end in March of 2018. Therefore , even though Mr. Njie was appointed as Chairman in April 2016, there is nothing in the 1997 constitution to suggest that when a Commissioner is promoted, his/her term starts anew. The contract that extended Mr. Njie’s term to 2023 is both erroneous and unconstitutional thus making it null and void.
It is therefore of paramount importance that the Attorney General properly advise both the President and the IEC in order to ensure that this important institution is properly and constitutionally constituted.
While we await the outcome of this issue, we fervently hope that the vacancies at the IEC ( Malleh Sallah, and eventually the chairman’s) will be filled by people of impeccable character. It is also imperative that political parties, civil society and citizens remain vigilant in ensuring that the President does the right thing, because our democracy and most importantly, our stability depend on it. Forward to a Gambia of undiluted liberty, dignity and prosperity.
Pasamba Jow is the Vice Chairman of the Democratic Union of Gambian Activists (DUGA), and the Co-host of the For The People By The People Show.
The ‘got you’ questions The Fatu Network failed to ask Dr Sidat Jobe
By Samsudeen Sarr
In my marathon interview with The Fatu Network a few weeks ago, the host Lamin Njie bombarded me with so many “got you” question that at some point I had to query his unfairness towards me that he nonetheless disputed. For instance even after discrediting the conventional wisdom that I deliberately shot myself in 1990 to avoid being deployed with ECOMOG to Liberia by dispelling the misinformation that it was instead an accident that happened in 1988, well before the commencement of the Liberian civil war he still remained inflexible to prove me a coward who was just scared of going abroad to fight a war. I then illustrated the illegality of the whole mission when it was later realized that the Gambia government orders to send national troops to a combat zone for the first time was discreetly imbedded with instructions to deny those killed-in-action their human and national rights to have their remains evacuated for burial in the Gambia. Discreet in the sense that the officers and other ranks were not aware of the monstrous instruction until two of them were killed in a barrage of artillery shells from enemy forces few days after landing in Monrovia. I made it known to Mr. Njie that the orders were illegal that should never have been obeyed by any well-trained commander, an incident I strongly opposed but distorted by low IQ officers as cowardly. No wonder, the hypocrites who tried to politicize the whole illegal operation ended up being consumed by their own naivety, a traumatic experience that ultimately triggered the 1994 coup. Anyway I don’t think any of my pointers had any impact on what Mr. Njie had already concluded about me.
The other “got you” question was strangely about Coup D’tat By the Gambia National Army, my memoire published in the USA in 2006 by Xlibris Publishing House but widely criticized by loathsome Gambians the majority or all of whom never even read the book. Amazingly, Mr. Lamin Njie was one of them; he never read the book but wanted to prove me insensitive on what he was fed about the author. That’s not all, but this is about Dr. Sidat Jobe and not that regrettable interview.
Comparatively, Dr. Sidat Jobe on the spot light, “the distinguished career diplomat” appeared to have been treated with different set of standards, leaving me the impression that not all “two leg” are interviewed with the same benchmarks. My status as former Commander of the Gambia National Army and UN diplomat never mattered.
Dr. Sidat Jobe’s assertions left a striking resemblance to that of foreign minister Dr. Mamadou Tangara’s in that during the latter’s recent interview with the Kerr Fatou Network his most worthwhile accomplishments as a diplomat basically happened while working for the APRC government headed by former President Yahya Jammeh. Yet, the two men now brand Jammeh and his government tyrannical for 22 years.
When President Jammeh appointed Dr. Sidat Jobe as foreign minister in 1998, I was at the time the GNA Commander. That same year we went to Bissau together to broker peace during the civil war between the forces of President Nino Vieira and General Ansumana Mane with Senegalese troops intervening on behalf of the former while the latter commanded the loyalty of the majority of troops in the Guinea Bissau Armed Forces. Without doubt Dr. Jobe’s negotiating skills were superb and had had tremendous effect in securing the ceasefire that subsequently resulted is a temporary compromise between the belligerents. It was temporary success because few months later, in May 1999, everything achieved crumbled in an unexpected coup d’tat by Mane’s forces against Nino’s.
Hence, Doctor Jobe just like Dr. Tangara, accentuated his best accomplishments as Jammeh’s foreign minister specifying on how exceptional the Gambia performed when selected as temporary member to the UN Security Council by settling problematic international crisis that few experts thought our nation could, underestimating our size and capabilities. That at some points a Libyan and Kuwaiti crisis of global concern were successfully settled culminating in Colonel Gaddafi providing us bountiful financial and material assistance while the Kuwaitis in a reciprocal show of generosity gave us a grant of $46 million. According to the doctor, the Gambia was so important that as President of the UN Security Council he couldn’t keep up with several prominent heads of state and foreign ministers constantly inviting him for dinner to seek Gambia’s endorsement.
I could vividly remember the buzz word when Dr. Jobe was just hired by Jammeh, that he had just completed a successful career at the UN and had decided to render his loyal service to the progressive APRC government; but in the interview, Mr. Lamin Njie failed to asked him the “got you” question of why or what his achievement were as UN employee which they never discussed at all. There may be none after all.
So fairly put, Dr. Jobe’s three years ministerial achievements under Jammeh-1998 to 2001-was far more productive in his diplomatic career than anything he had ever done as a career diplomat at the UN; and after falling apart with the APRC government he seemed to have attained nothing of substance until his appointment in 2017 by the Gambia coalition government as ambassador to France. There again, up to the time he was dismissed he didn’t appear to have attained anything of significance. He talked about pledges of France to the tune of 50 million Euros that he orchestrated but was ejected before the disbursement of the funds.
We all know what Western pledges mean. After the 2010 horrifying earthquake in Haiti that killed over 200,000 people and injured 300,000 more, bilateral, multilateral and private donors pledged over $13 billions to help them of which it was reported that 50% was eventually disbursed but its controversial expenditure has still not been properly accounted for.
He just couldn’t admit it but I don’t think the doctor achieved anything extraordinary as Gambia’s ambassador to France.
I therefore think he should have been a bit humble with the APRC government and refrain from calling it 22 years of tyrannical rule.
Like I said, the “got you” question that host Lamin Njie failed to ask him there was how a top-UN-diplomat just retired after years of serving the world body, could have disregarded everything deemed undesirable about a government by coup d’tat and accepted a job from the perpetrators. Or where was he when the UDP he proudly identify with was formed in1996 or the PDOIS party that on principle from day one stood against the policies of the government unless and until there was total system and regime change? Indeed Dr. Jobe like many educated Gambian opportunists couldn’t see anything wrong with the government of the tyrant from 1994 to 2001 until he could no longer keep up in the survival game. Most Gambians including me who rightfully served under Jammeh without regret are constantly demonized for their choice; but I guess there are the exceptions.
What did he think he knew better than Lawyer Ousainou Darbo and Halifa Sallah in those 7 years he embraced the AFPRC/APRC government of “tyrant” Yahya Jammeh? He would have sounded more reasonable calling the APRC reign 15-years of tyranny, subtracting the seven years he happily fraternized with them than the 22 years he disdainfully calls them now. Lamin again spared him the “got you” question there.
On the draft constitution, the central topic of the interview, Doctor Jobe reiterated the same misconception that the expectation of the whole country was betrayed by the downvoting at the National Assembly. It had never been about the whole country and will never be so when it comes to different stakeholders scrambling for political advantage over each other, as the situation in the country has been since the removal of the APRC government.
Upon the immediate submission of the draft constitution to the executive, word started filtering out of Statehouse that the president and most the loyal members in his cabinet were not thrilled about its enactment because of its adversity to his prospect of remaining in office long enough. The opposition didn’t make much noise about that open secret and were perhaps banking on the National Assembly to do what they wanted until it became apparent that they were unlikely to do so. That must have prompted Lawyer Darbo, the UDP leader to make that passionate appeal to government and lawmakers to ensure its promulgation while Lawyer Mai Fatty the GDC leader thought crying could help his despondency.
I also suspect a behind-the scenes-concerted lobby for the intervention of the donor partners through the EU representative Mr. Attila Lajos whom otherwise may have remained indifferent.
Based on my deductions, everything about the so-called-intervening-EU team feebly spearheaded Mr. Lajos indicates a mere payment of lip-service to the stalemate. A serious intervention would not have left the critical players out and would have been accompanied by clearly stated consequences. Can you all remember the 2016 ultimatum of “respect the constitution of the Gambia and the will of the people or we invade the country”? No strict condition as such was laid by the “EU”.
In an interview with Esso Williams of the BBC, Attila Lajos identified passive Britain, the USA, Germany and obviously the EU as the donor partners voicing concern to see the passage of the bill. France who have been most instrumental in funding the “reform process” since 2017 was not part of them.
I also have not heard anything from Senegal, the AU and ECOWAS who all played and are still playing critical roles in our transition.
When Mr. Esso Willians further asked Attila to confirm whether President Barrow rejected their application to meet him directly, a serious rejection that should normally annoy any diplomat, the man exploded into a hearty laughter before confirming the speculation. He didn’t in any way sound upset by the executive decision. Asked whether it will affect their ongoing financial support to the government that Dr. Sidat Jobe told Lamin Njie is bound to happen, Attila dismissed the option and sounded rather optimistic about resolving the matter in a better way. Hello!
For lack of a better metaphor I think Dr. Jobe was comparing apples with oranges, when he confidently advanced the possibility of a sanction by the EU to the Barrow government evocative of what America has recently imposed on Iran. Really Doctor Jobe? Totally different realities! What happened in Iran has nothing to do with the government flouting any national or international accord, which the doctor thinks Barrow is now doing in the Gambia and probably based on President Donald Trump’s excuse of pandering to Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel an archenemy of the Islamic state, by undermining a reliable international verification mechanism of Iran’s nuclear program, brokered by the whole world including the Obama government. Up to this day other stakeholders like the Europeans, Chinese and Russians are not in agreement with the Trump-orchestrated sanctions that will definitely be reversed if he loses the November elections. The “distinguish” career diplomat cannot tell us that he was not closely monitoring those developments. Or was that merely about “open-calling” Barrow?
Mark my word Dr. Sidat Jobe, Barrow must have consulted the important forces relevant to the survival of his government before adopting his hawkish position, especially France, bearing the leadership role since. Barrow has been their Barrow since the UDP lost him a year ago.
To seek another chance of applying his “outstanding” diplomatic skills, I will suggest that the doctor explores the option of once again shifting his loyalty from the UDP to the NPP; otherwise, I don’t see any silver lining in the dark clouds anytime soon.
I keep on saying that with the global destruction from the coronavirus pandemic, not sparing the Gambia in anyway, we should also brace up for the possibility of conditions deteriorating so badly that funds from donors to conduct an election next year will not be forthcoming.
If it comes to that we will have no choice but to adapt. Already, Barrow has disclosed in his last speech that among other failures, several major development plans of his government in 2019 for 2020 were derailed by the pandemic.
In fact, with due respect, I totally disagree with Dr. Sidat Jobe that the new constitution is a perfect document with minor contentious issues, correctable at the national assembly and released for immediate referendum. It cannot be that simple. I have heard numerous complains about serious flaws in the document excluding mine that follows:
The dual citizenship clause forbidding us from participating fully in the political process coupled with the disenfranchisement of the Gambians in the diaspora are bad enough to discard it altogether. Plus the silence over our American and European kins yearning to resettle back to their ancestral African homes after centuries of the bondage of slavery is deafeningly unconscionable. These people should be given a special privilege of naturalizing in African nations which Ghana has been doing successfully. I don’t think there was ever a better time to encourage these migrants to Africa than now when the world is beginning to recognize the unfair treatment they had been enduring for too long and need genuine homeland they could be proud of.
In the end, I think the doctor needs to know that the whole thing is about what he has been trying to condemn, self interest, individualism or collectivism, a difficult, if not impossible forgo in politics. Once again the mantra says, it’s not about permanent friends or permanent enemies but permanent interest.
Thanks for reading!
SAMSUDEEN SARR
BANJUL, THE GAMBIA
News Just Breaking: Trump going to hospital after Covid diagnosis
Donald Trump will spend a “few days” at a military hospital after contracting Covid-19, the White House said Friday.
Trump was to depart the White House by helicopter late Friday for Walter Reed National Military Medical Center, a White House official said. The official said the visit was precautionary and that Trump would work from the hospital’s presidential suite, which is equipped to allow him to continue his official duties.
Earlier on Friday, the White House said Trump remains “fatigued” and had been given an experimental antibody cocktail for the virus that has killed more than 205,000 Americans and spread to the highest reaches of the US government. (The Guardian)
On the appointment of Buah Saidy as Governor of the Central Bank
Unlike my good friend, Sheriff Bojang, I am no sybil; neither do I claim the attributes of a cognoscenti. I cannot even morph into a moribaa (grand marabout) because I am not a Jahangka. Rather, I am aware of my human limitations and like Sheriff told his nephew in his famous letter, I know that I am “sans power, sans ability, sans capability!”
Yet I ended a recent eulogy for the former Central Research Director, M.A Ceesay on a solemn note that just resonated with the recent appointment of the man I would call the late M.A Ceesay’s chief mentee, as Governor of the Central Bank of The Gambia.
Here are the final lines of my tribute to the late M. A Ceesay who headed the Central Bank’s Research Department while I served there as a rookie economist under the supervision of Buah:
“Mr Ceesay’s legacy includes the many brilliant economists he helped to mentor and nurture during his days at the Central Bank’s Research Department … he has left behind a legacy of bright spots that will continue to make our world an easier ground to traverse. May his soul rest in peace.”
Of all the brilliant economists that the late Mr. Ceesay has trained and mentored at the Central Bank, none was more obedient, loyal and dutiful than Buah Saidy.
After a solid career as a research economist at the Central Bank, spanning decades, and then capping that off with a stint as senior advisor at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Headquarters In Washington, DC, I see Buah’s appointment as that necessary solid anchor for our macroeconomic framework that continues to be tossed around by the vicissitudes of this COVID era.
With a clueless and inept Fiscal authority like we are cursed with these days, we need someone with the track record of Mr. Saidy as a safety valve.
Buah is human, and as such he is not perfect. But I know him well enough to be assured that the very sensitive and complex institution of our nation’s monetary authority could not be in safer hands than his.
I pray that his tenure as Governor be blessed with success and stability.
Momodou Sabally
Former Presidential Affairs Minister,
Research Economist.
Breaking: Two ministers get dumped into foreign service after being fired by President Barrow
Two cabinet ministers have been removed by President Adama Barrow and quickly redeployed to the foreign service.
Youth and Sport minister Hadrammeh Sidibeh and Trade minister Lamin Jobe were fired on Wednesday.
State House said in a statement: “His Excellency, President Adama Barrow acting under the provisions of Section 71(4) of the Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia has decided to relieve Mr. Hadrammeh M. Sidibeh, Minister of Youth and Sports and Mr. Lamin Jobe, Minister of Trade, Industry, Regional Integration and Employment of their Cabinet appointments with effect from Wednesday, 30th September 2020 and both will be re-assigned to the Foreign Service.
“Consequently, His Excellency the President has also in exercise of the powers conferred on him under Sections 71(1) and 71(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia, has appointed Mr Bakary Y. Badjie as Minister of Youth and Sports with effect from Thursday, 1st October 2020.”
Attempts at Constitutional Reform in The Gambia: Whither the Draft Constitution?
By Satang Nabaneh.
The Gambia’s constitution-drafting process, aimed at ushering in a third Republic, has reached an unfortunate dead-end. More than two years after the constitutional review process began, and after a highly acrimonious and polarised debate in the National Assembly, Parliament, one week ago (on 22 September 2020), rejected the proposed Constitution Promulgation Bill, 2020 (‘the Bill’). The Bill would have enabled the eventual promulgation the Constitution of the Gambia, 2020 (‘Draft Constitution’) and the repeal of the Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia, 1997 (‘1997 Constitution’). Twenty-three lawmakers in the National Assembly voted against the Bill, while thirty-one supported it. This was, however, not a big enough majority to meet the threshold requirement of three-quarters of members needed to effect constitutional change. The Draft Constitution could, therefore, not be put to a referendum.
The Movement for a New Constitution
In December 2016, after twenty-two years of authoritarian rule, Yahya Jammeh was finally voted out of office, and opposition leader, Adama Barrow, voted in. Although Jammeh at first accepted the results, he changed his mind a week later – triggering a political crisis in the country. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) mobilised troops with a mandate to enter the country and forcefully oust the former President should diplomatic missions fail. On 21 January 2017, however, Jammeh left The Gambia for Equatorial Guinea. This unprecedented political event kickstarted a transition from dictatorship to democracy. Yet, ending the dictatorship was just the first step. The vision for The Gambia, in transitioning from an authoritarian rule to a democratic state, included drafting a new constitution and measures to ensure accountability for past human rights violations. This included the establishment of a Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC), to inquire into human rights violations committed July 1994 to January 2017.
Constitutional change and a rebuilding of the foundations for good governance and democracy had been a campaign promise of the ruling coalition. Consequently, a key pillar of the new ‘National Transitional Justice Programme’ became the formulation of a new constitution. Leading, in December 2017, to the establishment of the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC). The formal process of reviewing the 1997 Constitution and drafting a new one started in June 2018 with the appointment of eleven members (five of whom are women, one of which was the Vice Chairperson) as Commissioners of the CRC.
The CRC had a two-fold mandate, first, review the 1997 Constitution and draft a new one, and second, prepare a report on the draft constitution. The CRC used a participatory and consultative approach to solicit the views and opinions of Gambians about constitutional issues they wished to see addressed in their new constitution.
The CRC kicked-off the review of the 1997 Constitution by preparing a comprehensive list of 369 questions and issues on which public opinion was sought. The Commission undertook an initial nationwide tour, which began in November 2018, followed by further consultations in early 2019 as well as additional household and online surveys. It also engaged in dialogue with various actors including political parties, central and local government institutions and civil society organisations. In addition, the CRC consulted with Gambians in the diaspora in Europe, United States, United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia and other African countries.
Following these consultations as well as some in-depth research, the Commission produced a draft constitution, published on 15 November 2019. The CRC then embarked on a second and final nationwide, public consultation tour, this time to make people aware of and to solicit feedback on the 2019 version of the draft constitution. On 30 March 2020, the CRC submitted the ‘Final Draft Constitution and Report’ to the President. In line with requirements in the 1997 Constitution, the Bill was twice published in the Government Gazette (first on 28 May and then on 28 August 2020), whereafter it was introduced in the National Assembly (section 226). The Bill was tabled before the National Assembly on 14 September 2020.
The Draft Constitution introduced several measures aimed at enhancing and strengthening democracy. This includes a presidential term limit, limits on executive power, measures to ensure greater political inclusion of marginalised groups (including women, youth and persons with disabilities) and a comprehensive Bill of Rights chapter, compliant with international and regional human rights standards. The public had high hopes for significant constitutional change. The personalised politics of the recent past, the undemocratic provisions in, and frequent amendment of, the 1997 Constitution and a complete disregard of the rule of law by the former President left Gambians with a desire for change. Sadly, however, these hopes were dashed when the Bill did not receive the requisite majority vote in Parliament.
Why Did the Bill Not Pass?
One way of trying to determine why the Bill did not pass is to look at who voted against it in the National Assembly. From this it is possible to speculate what their main concerns were. A review of the parliamentary debates suggests that the major concerns were those of the ruling government. Issue had been taken with the limitations to the scope of executive power the Draft Constitution would implement and with the fact that the presidential term limit would operate retroactively. This later provision would ensure the current term of President Barrow will be counted towards his term limit.
What Next?
The rejection of the Bill on its merits means that Gambians would not get to see this version of the 2020 Draft Constitution in a future referendum. So, what now? As the Government has not yet shared any plans we are left to speculate, I consider two possibilities here.
One option is to amend the 1997 Constitution to include some of the more progressive provisions in the 2020 Draft Constitution. The problem with amendment is that it would have to follow the same process as for the promulgation of a new constitution (section 226 (2)(b) and (4) of the 1997 Constitution). In other words, it would require approval of three-quarters of all the members of the National Assembly on the second and third readings and would also have to be passed in a national referendum (requiring 50% turnout and 75% approval).
A potential second option is to go back to the drawing board – have the Constitutional Review Commission restart the drafting process afresh, aiming to resolve contentious issues that are preventing consensus. However, this too would be challenging. In particular, it would be difficult to get buy-in and political legitimacy. The majority of parliamentarians that did support the Bill and therefore the 2020 Draft Constitution will view a new process with suspicion. Given the assertive citizenry and engaged and revitalised civil society we have seen in recent times, the public is also not likely to buy into any process that produces a watered-down version. Additionally, such a process might also make it difficult to garner the support of development partners. And, even if going back to the drawing board is feasible, success is clearly not guaranteed.
Lessons Learnt
Even though the constitution-drafting process has not ended in the adoption of a new constitution, there are some important insights to be gleaned from this experience. For one thing, The Gambia’s experience demonstrates how political elites can serve as stumbling blocks when proposed constitutional change threatens their political power. It is therefore important for constitution drafters and academics alike to apply their minds to how this might be avoided in other constitution-making processes.
While this has been a costly exercise, it was worth it, because Gambians have grappled with some important constitutional ideas, and reached insights that will be helpful in the long run. Given its great quest for change and the broad consensus that there cannot be any meaningful break with the political past without true and complete reform, I am confident that The Gambia will eventually give itself a new constitution.
Satang Nabaneh is a Post-Doctoral Researcher at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for Human Rights and the founder and editor of Law Hub Gambia. This piece was culled from https://www.iacl-aidc.org/.
The Draft Constitution: Dialogue Is The Oxygen Of Change
I am not quite sure whether the dust has finally settled, or is the start of a new droll movie, which features Ado’s entourage running like a scalded cat from a swarm of bees. Unfortunately, the ‘lion killer’ was not captured in the episode perhaps, he was hiding in the governor’s bunker like the American boob did when protestors gathered outside the White House. Whatever the case, it was an unusual episode. Enough of that for now, it is of the essence not to allow this new-fangled episode cloud the principal issue at hand; the need for a people-centered constitution.
The constitution promulgation bill was recently rejected by our lawmakers. Had I been unconcerned, I would have shrugged my shoulders, sipped my hot chocolate coffee chirpily and read one of my favorite books, Born a Crime by Trevor Noah. Instead, I was concerned. Still, I am. It is needless to remind you at the very onset, that we can breathe the same air and have different opinions on stuff. Hard to believe, but it is possible. Maybe you don’t like the music, but please don’t shoot the pianist. It sounds intellectually lazy to argue that the draft constitution is flawless, but it is also out-and-out poppycock to maintain that the draft doesn’t merit a chance to the next level. If a nation like The Gambia is going through a transition or process of political change when an ‘expensive mistake’ strikes it can essentially shake the course and even the general inflection of the transition process. If we ponder for a second of our political transition, or even of our past at large, as a manuscript that is in the course of being written, we might say the ‘complete’ rejection of the draft was like putting a full stop before the end of the first sentence bringing the whole text to an end hence, giving no chance to dialogue and political discourse. There was no proper hindsight and bringing an end to something that merited a chance was not rational.
In 2017, the bill to establish the CRC to draft a new constitution was tabled at the National Assembly. It can be argued that this is the initial gaffe. The unwanted laws in the 1997 constitution could have been amended within a short period of time with little or no cost at all instead of drafting a new constitution. Pursuant to section 226 of the 1997 constitution, it was lawfully feasible for the NAMs to amend the non-entrenched provisions and the entrenched provisions could be amended through a referendum. One could say that drafting a new constitution was the rational thing to do because the 1997 constitution is a pictogram of dictatorship and needed to be thrust aside entirely and a new constitution was needed for The Gambia to usher in a third republic. All arguments granted. I am not the jury to pass judgment but in my mind, amending the 1997 constitution could have saved us from the political quagmire we are fronting at this time. But that is crying over spilled milk. It is done and dusted.
The drafting of the new constitution took place in post-dictatorship which calls for coast-to-coast unity and dialogue among Gambians. Lamentably, The Gambia, it seems, has become irrevocably fractured along political and ideological lines. When this happens, and caution is not taken, our national interest is at stake. The citizenry has the right to associate themselves with any political party and defend the party’s interest and policy, but in doing so we should not advance negative emotional retorts to those on the other side of the political fence if we want to live in a civilized nation. If there is hope for Gambians to move forward together as a country, it lies in the promise that democracy can bring those from different cultures and disparate viewpoints to the same table where they can work collaboratively based on a larger shared identity and the greater common good. This is only attainable when our actions align with our national interests. Through the tool called dialogue, we can move forward together in unison and harmony, and it was the practice of talking together that constituted the foundation for democracy for The Gambia. Our political leaders should learn how to create ways for our people to actually think together. When we unlock our human potentials by learning how to think together in groups and teams then, we can forward.
It is significant to dig into the root factors that led to the rejection of the constitution promulgation bill before we can find ways forward. There are numerous dynamics that led to the rejection of the promulgation bill. Principally, Ado’s government initiated the process of drafting a new constitution and it was the same government that lobbied against it. The constitution is Ado’s immediate baby and he should have been the first person to defend it. It could be he doesn’t love his baby enough or probably it came out of the CRC’s womb with some undesirable features and he decided to strategically suffocate it to death behind the scene giving it no chance to breathe. The Attorney General facilitated the killing of the baby with his poor performance at the National Assembly. Common sense suggests that the AG cannot remain neutral; he introduced the bill to the National Assembly and should have advanced strong arguments to convince members of the National Assembly into voting for the draft constitution promulgation bill. It is not new in Gambian politics since evidence from the past has it that ministers are always at the call and beck of the president. Those in support of the draft could say he should have defended the bill based on principle, and those against the draft could argue that the AG is a political appointee and was expected to serve the interest of his political master and that is exactly what he did. Those against the draft can further claim that the draft constitution was voted against because with the encapsulation of the retrospective clause the president will be prevented from running for a third term which is discriminatory. Fair enough, as the Coke Maxim states: “A new law ought to be prospective, not retrospective in its operation.” The draft constitution should not have included any retrospective clause. The law should be applied in the future or at least from the date of commencement of the constitution. Making the draft retrospective may affect the rights of other parties. As far as politics is concerned, the president won’t subscribe to anything that will jeopardize his political ambition. So, it can be argued that the draft will affect which has gone, or completed and closed up already. That is the president’s first term and that should not have been the case. But since the president was voted into office on the promise that he would serve only three years which is now five years and counting then, I think the noble thing he should have done was to support the draft by making an official statement to defend the people’s interest instead of his individual interest. But man by nature is selfish and power is sweet. Dialogue could have solved this issue.
Withal, the constitution also failed as a consequence of misinformation. NAMs were made to believe that they didn’t have the power to amend the draft. This was also a big punch to the draft constitution. The only possible option they saw at the time was ‘complete rejection’. Besides, it is hard to say, but some NAMs lack the facility to coherently grasp legal and political matters and their analysis was off the mark. I believe we should not apportion blame. They are simply a reflection of us. Everything goes back to the people and the parties that supported their candidacies. In a nutshell, the failure of the draft is a byproduct of our own actions and decisions. I hope next election we will vote based on principle and competence. Jerry Hill argues that literacy is the ability to read for knowledge, write coherently and think critically. It is the ability to communicate effectively. Literacy in any language enables us to absorb the lessons of history — and to stretch our minds to make informed decisions and choices. And, this very literacy is one of the fundamentals of democracy. Literacy is critical to our nation and essential to the democratic process. Every citizen has the right and obligation to make informed choices. That involves understanding the issues, evaluating the candidates, analyzing their positions and marking ballots correctly. If this was done during the parliamentary elections then we would have saved ourselves from all these troubles. Likewise, Gambians uncouth comments about the NAMs was the final nail in the coffin of an already foundering draft constitution. In a civilized nation, threats don’t work. Dialogue was the way forward. As Suzy Kassem argued in Rise Up and Salute the Sun, we cannot control the way people interpret our ideas or thoughts, but we can control the words and tones we choose to convey them. Peace is built on understanding and wars are built on misunderstandings. Never underestimate the power of a single word and never recklessly throw them. If we want to achieve our goals let’s try and employ the diplomatic approach.
Moreover, the draft constitution failed as a result of misconception. Many people thought the draft was tailored to meet the needs and demands of the United Democratic Party. The last time I checked the CRC composed of independent-minded legal luminaries. I can’t see any nexus between the draft and UDP. It is unfortunate that we cannot understand issues and make critical decisions. Those who voted against the draft because of this misconception didn’t do justice to the nation. By way of addition, the 8 NAMs UDP flushed out of the party saw this as an opportunity to fire back at UDP and advanced the president’s interest. So, it can be safely argued that the division of camps smoothed the failure of the draft as it is also obvious that the APRC camp wanted the draft to fail. We have also seen that hypocrisy, greed and selfishness is eating The Gambia up. If you have observed prudently the voting at the NA you would notice that all the NRP NAMs voted against the draft. Was it an instruction from their political master? That guy is always at Barrow’s whims to advance his political ambitions. Hypocrisy and greed among Gambians further led to the failure of the draft.
Could it be maintained that the draft was already a dead one before it reached the NA? One may contend that the lack of due diligence by the CRC also led to the failure of the draft. Due to certain obvious clauses, the draft was rejected. The draft constitution precludes dual citizens from holding some offices. The lack of a constitutional stipulation, possible conflict of interest emanating from ‘divided loyalties’ is often cited as the moral argument against allowing dual nationals to hold public office. This reasoning however is flawed on multiple levels. Instead of depriving the country of the services of a large group of resourceful, dedicated and accomplished individuals, concerns of potential conflict of interest should be addressed by enabling greater transparency and by strengthening the accountability mechanisms stipulated in the 1997 constitution because while conflict of interest is a legitimate concern it is by no means exclusive to dual nationals. Greater scrutiny of the government’s functionaries by the opposition, media, courts and electorate would be a more judicious means of tackling the issue of conflict of interest than an indiscriminate ban would be. At a time when The Gambia is undergoing a transition, it needs all hands on deck. Therefore, instead of sidelining them, the government should make them greater stakeholders. In addition, the retrospective clause could have been avoided and other clauses like the discrimination against the minority group and barring people born in The Gambia from acquiring citizenship status.
The draft constitution strives to usher The Gambia in a new era where everyone’s wishes and aspirations are netted. However, the draft constitution has to some extent failed to capture that goal. This doesn’t translate to mean that the draft constitution was not good enough to be given a chance. It could have been amended for a consensus to be reached. I hope and pray we use dialogue as a tool and move this nation forward. Now is the time to engage in dialogue together.
Pa Modou Drammeh alias Pamz Da Mastermind is a student of Global Politics | International Affairs
On Bees and Beefs: Letter to my Friend (Part 1)
Dear Sheriff,
It has been a long time since we last exchanged notes in this epistolary series. Like I told you before, your quietness is quite disquieting. What is going on my good friend? Are you oblivious of all the strange happenings in our little town or have you taken a vow of silence? Where is that claimed inspiration from the spirits of Santnagba? Have they deserted you?
Indeed, the nation craves the fruits of your blessed pen, for your mastery of our craft is uncommon.
And why would you deprive us of perspective in these troubled times when you rose to the occasion during the greater part of the Jammeh era? Was it not you who wrote that famous “letter to my uncle” that elicited responses from Dida Halake and a sequel from myself in the form of a letter to my son?
Sheriff, I still remember that your classic dubbed “letter to my uncle” was a piece of advice to our former President when he made some unsavory remarks about his opponents during a speech on the political platform. Wouldn’t you do a similar one for the Great Lion Killer of the Sahel and 5e Conquering Cheetah of Mangkamang Kunda?
Oh how I watched him with dismay as he threw shades at his own political godfather, as he presided over the laying of the foundation stone for the Hakalang road project.
Vile and distasteful were his innuendoes; but truly God is not sleeping. It was that same day in the evening that news broke out about a dastardly bee attack on the President’s entourage as he entered the sacred land of Badibu.
At first I thought the story was made up by the President’s political adversaries.
But once the story was confirmed by no less an authority than the President’s spokesperson herself, I joined the fray on social media for some fun analysis. My first take was this, as posted on Facebook: “What’s the relation?
‘Kumoo” means BEE in Mandingka; but it also means WORD.”
Then I took to whatsap to speak to my bourgeoning following under the “M. Sabally for UDP” fan page.
My take was a wordplay in Mandingka, telling my followers that “Kumoo leh foh ta a sangara ta; kumoo lu fanang sangara ta e wuli ta, e janjang ta.”
Without doubt, you know the meaning of the above words in Mandingka. And how can I fittingly render this statement in English without suffering the withering effect of “lost in translation” as postulated by my brilliant wife, Jainaba Teeda Sarr?
Anyway, Sheriff, the matter of bees is not a joke. Indeed Allah reveals some awe-inspiring words about bees in the 16th chapter of the Holy Quran; the chapter itself is named “The Bees”. I will share with you the 68th verse, but as you know, that verse is followed by others on the same subject: “And your Lord revealed to the bee saying: Make hives in the mountains and in the trees and in what they build.”
But down to our our traditional heritage, you must know something that I may not be able to fathom about bees and their role in our historical beefs. Oh, what inspiring tales exist about bees and their triumphant role in the defeat of the forces of Latdiorr at the hands of my ancestors in Niani, during the reign of Mansa Kimintang!
What deep history lies in the matter of the bees of Badibu, from Kerewan to the royal city of Kubandarr and the holy sanctum of my own paternal hometown of Kataba where Kelebeng Soto stands to date with her own history of a colony of mysterious bees?
Speak, my good friend, for the whole nation awaits in anticipation. Without doubt, no nation has better resources than articulated human beings blessed with enlightening grasps of the logos.
Shall we hear from you then my good friend?
Best regards,
M. Sabally
The Gambia’s Pen
Open letter to UN rep for West Africa and Sahel Dr Mohamed Ibn Chambas
Doctor Mohamed Ibn Chambas
United Nations Special Representative of
The Secretary General for West Africa and
Sahel and head of UNOWAS
Dear Doctor Chambas,
It is from a compelling concern that I decided to write this open letter to you intended to update you about the current political state affairs in the Gambia and to seek your immediate intervention in what I personally experienced in 2016 as the crucial role you played through its ultimate outcome. I was at the time the acting ambassador of the Gambia at the UN.
It is now coming to four years since I sat with you in your office at the UN high-rise on 1st Avenue, New York City to discuss my fears over the adamancy of President Mackey Sall of Senegal to spearhead a war campaign in the Gambia on lies and personal political ambition. In that hour-long meeting I did warn you about the unintended consequences of starting any kind of war nowadays and even reminded you of its paragon in Iraq and Libya, emphatically illustrating the repercussions of relying on misleading intelligence that in the Iraq debacle demonstrated how the arrogant invaders failed to grasp the underlying religious conflict that for about a century fashioned the political division of the Arab nation. Indeed the Western invaders, deceived into thinking that overthrowing the dictatorial government of Saddam Hussain was not only going to reveal his hidden weapons of mass destruction that never existed but will also bring them honor and respect from the liberated Iraqis but instead ended up bogging them down in a fierce resistance with no glimmer of hope for success. The over-century old Shia-Sunni sectarian conflict was neglected or downplayed out of ignorance, their ultra motives or from outright recklessness.
Doctor Chambas, I still could recall my fruitless efforts of juxtaposing the Iraqi scenario to what might possibly happen in the Gambia from giving Mackey Sall his wish of a war in order to discourage you from supporting the nasty conspiracy. You were convinced by a bunch of crooks that the entire APRC government and their ambassadors in particular were against President Jammeh. For a moment I had even believed that I had caught your attention when I highlighted how Gambia’s political landscape had been before the emergence of the Jammeh government. That it was immensely influenced by tribal and cultural prejudice against the Jola tribe that President Jammeh hailed from. That they were virtually a persecuted ethnic group in the Senegambia subregion, subjected to all kinds of discrimination and marginalization and expected to eternally remain below the hierarchy of human importance that indeed prompted their rebellion in Casasamance since 1982. Before Jammeh came to power and helped in debunking that myth by illustrating how Jolas could equally and effectively participate in every imaginable narrative, they had had no say in the political dispensation of the region regardless of their historic presence in the area far longer than any other ethnic group claiming ownership of the land. And while they were applauded for their handwork, honesty and sense of social harmony, a tribe uniquely free of caste system, the establishment nevertheless systematically denied them the basic political, economic, educational and social opportunities enjoyed by the other “self-anointed superior tribes”. When Jammeh unexpectedly emerged as the winner in the 1994 coup, all that nonsense changed; but the evil concept of taking the Jolas back to where they belong persisted, forming the cardinal foundation of an opposition force that in 22 years made several attempts to overthrow his government or kill him. Protecting his government and his life translated into what his opponents conveniently defined as his intolerance and ruthlessness. Yes, like all mortals and heads of state, he had erred, but trust me Doctor Chambas, the exaggeration like I told you, was implausible.
The blood-thirsty Senegalese who since 1982 could not understand why they couldn’t defeat the determined “rag-tag rebels” in their Southern Provence started the misleading campaign against Jammeh, a proud Jola and made you believe that the Gambia armed forces was a hub for all the Jolas rebels recruited from the MFDC, which I had strongly disputed; you also believed in the misinformation that Jammeh had instructed rebels from Liberia to help execute young virgin girls as ritual to secure his position. They took his statement out of context from once saying that if Allah had preordained that he would rule the Gambia for 1billion years he would, and totally changed it into his assertion that he would rule the Gambia for 1 billion years. Doctor Chambas, you and I know fully well that the Yahya Jammeh who was the president of the Gambia for 22 years cannot be that stupid to utter such a stupid statement.
However, you also confessed to me why you were upset with him after one time enjoying a wonderful friendship with him for a number of years. You accordingly called each other brothers, a friendship you believe was unceremoniously ended by him for no known reason. You only knew after privately visiting the Gambia on few occasions as you often did on his invitation but found him unwelcoming. I could definitely notice how those incidents really hurt your pride.
You also lamented over your failed attempts to talk to him about releasing Lawyer Ousainou Darbo from prison whom you had had tremendous respect for as the leader of the UDP.
But most importantly, I remember you hinting me about how the Gambia could settle all its ethic problems and move forward by later organizing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, reminiscent of Ghana’s after the military rule of Jerry Rawlings ended. I had questioned the reconciliatory mindset of Ghanians compared to that of Gambians; but it was there that I finally understood that you drank the Mackey Sall Kool-Aid by believing that war in the Gambia was necessary option. And you assured me that everything would be okay. We shook hand, and I left with a heavy heart.
Well Doctor Chambas, four years after, thank god, there was no war; but what happened in the Gambia is nothing resembling okay. First the agreement you initiated and endorsed to ensure that Jammeh left the country peacefully for another country of his choice and could return to the Gambia at any time with his properties spared from any seizure or pillage has all been violated by the Gambia government of President Adama Barrow. To the Barrow government, that initiative and document was meaningless and I have not yet heard you doing or saying anything about it. But that may be secondary compared to what we are facing right now.
Everything that I had feared about unfairly targeting the Jola tribe in the country with the intention of reducing them back again into third-class citizens or worse has been happening at an abominable scale.
Many Jolas in senior government positions have been unnecessarily dismissed from their jobs or redeployed to responsibilities of minimal relevance. Not a single Jola holds a ministerial position, a key managerial job or a top command responsibility in the armed forces while members of other tribes who provenly and loyally worked for Jammeh or his government are untouched. How great do you think that is Doctor Chambas?
I had told you that Mackey Sall and his stooges were lying through their teeth about MFDC rebels conscripted in the Gambia armed forces and would have killed several innocent Gambians and called them the Cassamance Jola rebels; yet still at some point, some Jola Gambian officers and soldiers were arrested and jailed on alleged contentious charges while others were dismissed for no just reason other than being Jolas. Unconfirmed reports were recently circulated that a large number of Jolas were earmarked for dismissal from the Gambia Army to show their fulfillment of the unachievable SSR; but another report has just emerged that the soldiers will no longer be dismissed but organized into new battalions. Thank god for that, if it is true.
Did you know that as of now Mackey Sall has deployed over a thousand ruthless Senegalese combatants to the Gambia to lay siege of the Jola-Region of Foni, where President Jammeh was born and raised? When the villagers of expressed their dismay and organized a peaceful protest over why the siege on them, the trigger-happy outlaws opened fire on the unarmed crowd and killed one Harona Jatta a father and head of a family in the village. Up to this day not a single attempt was made to investigate the incident, let alone to explore how to compensate the family for Jatta’s wrongful death.
These undesirable soldiers have been behaving lawlessly, arresting Gambian commercial drivers and confiscating their vehicles in the name of prosecuting smugglers, a responsibility I thought was for the Gambia police or at least for the Gambia immigration department. Gambian courts have recently passed a ruling for the Senegalese forces to release the unlawfully confiscated vehicles to their owners, but even President Barrow cannot get them to respect the verdict with President Sall now being urged to intervene. The Senegalese troops in the Gambia are not governed by our laws.
I have said that the current government has dismissed all Jola ministers and doesn’t show any interest in hiring anyone again with the same purge happening at our foreign missions where all Jolas were either recalled or fired.
But get this Doctor Chambas, a Janneh Commission of enquiry composed of controversial characters was formed to investigate “corrupt practices” of the APRC or Jammeh government since he took over power in 1994. They flouted the entrenched constitutional clause that forbids any investigation of the activities of the junta from 1994 to 1996 when the old constitution was suspended and replaced by decrees. But again, the commission excluded all Jola participation; and by the end of its mandate, the Gambians were left flabbergasted by the magnitude of corruption in selling or auctioning the numerous confiscated properties of Jammeh, the state and that of the APRC political party. Many items were disposed of in a dubious manner that the country is yet to understand fully.
We also started a Truth, Reconciliation and Reparation Commission (TRRC) that looked or functioned nowhere like the type you had in Ghana, in South Africa or in Rwanda. Can you imagine the South African TRC having to obsessively and compulsively focus on demonizing and criminalizing white South Africans for the role white people played in perpetuating apartheid for close to a century and expect a genuine reconciliation to have happened there? Just fancy the white South Africans being denied senior positions in the government coupled with their residences placed under military siege indefinitely. Ghana didn’t do that to any tribe associated with the brutal regime of former Jerry Rawlings. You know what I am talking about because you served in Rawlings’ government diligently for years. But Doctor Chambers, whether you realize it or not that is the nightmare Jolas are facing in the Gambia today while President Mackey Sall pretends as if he doesn’t know what the hell is going on. He could on a single phone call tell Barrow to stop the nonsense from especially the TRRC and it would happen instantly; but he seems to be enjoying the drama of the Gambians fighting each other while he entrenches his influence and control over us. Troops guarding Barrow now are Senegalese. Is that normal Doctor?
However, as usual, no Jola member was selected for the TRRC. Hence, Jolas are the main target portrayed as murderers, rapists, psychopaths and all kinds of undesirable characters.
And last but not the least, you must be cognizant of the “Jolaless” Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) established three years ago to craft a new constitution to replace the 1997 one and its unsuccessful aftermath. A venture further aimed at delegitimizing the previous one by misinforming the world that it was Jammeh, the Jola’s personal document designed to destroy the Gambia and oppress its people;, no wonder, it ended up as if the Gods were there to expose the whole trickery. After all, one could argue that like all progressive constitutions, the world over, the 1997 constitution was amended here and there; however, considering the caliber and credibility of the chairman of the commission that drafted it in 1996, Dr. Gabriel Roberts and some of his God-fearing assistants such as the late Bishop Telewa Johnson whose finished work was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum, branding the bill as President Jammeh’s production was totally disingenuous. Upon their failure to achieve a generally acceptable bill culminating into its failure to pass at the National Assembly, several Gambians now believe that the initiative was all about extorting a whopping D116 million from the Gambia’s meager financial resources. That the document was prepared with a hidden agenda and some portions disgracefully plagiarized from the Kenyan constitution. The Gambia is therefore left with no choice but to manage with the APRC/Jammeh/Jola-friendly 1997 constitution.
Yes, the country that you said was going to be united for a better future after Jammeh was out has never been this politically and tribally divided. Those in support of the new draft constitution and those against it have drawn daggers for a potential mortal combat. Amazingly, the government that instituted and tasked the CRC into the laborious exercise is now showing every sign of disapproving the bill while the opposition parties including the UDP still led by Lawyer Darbo deemed the downvoting a national betrayal and disaster. It’s like a political timing bomb ticking before its major explosion
By the way, cognizant of your ever proactive role to butt in as the UN special Rep for the region, why the silence at this crucial moment given the part you enthusiastically played in making the Gambia what it is today? I didn’t see or hear you this time conducting press conferences in that hoarse voice telling the world what you expect from the Gambia government or else……
The UN, UK, USA and EU have all urged the Gambian lawmakers to endorse the draft constitution which didn’t resonate well with supporters of the government and by extension the government itself. Do you know the position of the master conspirator Mackey Sall on the situation? What has happened to the significance of multilateralism that must be respected, no matter what? Oh I know, this is an internal affair, right?
But Doctor Chambas, I don’t know how you are going to react to my letter, but I want you to bear this in mind. Your whole theory of turning the Gambia into a better country after helping Mackey Sall remove the APRC government is turning into disappointment of monumental proportion. You were one person at the UN who acknowledged the fact that the Gambia’s 2016 election results were tainted when the IEC came out three days later with a second set of results, but your anger with Jammeh for betraying your trust as a friend, overshadowed your sense of judgment and corrupted your professional fortitude into aligning with the devil. So It looks like everything is falling apart and requires your urgent intervention.
The Janneh Commission has failed followed by the CRC and without doubt the TRRC will fail too for not being founded on a positive creed and has therefore divided the nation politically and tribally with the Jolas most targeted.
I am afraid Barrow is too slow for my liking or is not up to the task of the kind of leadership Gambia needs now. He seems happy with the sycophants around him assuring him that he could rule the Gambia for 1 billion years if Allah says so. So far, I understand he believes he could at least stay in office for fifteen years because the monk that once prophesied that Jammeh would rule the country for 22 years had shown up at the Statehouse with similar message of his fifteen years tenure..
He should have suspended the TRRC slated to resume in early October to continue their vilification and criminalization of the members of the Jola tribe, not knowing any other way to demonize former President Jammeh.
The APRC party regardless of the unfair treatment they endured since Jammeh departed, maintained a formidable level of discipline and even showed openness to cooperate with the Barrow government, but the man doesn’t seem to understand any of that. There is a pandemic compounding all our problems today with people dying at record numbers, unemployment rising, health care inadequate, confidence in government dwindling, closing diplomatic missions and recalling diplomats from abroad, the Janneh Commssion a failure, the CRC a failure and the government still can’t see the senselessness in wasting more time and resources in encouraging hate-driven retards trying to destroy the legacy of former president Jammeh-no longer relevant to our plight- and members of his ethnic group, the Jolas. It’s like beating a dead horse with no prospect of recovery from the madness. That ends my letter Doctor.
Hope to see you whenever I return to New York, if you wouldn’t mind.
SAMSUDEEN SARR
BANJUL, THE GAMBIA
LAMIN NJIE – OPINION: Dawda Jallow has suffered his first true excoriation… what it means is that it’s the honeymoon that’s all over
For those wondering if the nation’s new attorney general will ever learn the harsh side of Gambians, the moment has arrived for you to find the sobering truth.
Since he became the country’s attorney general and minister of justice back in June, it’s been something of a honeymoon and smooth-sailing for Dawda Jallow. There’s never been a moment when he would get home from work and feel hard done by. That’s no longer going to be the case.
But it’s Mr Jallow himself that’s to be blamed for this unfortunate marital estrangement. He consciously took part in destroying one of the most important projects of our road to a true democracy and for that many Gambians will not forgive him.
One of the reasons why President Barrow refused to step down in January as required by the three years deal that brought him to power is a new constitution. He hired people of the best integrity to put one together. He said this was going to be one of his good legacies as president.
As attorney general, Dawda Jallow was last Tuesday expected to defend to the hilt the bill that could see that happen. Really a lot of these ‘NO’ MPs would have voted ‘YES’ if he had made a strong enough case. Instead, he put in a lame performance. There was no adventure. Conviction too. In fact as he spoke, people were sleeping.
There’s actually two arguments being pedaled since his I’m-just-here-to-clarify-certain-issues speech. One is he was told by his boss to come to the national assembly and wear a lazy posture so the draft would fail because the boss is not happy with the charter. The other is he actually didn’t know what he was doing. Some clueless attorney general who has no idea how to defend a piece of legislation he himself made with his own hands.
If you really want to know about Dawda Jallow, he’s not fully up to the task. Since he became the attorney general, journalists have approached him for an interview and all he would tell them is he’s still going through the files bequeathed him by his predecessor. It looks like he would spend his entire time as attorney general reviewing the files.
But the way he’s been roasted by Gambians over the past couple of days can now be considered Exhibit A that his honeymoon is over. Be sure of it.