The family of Yaya Jammeh is not a national priority just like my family and the families of all Gambians. The only family of national priority in The Gambia is the immediate family of the President and the Vice President of the Republic which is why they are provided full residence, security and upkeep!

Therefore for what national purpose would the Head of State Adama Barrow dare to visit the extended family and birthplace of Yaya Jammeh? It is obvious that the entire immediate and extended families of Yaya Jammeh are not victims. They have not provided any national service or suffered any disaster to warrant the use of public resources to visit them.

Yaya Jammeh himself is a disgraced former President. He is on self imposed exile because he flouted the Constitution and the sovereignty of The Gambia. It was precisely for that selfish and corrupt act of rebellion against the Republic that Adama Barrow himself was forced to flee The Gambia only to be sworn in as President on foreign soil in 2017.

Therefore, how on earth can the Government of The Gambia justify the visit of the President to the extended family and home of that former rogue Tinpot Dictator? This visit is a very serious matter that should attract the topmost concern of all Gambians.

Adama Barrow’s actions have ridiculed the Office of the President in the most disrespectful and irresponsible manner. This is because there are multiple families in this country who are in deep pain, poverty and misery simply because of the atrocious violations of Yaya Jammeh. Yet Adama Barrow has never found it necessary, in the name of justice, accountability and reconciliation to visit those families!

Since 2017, Pres. Barrow has never found it necessary to visit the victims of Yaya Jammeh in their homes and organizations. Barrow has never visited the Victims’ Centre. He has never invited victims and their families to State House to console and assure them of justice and reparations. Yet this President would have the audacity to visit the home of a tyrant who inflicted merciless pain and suffering on thousands of Gambians!!!

Each and every Gambian must be angry and saddened by this sheer act of irresponsibility and disrespect meted out to our people by none other than our elected President. This despicable action has put the Office of the President into disrepute which is an impeachable offense!

I hereby call on all Gambians to loudly and unreservedly condemn this irresponsible act of the President. I call on the National Assembly to convene an emergency session immediately to demand President Barrow to explain his reason for this irresponsible act and reprimand him accordingly! The President must be told that no amount of politics and no matter his desire for re-election should make him ridicule and insult The Gambian Nation.

President Adama Barrow must be forced to apologize for this disrespectful act. I wish to condemn this shameful visit with all my might. For that matter, I will lead a one-person protest by dressing in black or dark dress the whole of tomorrow Friday October 8.

Defend the Republic. For The Gambia Our Homeland

By Zakaria Kemo Konteh

Few days ago, we were united in outrage, shock and disappointment when UDP gave a mega phone and national platform to a disgraced Lawyer and an alleged human rights violator under former Yahya Jammeh’s terror regime, Lamin AMS Jobarteh, at their Sarujah rally. The outburst of condemnation was swift, blistering and deafening. It was understandably genuine and sincere born out of concerns for and sensitivity of victims of alleged perpetrators like Lawyer Jobarteh. Guided by conscience, principles and values, we drew a Moral Red Line and asked UDP to do the right thing.

UDP Party Leader and Secretary General, Hon Lawyer Darboe, yesterday issued a statement and,in it, took full and unconditional responsibility for the lapse of judgment on his part, expressed apology to victims and Gambians and reassured the public of his and UDP’s unwavering position on accountability and justice. He described human rights violations as not only against the laws of the land but against the very foundation and mantra of the United Democratic Party.

In taking these steps, Hon Darboe has uniquely demonstrated personal humility, responsible leadership and admirable courage – a set of traits that has eluded many politicians of our time. We commend Lawyer Darboe and UDP for recognizing both the weight and sincerity of our criticisms and not dismiss them as partisan banter and hatred as often the case from various political quarters. In so doing, United Democratic Party Set a moral precedence that move the bar higher for other politicians who hide behind confusion, deception, high sounding words, ultra-partisanship, delusional feeling of infallibility and flawlessness to avoid taking responsibility for their commissions, omissions and errors of judgment.

Moving on, I expect all of us to show the same or similar level of unity and energy in going after President Barrow for ruining the remaining fabrics of our society. The President and his team are making coordinated and relentless frontal assault on our social cohesion by being agents, promoters and cheer leaders of tribalism and division. Statements bullhorned and entertained at Barrow’s tax -payer funded rallies are not only a weak, hollow, cheap and desperate political low-blows but are a reminder of lurking dangers we face as a country post December elections. President Barrow cannot campaign for his second term on the platform of division, insults and fear and expect to preside over a united , secure and prosperous nation after securing the term. As citizens of conscience and values, it is our responsibility to confront these dark elements and stop them by denying them the votes and honor of serving in our high offices. Anything short of that will have irreparably catastrophic consequences for the future of our country.

By Sanna Manjang

In the 2013 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), we defined maternal mortality as “the death of a woman while pregnant or within 42 days of termination of pregnancy, irrespective of the cause of death” (WHO, 2011). This definition clearly includes deaths due to accident or violence.

In the 2019/20 DHS, the definition for Maternal Mortality was revised. We defined Maternal Mortality in the 2019/20 DHS as any deaths that occur during pregnancy or childbirth or within 42 days after the birth or termination of a pregnancy. This definition clearly excludes deaths due to accident or violence.

As can be seen above, the two definitions are different! It would be wrong to compare the two estimates.

In 2013 DHS, there were 433 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births for the seven-year period preceding the survey. In the 2019/20 DHS, there were 289 maternal deaths per 100, 000 live births. However, the 289 cannot be compared be compared with the 433 since the definitions are different.

WHAT CAN BE COMPARED FROM THE TWO SURVEYS?

What we can compare from the two surveys is called Pregnancy-related mortality Ratio (PRMR). This is defined as deaths that occur to women during pregnancy or childbirth including deaths up to 2 months after birth. This definition also includes deaths due to accidents or violence. The Pregnancy-Related Mortality Ratio (PRMR) in 2013 DHS was 433 deaths per 100, 000 live births while in 2019/20 DHS the estimate was 320 deaths per 100, 000 live births. Overall, there appears to be a downward trend in the PRMR since 2006-13; however, the confidence intervals surrounding the 2013 GDHS and 2019-20 GDHS PRMR estimates overlap, meaning that there is no significant difference in the PRMRs between the two surveys.

The writer, Sanna Manjang, is the principal statistician/e-GDDS country director. He is also head of quality assurance and dissemination at the Gambia Bureau of Statistics.

By Oko Drammeh

Many Senegalese as well as Gambians are not aware that Sereign Touba was named after a Gambian born in Ballo in The Gambia near Sabah Sanjal.

The person he was named after is no other person than Mam Momadou Bamba Sallah, Grandfather of Ousman Sallah former Ambassador. The grandfather Mam Momadou Bamba Sallah had two other brother namely, Abdou Yassin Kura Sallah and Ali Yassin Kura Sallah.

Mam Momadou Bamba Sallah’s real name is Momadou Yassin Kura Sallah.

The name Momadou Bamba Sallah came about when he established a village of his own he called Bamba Momadou. Mammor Anta Sally was a student under Mam Momadou Bamba Sallah for thirteen years.

Before departing Bamba Momadou to return to Mbakeh Bawol,he was advised by Mam Momadou Bamba Sallah that he will have as a first child a son followed by a second son and that he should name the second son after him and that is the reason why Sareign Touba’s name is Momadou Bamba.

The village of Ballo was founded in 1438.It is also worthy of note that while Mam Moranta Sally was a Student under Mam Momadou Bamba Sallah his Magi Darra was Maba Jahu Bah who infact escorted him on his way back to Mbakeh after his studies. The story between Sareign Touba and the Sallah family in The Gambia is one of a long standing friendship.

By Madi Jobarteh

The popular condemnation of UDP’s welcoming of key Dictator Enabler Lamin Jobarteh indicate the widespread desire of Gambians for justice and accountability. Fullstop.

Hence Adama Barrow and NPP & Ousainou Darboe and UDP must stop the despicable love affair with the party of the Tinpot Dictator and his key Enablers such as his ministers, NAMs, key surrogates, and perpetrators of human rights violations. All political parties must shun all perpetrators and enablers of dictatorship to demonstrate their commitment to justice and accountability.

UDP and NPP most especially should begin to act responsibly by realizing that a political party is not a ‘fural’ boys and girls club at a street corner. A political party is a national institution that must look like and represent the highest ideals and aspirations of the people. A political party must uphold the highest values and standards of democracy and republicanism.

These democratic and republican values are founded on and meant to uphold and protect the dignity of the human being. This is why The Gambia fought against colonialism to become a democratic republic in which all citizens are equal in rights and dignity.

Hence in a democratic republic no citizen has the right or the authority to violate the sovereign rights of another citizen. Where there are such allegations of abuse against any individual especially in his or her capacity as a public official then there must first be accountability. No individual should be excused from accountability until he or she is put through the due process to determine his or her guilt or innocence.

Similarly, no political party that is in government has the authority to abuse public institutions and transform them into weapons of terror to savage the rights and dignity of citizens and plunder public wealth without accountability. Where such abuses take place, such a party must be held accountable for it’s excesses while in office.

The fact is Yaya Jammeh and APRC and all these Dictator Enablers once had the unique opportunity to handle public office which is designed to serve and protect Gambians. But consciously and deliberately and actively, they chose to totally disregard the Constitution and the sovereign rights of Gambians and their own conscience and faith to unleash uncountable abuses on our people. Therefore, on what moral, political and legal grounds should such people be asked again to take part in the affairs of this society? They had their cake and they ate it, happily and greedily. So, they have no more cake to devour!

In light of the above, the despicable practice by UDP and NPP and Pres. Barrow to welcome key Dictator Enablers into their parties and government is utterly repugnant and a threat to justice and accountability. It is an irresponsible act that no decent party that understands democratic governance shall do.

Political parties are the pillars and vehicles of our governance system. It is political parties that produce the President, NAMs, Mayors and councilors. These are the representatives that run the institutions of governance and development in this country. Hence political parties run this country. Therefore a political party must be guided by the highest values and standards of democracy and republicanism otherwise they become liabilities to the country. By their actions, UDP and NPP are undermining national security, national unity and good governance.

The claim that despite NPP’s evil alliance with APRC or despite UDP’s shameful welcoming and celebration of Lamin Jobarteh, these parties and their leaders are still committed to TRRC recommendations is a nonsensical farce! It is a dishonest claim that only exposes the contemptible disregard of the values of democracy and human rights by these parties.

Actions speak louder than words. UDP and NPP cannot tell us that they can benefit from the support and cooperation of these Enablers yet be also prepared to put them to justice at another time. That’s double standards which is in itself unfair to these enablers.

UDP cannot enjoy Lamin Jobarteh’s support today and then win the election tomorrow only to arrest and hand over that same Lamin Jobarteh to the courts. Similarly NPP cannot tell us that they can enjoy APRC’s support today and win the election tomorrow only to seek the prosecution of Yaya Jammeh. If they can do that then they are also unfair to Lamin Jobarteh and Yaya Jammeh as they have only exploited them to win elections. A political party must not act in such a dishonest way!

Therefore it’s utterly nonsensical to justify these unholy alliances with the party and enablers of the Tinpot Dictator. What is expected of UDP and NPP is to respect The Gambia and her citizens by keeping at bay all known perpetrators and enablers until the TRRC makes its submission and justice is served. But by their actions, UDP and NPP are only telling us that the lives of Gambians do not matter, rather their hunger for power is what is most important.

Surely Solo Sandeng would not approve of such despicable actions of his own UDP party and his colleagues in NPP. Uncle Femi Peters is in shock at such blatant abandonment of principles by his comrades. Sidia Sanyang is in awe that his party and colleagues are hobnobbing with the agents of the party of tyranny! Indeed the fallen heroines and heroes of UDP are panting in their graves for the gross betrayal of their cause by those they left behind.

Therefore, I hereby condemn the UDP’s welcoming and celebration of Lamin Jobarteh and indeed all other key enablers of the Tinpot Dictator who have been adversely named before the TRRC and sanctioned by the Janneh Commission. I hereby condemn all political parties that saturate their parties with APRC NAMs and surrogates such as Seedy Njie and Co who had deliberately and actively sought to burn down this country for the selfish interest of the Tinpot Dictator.

For The Gambia Our Homeland

The decision by the United Democratic Party(UDP) to embrace former Jammeh enabler, Babadinding Jobarteh, who stands accused of human rights abuses is an extremely bad play in the game so close to December elections.

The recent NPP-APRC alliance offers a unique opportunity for UDP to find purchase on the public mind as a party of change. Instead of making a home run with an historic opportunity to govern after 22 years, UDP has fumbled the ball.

This strategic error and lack of fidelity to stated policy undermines the perception UDP is the party of change. Stinging dearth of principles and lack of imagination by UDP leadership has sabotaged the transition from two decades of brutal tyranny. Apparently, Ousainou Darboe and his overrated advisers are no political geniuses, nor do they prioritize national interest.

First, they saddled us with a president who has zero competence to run a country. He was supported to break a pledge to step down after three years. Stunningly, UDP leader came out on national television to defend him with devastating consequences. UDP can’t be trusted. How can you run a country if you can’t competently run a party?

As a veteran lawyer, I took for granted Ousainou Darboe would have evolved into a grand master of strategy, steeped in political history and there for best placed to lead his party to victory.

But his greatest accomplishment seems to be presiding over the death of his party. UDP has surrendered the moral high ground and is headed for an ignominious defeat in December. The yellow party is dying not by murder, but by suicide on national television. A Barrow win in December will be disastrous, but a UDP win will be no less apocalyptic.

Sainey Darboe,
Vancouver, Washington

I made an audio about this subject this morning of Wednesday, September 22, 2021but thought it necessary after a good lunch to write something about it in this opened letter to Reverend Father Peter Lopez.

I started wondering who this dumb politician masquerading as a righteous priest called Reverend Father Peter Lopez is? I hate to question the interpretation of any chapter and verse in either the Quran or Bible but when a whole priest wants to politicize Chapter 5, Verse 37 in the scripture as St. Mathew definitively saying to mankind that when a person says yes and later says no he or she automatically becomes untrustworthy or evil then disputing the interpreter or his interpretation shouldn’t be sinful.

What about a person who says no and later says yes? Is he still by St. Mathew’s Gospel guilty of dishonesty, evilness or whatever?

You see Reverend, in politics and cosmic logic the mind is believed to be a flexible entity constantly influenced by evolution, education, and our experiences that make it change incessantly and unpredictably. If the human mind was that rigid in the way you put it in your audio that-yes means yes and no means no-unchangeable by any circumstances, growth or evolution, education or experience then I am afraid we would have been like the other animals with no sense of awareness. Father, what happened to the maxim of no condition is permanent except change?

After misleading your listeners, you then went into your cumbersome realm of God and the Gambia’s forthcoming December 4th presidential election saying that our voters’ cards are divine gifts from the Almighty. Really Father? Yet you cannot trust the very process the card owner had followed that earn him one to also guide him or her to vote for the right person.

When did God give you the capacity and competence of judging who should or shouldn’t be voted for based on your differentiation of the evil contenders from the saintly ones?

You know what I made of your hypocrisy when you, in a coded language, said that the political leader in alliance with the party of the leader accused of committing evil deed or being a “Doma” (witch) is untrustworthy and only in the competition for his personal gains and to permanently remain in office? THE RECENT NPP-APRC ALLIANCE, PERIOD! Who else in the political arena has so far had an alliance with other parties other than the NPP with the APRC? That is very hypocritical father. You should have had the audacity to reveal your political or leadership preference instead of beating about the bush.

It was also a bias political statement from you to literally accuse the authorities of providing no entertainment parks and assembly arenas for the public that prompted the Youssou Ndure free show at the “Traffic Light Junction” three or four years ago. You very well know that the Independence Stadium, McCathy Square, Buffer Zone and many more places are all available for all kinds of public entertainment, musical, political, or name it. But you made it sound as if the Gambia has no parks or entertainment arenas for the public. Can’t you see how political you appeared or sounded when you failed to denounce that Youssou Ndure event three or more years ago and waited until now, two months before the election to now bitch about it?

Reverend Lopez, I think you should quit the church business and join a political party if you can’t form one. I am not saying that you are but if you are not you zealously seem to be in favor of Essa Faal’s candidacy over everyone else. Because when you mentioned how the “satanic party” is in alliance with a nameless leader and how those folks were proven guilty of all sorts of crimes at the highest level of the law and went on to urge your listeners to approve the righteous contestant who fears God irrespective of his ethic origin or religious inclination you inadvertently flashed Essa Faal’s face before all listeners. What makes you think that Essa Faal is the most honest and God-fearing candidate in the field? His TRRC drama? Did you know that he illegally deceived the government into appointing him lead counsel of the TRRC by failing to disclose his political ambition and affiliation in total violation of the TRRC Act that strictly proscribed such deceptions?

Moreover, with all the atrocities committed by Liberian warlord Charles Taylor, Essa Faal who was his defense lawyer at the ICC and lost the case incompetently still believes that there was no serious crime committed by this genocidal murderer in Liberia that put him behind bars for 50 years. If the case of Charles Taylor is not a lesson good enough to bring you back to your senses and realize that you are rooting for the wrong candidate I don’t know what is. Oh, but I forgot that in St. Mathew’s Gospel Chapter 5 Verse 37 Reverend Father Peter Lopez tells us that a change of mind or heart by anyone no matter the circumstance is ungodly, satanic and untrustworthy.

Father, Africa is still a victim of brutal colonialism and devious neocolonialism at a scale and scope that was never taught or discussed in any Roman seminary including the one you attended.

You were probably only taught to appreciate how God created the earth and all living beings in his image and will and has since the dawn of history ruled us by a predestined rather than a remeasured scripture.

You cannot tell us that God said that no condition is permanent and that everything that happens will eventually come to pass and still try to convince us into believing that our political leaders are capable of indefinitely holding to power for their personal ungodly interests and still survive God’s wrath or perils.

Please keep your biblical message at the church and stay away from politics. Pray for peace and tranquility like most religious leaders are currently doing and stop your hypocritical sermons to influence the voting choices of the electorate in the 2021 December election.

I rest my case!

Samsudeen Sarr

Banjul, The Gambia.

I think all 193 heads of government represented at the United Nations (UN) Organization plus political scholars aught to listen and take note of the interesting interview of the ninth UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres with Al Jazeera’s senior international correspondent James Bays conducted yesterday, September 18, 2021. The Al Jazeera international TV stations have been playing it and tape is readily available online.

Starting with his perspective on the Afghanistan-war debacle, the Secretary General characterized the 20-years American-led mission as a total failure blaming it primarily on the same reasons that had failed similar attempts by the British, the then Soviet Union and now the Americans to conquer and impose their models of government there with no consideration to the cultural and religious incompatibilities.

Asked what he thinks of the future of Afghanistan in the wake of the Taliban takeover he responded with one word “unpredictable”. He believes that ignored and not given the necessarily international assistance, the situation could deteriorate into another regrettable human catastrophe.

He strongly believes in engaging the Taliban to ensure that the Afghan economy at the brink of collapse will be saved and to encourage them into forming an inclusive government composed of feuding tribes that would protect the rights of women and girls, discourage terrorist groups from ever operating within like in the former overthrown regime of Muller Omar.

After questioning the wisdom of the 20 years war which had focused mainly on an expensive military solution rather than on helping the Afghans build sustainable-strong institutions amenable to their cultures, traditions and religions the Americans instead tried to force on them an unsustainable alien model of “liberal democracy” marred by conspicuous corruption and weak leadership. Mr. Guterres therefore urged the world to be less judgmental of the composition of the Taliban government now in place and accused of numerous undemocratic principles and even appointing UN-sanctioned undesirables including the deputy prime minister who is considered a “dangerous international terrorist”.

According to the UN boss the humanitarian assistance needed by the Afghans shouldn’t be affected by the type of government they have, the characters in it but superintended purely on impartiality.

When James Bays quizzed him on why he has not been saying anything about democracy in Afghanistan Mr. Guterres told him how it would be naive of him to entertain the illusion of establishing liberal democracy under the Taliban at this moment.

That shifted the subject to the question of what the UN has made out of the global threat of democracy specifying on the recent military coups in Myanmar, Mali, Guinea Conakry and the recent assassination of the Haitian president Jovenel Moise.

“Yes, the UN was certainly concerned about such retrogressive developments towards global democracy”, said Mr. Guterres. But he nevertheless was equally worried by the polarization of our societies especially in the developed world by ultranationalism, racism, xenophobia etcetra threatening every form of democratic establishment and values.

The next topic was on the ongoing Ethiopian military conflict with Eritrea rapidly deteriorating into a calamity with unimaginable consequence to Africa and the whole world if not stopped soon. Both belligerent parties, he said, are convinced of winning the war “when there is no military solution to the conflict”.

Next was Libya and the difficulty or impossibility of conducting the December scheduled elections by stakeholders, brokered in Switzerland earlier this year.

Mr. Bays, wanted to know whether if the Libyans decide to hold presidential elections the notorious warlord Halifa Hafta should be allowed to contest given his record “of having too much blood in his hands”.

“The decision of who should or shouldn’t contest in a Libyan presidential election”, continued the Secretary General, “will best be determined by the Libyan people and not by any external body”.

That whoever can unite rather than divide Libya deserves to be elected president.

But he was skeptical about a presidential election taking place in Libya anytime soon with no solution to the foreign forces’ refusal to leave on the demand of the UN and all negotiators.

The next two important discussed were the COVID-19 pandemic and the devastating effects of global warming. I would urge all heads of government and scholars who have not heard the interview to go and listen to it.

In conclusion however I thought it reinvigorating to share the article below that I wrote and published about the Libyan military stalemate earlier this year expressing my skepticism about the success of UN resolution for a final peace and stability in the country. Secretary General Antonio Guterres simply vindicated me:

ANOTHER NEW INTERIM GOVERNMENT IN LIBYA BOUND TO FAIL

I believe I should bring the attention of the world and my Facebook friends in particular to this phenomenal incident that just happened today. It’s now 3:30 pm, Friday, February 5, 2021; barely an hour ago, a multi political and multi regional Libyan delegation meeting in Switzerland voted an interim government for Libya brokered by the United Nations Security Council to govern the war-torn nation. The new government is supposed to set the stage for a national election in December this year in which none of the selected-delegate members would contest.

Anyway in my understanding of these ceremonial resolutions by the UN Security Council, I will bet dollars to doughnuts that it will be another failed venture, typical of most UN time and resources wastage because of their palpable double standard and habitual hypocrisy.

In the first instance nothing by my measures will work in Libya if the foreign troops serving different warring factions do not leave; which if they do, I still will expect the fighting to continue on clandestine international sponsorship.

When NATO was tearing Libya apart 10 years ago with the hope of taking over the oil rich economy of the Arab nation, the Russians, Chinese and many other members of the United Nations Organization expressed their stern opposition to the banditry; yet, the UN Security Council notable for pandering to Western interest acted as if the hostility was perfectly reasonable and a quick remedy to decades of Libya’s undemocratic government, headed by the late Colonel Momar Gaddafi. However NATO ultimately failed to realize their objective and the Russians stepped in under the cloak of a mercenary force just like the US did in Iraq by, at some point, using private-security companies or mercenaries period. Everything is now illegal in Libya and a violation to international law that NATO can no longer control or condone.

The UN Security Council now finds the need for foreign troops to withdraw including the Russian mercenaries whose government is vowing to have nothing to do with their dogs-of war. That’s like applying the same tricks used by the enemy.

Ironically, former members of the Gaddafi government are for the first time invited to be part of the interim government with the hope that the majority of Libyans who now regret what had happened to Gaddafi and his government will be instrumental to enforce the NATO/Western initiative and chase the Russians out.

Those days are over folks; but please don’t ask me what the way forward is in chaotic Libya, because I sure don’t have an answer to that.

What I can definitively say from all this diplomatic hypocrisy is its imminent failure soon.

Jumma Mubarak !

SAMSUDEEN SARR

BANJUL, THE GAMBIA

By W Saine

After the stabbing of a young prosperous Gambian with a promising career another incident of robbery occurred at Kerr Seringe.

This kind of armed robbery was unique according to how I understand it because it happened at a central location and there were people awake in that house but all that did not stop the robbers from forcing themselves into the compound premises and forcefully taking belongings leaving a girl seriously injured.

This is a double threat emergency alert to the authorities handling security in this country that they need to do something immediately to disable all bandits, criminals and armed robbers throughout the length and breadth of the country.

My recommendations are: the police and the army need more active men and equipment on street patrols; the police and the army need to look into their recruitment plan and make it attractive so that a well off citizen can think of resigning from his job and join the service to protect his country; the police especially should engage the National Assembly to scrap off the maximum 72hrs detention and give the police the needed time to process and investigate suspects before handing them over to lawyers only to be freed on bail; [and] the National Assembly should increase the budget of the police and the army.

Moreover, the surge of crime rates in our societies should not be politicised because we are living in a democratic secular state and that obviously comes at a price, one of which we are currently experiencing as a result, security concerns. I suggest to every Gambian to think of finding solutions to the problems of security in our homeland rather than sabotaging the authorities for political gains.

By Madi Jobarteh

The presence of ECOMIG in The Gambia is a matter of international agreement under the purview of Section 79(1)(c) of the Constitution which requires the National Assembly’s prior approval. In 2017, when ECOWAS decided to deploy their forces into The Gambia there was no approval from the National Assembly because the term of Pres. Jammeh elapsed and the National Assembly at that time was in cahoots with him to flout the Constitution.

Therefore, the National Assembly led by Abdoulie Bojang as Speaker and Fabakary Tombong Jatta as Majority Leader with the majority APRC NAMs, was a rogue parliament. By that time, the National Assembly had already imposed an unconstitutional state of emergency to illegally extend the term of both the President and the Assembly itself.

Consequently, the international community, including AU and ECOWAS could not have obtained a mandate to send troops in the Gambia to protect constitutionality because the lawful authority of the Gambia was in exile. But in line with the international principle of responsibility to protect, and to protect international peace and security as per the UN Charter, as well as the AU and ECOWAS charters on governance, democracy and elections against unconstitutional change of government through stealing elections, there was ground for international community to deploy foreign forces to protect the verdict of the people and ensure constitutionalism.

But what was required when normalcy was restored and the constitutional authority was in place, (in this case Pres. Adama Barrow and his Government), everything should be put in line with the Constitution. This means, henceforth if ECOMIG is to stay ever more in this country, Pres. Barrow should seek the expressed approval of the National Assembly to legalize and legitimize the presence of ECOMIG. This was never done.

Not only has Pres. Barrow failed to do what is constitutional, but the National Assembly has also decided to ride along with him. Therefore in 2020 Barrow went to ECOWAS to seek an extension of ECOMIG presence on Gambian soil until December 2021 without any approval from the parliament, who did not also object until today! It should be clear to all that the continued presence of ECOMIG on this land is utterly unconstitutional.

Do not listen to the disgusting narratives of the Government Spokesman Ebrima Sankareh and NPP surrogates who try to rationalise this unconstitutionality just to mislead and aid and abet wrongdoing by the President. The fact is, the Gambia does not need foreign troops under the current circumstances. If there is, let the President tell citizens why that is the case.

The claim that there are loyalists of the Tinpot Dictator in the army is true, but they do not pose any threat to the peace and stability of this country. If so, we would have seen armed response from those loyalists when 8 soldiers were arrested, detained, tried and convicted for nine years for planning to overthrow the Government in 2019. But none of that happened. This shows that even if there are Jammeh loyalists, they do not have capacity to change anything, with or without the presence of ECOMIG.

After all, Jammeh loyalists are in the State House. They are in the National Assembly. They are in the Judiciary. They are in public offices at both central and local levels. They are in the army, police, intelligence and in each and every security agency. In fact, Jammeh’s party APRC is still a legally registered political entity with supporters across the country. But do these people pose any threat? Let the President and his CDS and IGP and DG NIA tell us how Jammeh loyalists are a threat.

After all, if indeed Jammeh loyalists pose a threat it is because Pres. Barrow has given them the oxygen to become a threat. By his poor leadership and undermining transitional justice process and jumping into bed with Jammeh Enablers everywhere, Barrow has served Yaya Jammeh and APRC more than he has served the Gambia since he took office. By his actions, Barrow has actively empowered, encouraged, strengthened and resuscitated APRC and Jammeh loyalists from dying, naturally!

His failure to ensure effective and robust security sector and civil service reforms; his failure to support a draft constitution; his failure to support and defend victims; his failure to speak up against impunity and support accountability, means Barrow has become the number one lifeline for Yaya Jammeh, APRC and impunity in this country. Therefore, why should the Gambia need foreign forces here when Barrow is already in bed with Jammeh and his loyalists?

All Gambians must rise up to demand that ECOMIG forces leave our shores. We appreciate their mission to remove Jammeh which was beautifully accomplished in January 2017. Since then, they are no more here to serve the Gambia but Adama Barrow and by extension, that same Yaya Jammeh. Therefore, it is also in ECOWAS’ and ECOMIG’s best interest that they leave now because the presence of their troops is now becoming an unbearable liability to Gambian citizens. The frequent incidents of violence, abuse and general misconduct committed by their soldiers in various communities are reaching boiling point!

Above all, the presence of ECOMIG is the single most leading cause for the delay and the derailment of the necessary security sector reforms, hence the democratic transformation of this country. Because of this challenge, security agencies remain in abnormal circumstances while Barrow refuses to follow good governance principles, which pose a clear and direct threat to national security. Thus, the effect of ECOMIG presence is adversely huge, thereby highlighting the irresponsible nature of this President in failing to stand up to defend the best interest of the country.

The truth is, Pres. Barrow has no authority to bring and keep foreign forces in the Gambia all by himself, hence ECOMIG has no mandate to be in the Gambia.

For The Gambia Our Homeland

By Melville Robertson Roberts

We either practice Democracy as it is or discard it and practice our own system of governance patterned according to our belief and value system and what we understand as a people and country.

The Right to association is a fundamental constitutional right that is equally guaranteed under the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia. The APRC and the NPP as a political entity have absolute constitutional rights to align with whomever they wish both singularlyand collectively.

I believe that if there are any genuine objections, it would have been for the protest of critical and pivotal ministerial positions being given to individuals who served the former government of President Jammeh who was labeled a dictator and ran a dictatorship government. You cannot have an individual who served as Minister of state robustly defend the fight and struggle of the so called dictatorship and then have that same individual now selling the agenda of a seemingly new democracy in one breath. What has changed? Did this individual encounter Christ on his way to Damascus and is now a “born again”?

The fight against any association and the hatred for Jammeh and the APRC and any objections therein should have manifested itself in 2016 and early 2017 but if it was okay to work with an individual who sold Jammeh’s agenda and sought his interests passionately and even refer to him as your colleague minister and or your colleague in government how can you then now begin to frown against an alliance with a party militant who, maybe, only saw former President Jammeh in pictures but never met him in real life. What then is your value as a human being?

If Ebrima Sillah and Sankareh can work amicably with Tangara and Mamburay who they spent the latter part of their lives fighting against and even refer to each other as colleague Ministers and brothers who then now can authoritatively stand to frown upon an APRC- NPP alliance?

If former Vice President Tambajang and former Vice President Darboe can embrace Hon. Tangara who passionately sold Jammehs agenda to the outside world how can you detest the coming together of two individuals who only supported a cause but was not part of its governance structure.

The rank of a Foreign Minister bears greater responsibility in International Law than that of even the Vice presidency. If Dr. Tangara can sell Barrows interest to the world after selling and defending Jammeh’s interest to the world, who you once referred to as the worst dictator, and you accept this, then you choose now to frown upon an political alliance of APRC and NPP, you are sick in the head and need mental evaluation.

Every political party in The Gambia will welcome any defection of APRC militants to its fold unconditionally and with absolute joy and glee. What then is the difference when collectively an entire body of militants in the name of the APRC party decides to form an alliance with another party?

Political Parties must survive. The basis of every one of these institutions is to win an election and get a chance in taking the helm of governance. A lawyer who has never won a case in court cannot be deemed to be an erudite lawyer. A doctor who has never performed any medical work cannot be deemed to be an acclaimed physician. An architect whose drawings have not been tested cannot boldly say am the best. Thus, a politician that has never handled the mantle of leadership cannot beat his chest to say am the best irrespective of how long you have been in politics or have headed a political party.

The aim is to take control of the governance structure of the nation and thereby roll out your agenda and ideas of how to make it a more progressive and prosperous nation. This is the fundamental objective of every politician.

Therefore the reason why parties sell their manifestos and go on campaigns is not to win over its members and supporters; they are already part and parcel of the party. The aim therfore is to win political souls, be it APRC, UDP, NPP XYZ or WQQ. It does not matter. Millions are spent to win and attract souls who can then translate their support into votes to usher politicians into the corridors of powers and position of leadership of the country. You need the votes of APRC militants so don’t pretend as if you don’t because that will be false.

Stop calling APRC militants supporting their beliefs for former President Jammeh spineless and evil. You support your thieving father and mother who are stealing government funds to fund your lifestyle. You support your cousin who embezzled millions because he or she is family and family will stand by family. You support your son who married a white woman and swindle her off her life savings to take you to mecca and build you a house in Brusubi. You support and pray for your daughter who had no gainful employment but goes out every night and returns with chicken and chips. You support your son who traveled through the back way and within a year built mansions and sent luxury cars to Gambia. You call it ” suma dorm teki na”.

What moral yardstick do you have to call anyone who believes and supports President Jammeh evil? Live it yourself. It starts in your homes. It starts in your offices. It starts with you halting how you abusing your maids at home and treating them like slaves and even owing them their meager salaries.

Did Jammeh do it alone? As seen from the TRRC, if the records are anything to go by, that the murderers, rapists, thieves, idol worshippers and satanic worshipers were not President Jammeh alone. They were are mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters and neighbors. They were those we referred to as successful and productive sons of society.

Your energy is being misdirected and misplaced. If you wish not to see an NPP- APRC alliance, form your own alliances. Refuse to vote for the alliance if you may, but respect their constitutional right of association. That is the democray that you preach. That is what allows for the useless and senseless protests you embark on. The same democracy that gives you a right to talk a lot of trash, the same democracy that allows for you to hold up placards and even insult the President, is the same democracy that gives absolute right to any formation of whatever political alliance between APRC and NPP.

If you are not selfish, if you are not egocentric, if you are not hungry for power and position, form your own alliances. Give rings and exchange political vows, leave your father and mother and be joined in holy matrimony with whom you will and whom you wish for this is the democracy that you claimed to have fought for and sacrificed your life for. It does not matter if you are chosen to lead the alliance or not, if truly, yours is a sincere and honest fight to free the soul of Gambia from the clutches of hell, form your own and come together as a formidable force but one advise: respect the terms of your agreement and the basis of your alliance. It’s called INTEGRITY!

Live and allow others to live!

By Madi Jobarteh

The fence sitters and the cheerers of poor leadership and their anti-accountability desperados have started whining since September 5 trying to use democracy and human rights as a justification for this Evil Alliance of Betrayal. They claim the Gambia is a multiparty democracy and therefore political parties have a right to form alliances. They claim the right of freedom of association hence NPP and APRC have the right to associate. They even throw jabs at parties like UDP and others which have also shamelessly opened their arms to Enablers of the Tinpot Dictator. Pathetic.

Surely, this Evil Alliance of Betrayal has everything to do with democracy and human rights. But the honest and conscientious will not subvert or turn democracy upside down just to defend this alliance for impunity. The election of Adama Barrow as president has a definite background which cannot be changed, wiped out or ignored. That background is the fact that we had a dictatorship in this country led by Yaya Jammeh for 22 years, during which massive human rights violations were committed in all forms, while the wealth of the nation was plundered with impunity as he personalised the entire statecraft as his personal vehicle, and there has not been justice for that yet.

The machinery that served, promoted, defended and justified that autocracy was the APRC as a legally registered political party. That party was the one in charge of the Executive as the Tinpot Dictator won the presidency on their party ticket. APRC also was in charge of the Legislature as their NAMs all stood in the name of APRC and got elected. Hence APRC was the ruling government led by Yaya Jammeh, the party leader of APRC. Therefore, Yaya Jammeh and his autocracy are part and parcel of APRC and vice versa.

The Gambia is a democratic republic. In such a polity, power is accessed through elections where candidates come from political parties. When a party wins the presidential election, it is called the ruling party. When they form the majority in the National Assembly, they are called the majority side and provide the majority leader. Hence a political party is essentially a government, either in power or in opposition. Thus, the actions of a government cannot be separated from the ruling party from which the president and majority of NAMs come from.

The Gambia Constitution 1997 has provided enough checks and balances for the President to uphold the rule of law and be transparent and accountable in protecting human rights and managing public resources and delivering public services. This is why the President swears to an oath of office in which he proclaims to uphold and defend the Constitution. Failure to do so, is one of the grounds to impeach a President.

That same Constitution has given more than enough powers and tools to the National Assembly and its NAMs to check the President and his entire Executive institutions and officials to ensure that they abide by their oath of office, the rule of law and uphold and defend the Constitution. Therefore APRC NAMs, as the majority in the parliament from 1997 to January 2017 had enough powers to have stopped Yaya Jammeh and protect the Gambia if they wanted.

But they failed to do so because they loved what was going on. They were benefiting from the mayhem and misery meted out to Gambians by their party leader and his regime, and so they allowed it with all their strengthen and shameless souls. Hence for a President to have the ability to flout the Constitution, abuse rights, plunder public wealth and personalise state institutions, it must be with the acquiescence of the National Assembly. If that National Assembly is dominated by one party, in this case APRC, it is therefore obvious it was that party that allowed such abuse to prevail.

That failure to check and discipline the Executive for abuses means the NAMs have failed in their duties. But in this case, it was not only that the APRC NAMs merely failed in their duties. No. Rather they also actively strengthened, supported, defended and justified the atrocities and the pillage of that Tinpot Dictator. How many times have we seen the APRC NAMs support the creation or amendments of the Constitution or other laws just to undermine democracy and take power from the people and hand it over to Yaya Jammeh?
Didn’t the APRC NAMs pass the Indemnity Act in 2001 just to cover up the perpetrators of the April 2000 massacre of schoolchildren? Didn’t the APRC NAMs pass the unconstitutional state of emergency in January 2017 just to kill the verdict of the Gambia people in order to impose the Tinpot Dictator when they knew he had lost the December 2016 elections? Of all the cases of arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, rape, enforced disappearances, forced exiles and summary executions perpetrated under their watch, did the APRC NAMs or their party as a whole ever call for any inquiry and accountability? Never! Rather what we had witnessed is how the APRC party would organise massive solidarity marches and rallies to celebrate the Tinpot Dictator and all that he was doing!

What can be more unpatriotic and treasonous than these actions? Therefore, if one is indeed concerned about democracy and human rights, what one should call for is to bring the Tinpot Dictator and APRC as a legal entity to justice for their gross human rights violations and plunder. Otherwise, one is merely ranting because of selfishness and dishonesty.

APRC is a legally registered entity which had both legal and political obligation as a ruling party with majority in the National Assembly to defend the Constitution. They did not only fail to do that, but they also actively encouraged their party leader, the President to abuse rights, plunder public wealth, illegally seize private property, and ridicule the name of the Gambia all over the world, with impunity. Such a party should not be celebrated and embraced. Rather decent human beings who love their country and uphold the sanctity of human life and dignity would rather hold that party accountable. They will shun that party and its members and officers until there is justice and accountability.

It is so interesting and laughable to see how NPP and APRC members and surrogates and other people who are known to be abusers and fugitives from justice and accountability pontificating about democracy and human rights. What a shameless bunch!

For The Gambia Our Homeland

By Famara Fofana

Almost five years since Gambians saw the back of Yayha Jammeh, the initial optimism and euphoria that had swirled through the nation feels like a mirage today. For many Gambians, the election of President Adama Barrow did not only mark an end to tyranny and self-perpetuation , but also the beginning of a new dawn of freedom and economic prosperity. And as Gambians now prepare to decide whether the man who replaced Jammeh is worthy of another chance or not, here are few critical issues that had been dominating discourses in the public space and how they can

Vessel of change or a recycling bin? The former president’s men still rule supreme

The proverbial ‘old wine in a new bottle’ has become a recurring punchline for critics and even ordinary State House watchers. Yayha Jammeh might have left the Gambia all these years but some of the cobwebs that were symptomatic of his regime are still much visible within the Barrow government. For many Gambians, any post Jammeh-government serious about ushering a meaningful change would have started off on a clean slate with a view to remedying the malaise that for over two decades permeated the very soul of their country. But in one of those moves critics point to a lack of commitment to serious reforms, Barrow as did his predecessor, summoned the services of one Mambury Njie to take charge of the Gambia’s purse strings; this after letting go of Amadou Sanneh. The sacking of Sanneh, a man reputed for his fidelity to financial discipline and expertise, as interpreted by some observers, was down to the cost-saving measures, particularly the vehicle policy he had introduced. This is said to have rankled with the petit bourgeois Gambian civil servant who would rather go hungry than having his fuel coupon frozen.

It is not as if Mambury Njie, who, as evidenced by the Janneh commission, colluded with Yahya in making away taxpayer money, is the only high-profile figure sipping tea at State House. In the mix are a prominent few. Home Affairs Minister Yankuba Sonko, Defence Minister Sheikh Omar Faye, Foreign Affairs Minister Dr. Mamadou Tangara and Chief of Protocol Alagie Ceesay are all Jammeh-era personnel helming strategic posts under Barrow, with some of them having integrity questions hovering over their head. While it can be argued that all the afore-mentioned men are Gambians who are entitled to serve their country regardless of which government is in power, it can be strongly countered that there are a multitude of other Gambians out there that are equally deserving of those roles in deed, character, knowledge and experience under an administration that came in to right the wrongs of the past. Maybe, just maybe, the Gambian story was the one the French writer Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr had in mind when he coined the phrase “plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose, translating “the more things change, the more they remain the same.”

Draft constitution aborted; dreams torpedoed

In 2017, the National Assembly of The Gambia established the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) to facilitate the drafting of a new constitution. Disappointingly, after about two years of hard work, any hope of a new constitution that was to usher in the third republic suffered a premature death on the very floors of the same National Assembly. In hindsight, it was a national project that overwhelmingly involved the Gambian people as the CRC toured every region of the country to solicit the inputs of the citizenry. Community-level meetings and a series of engagements were held with the various civic and political actors as well as interest groups including faith-based organizations.
The exercise, albeit expensive, was inclusive. Unfortunately, when it was time for it to be midwifed by lawmakers, the bill hit a stone wall as it fell short of the required votes to pass. The major sticking point centered around what Barrow backers viewed as a discriminatory retroactive provision given that his soon-to-expire first five-year term would have counted as part and parcel of the two-term limit embedded in the draft. The rather dispirited stance of the executive on the Constitution Promulgation Bill at the time of its tabling also threw a spanner in the work of the CRC. Debates on the bill became the subject of a tetchy political bickering with one pro-Barrow lawmaker going as far as describing it as bogus among other unsavory adjectives. Meanwhile, at the corridors of power, the President himself wouldn’t be drawn into the issue – not even a word to his people – about a make-or-break moment that may define his legacy. Alas! months after, mediation efforts championed by former Nigerian President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan to resuscitate what was a comatose draft couldn’t yield any tangible outcome. As it stands, the draft constitution is temporarily dead in the water. A vanity project, at least for now.
Heightened internal safety and security concerns

To hear the average Gambian say “even under Jammeh these things weren’t happening” is both a mark of desperation and an increasingly diminishing confidence on the part of the populace in the government. Who would have thought that after all the Jammeh-linked killings and disappearances unearthed by the TRRC, a remark as salacious as such would be made by any? Well, in the face of a surge in banditry, frequent killings (discovery of dead bodies) even beyond urban Gambia, disturbing images of stabbings and rape across the metropolis, anyone can be forgiven for making utterances of that nature. Apparently, the wheels have come off the wagon in the most unexpected ways.

It is paradoxical that a government that came on the back of reforms, particularly in the security sector, is seemingly failing to provide a safe haven for its people. Despite the fact that under Barrow, political opponents aren’t knowingly going to bed with one eye open as it has been the case before him, the widespread occurrence of violent crimes will hardly pay him any political dividend. Meanwhile, in the grand scheme of things, a climate of fear where citizens risk being attacked or robbed in the full glare of the public will not dent the image of the country as a crime zone, but it is one thing that stands to erode investor confidence. A recent Old Jeshwang robbery incident where some 16 million dalasi was reportedly stolen from a private residence sounds like a well choreographed scene from a blockbuster crime movie. To the credit of the Gambia Police Force, the launch and moving into motion of the Operation Zero Crime has been yielding results as they take the offensive to thugs. However, combating the current spate of crime will require more than short-gap measures like time-bound codename operations. The underlying issues festering crime need addressing. As they say “kill the host, kill the virus”.

On the back of a mega seizure of about three tonnes of cocaine reportedly commanding a street value of $87 million at the Banjul seaport, there were genuine fears amongst Gambians that the country might not only be used as a transit point for the narco trade but could open the floodgates of organized crime in a country where a rise domestic crime is getting to worry the people. As has been the case with many other matters of public interest, investigations into that shipment from Ecuador and allegedly bound for Europe remain shrouded in mystery.

The hydra-headed monster that is corruption

If social media talk, word on the streets or even unascertained charges from other activists and politicians are anything to lean on, the appetitive desire for corruption under the Barrow administration is one that borders on recklessness on the part of the administration. Just as there is very little if any substantial evidence to support the claims that some ministers and or/ Barrow handlers are busy siphoning money to build houses that are way below their pay grade, there also appears to be nothing forthcoming from the government to either rebuff or substantiate the accusations. For a government that is wedded to media dispatches, it beggars belief that pressers or releases have not been made to react to claims of corruption making the rounds in the Gambia almost every other week.

Incredibly, even when the Health Minister himself showed macro-boldness by raising the alarm about the pandemic-triggered, epidemic nature of corruption in his own ministry before parliament, no publicly known official probe has been launched into the cries he made on the altar of the people’s house. And even where there was one, the public still remains in the dark thereof. Now, that also seems dead like a dodo. And while the authorities made several attempts to clear the mysterious circumstances surrounding the over 30 million dalasi equivalent ‘mistakenly’ wired into the coffers of the First Lady’s Foundation in 2017 allegedly by a Hong Kong private bank, their explanations tend to leave a curious public with more questions than answers.

Clearly, Gambians aren’t always up to speed with certain burning matters of huge national significance. These include findings of the Malagen investigation linking ‘suspended’ Fisheries Permanent Secretary Dr. Bamba Banja to an alleged bribery scandal as well as the fire incident at the Ministry of Fisheries, Water Resources and National Assembly Matters where some confidential files were said to have been burnt. As December 4 inches ever closer, the government’s handling of public contracts and procurement deals still sends ripples across town, with some intimating that whilst it was state capture by one man alone (Jammeh during his time), it is the case of everyone taking their cut in a now or never fashion. The government’s very reactionary mode of communication which heavily relies on high sounding, knee-jerk press releases is equally doing little in the area of accountability and transparency given that media dispatches either from the presidency or the office of the government spokesperson tend to come in the aftermath of public outcries over issues.

Tellingly, on the backdrop of the echo chamber of moanings and groanings over corruption in Banjul, what is most incomprehensible is the fact that almost half a decade – marking the expiry of a first term in office – the Barrow government couldn’t establish an anti-corruption outfit despite having in place other vital institutions like the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), TRRC, etc. If anything, an anti-corruption bureau will be indicative of the leadership’s preparedness to tackle head-on allegations of corrupt practices in the public sector and perhaps also provide answers to an information-starved public if and when talks of corruption arise.

Adding credence to charges of corruption in the country are recent findings released by the Afrobarometer, a pan-African, Independent, non-partisan research network. As reported in The Standard Newspaper, “a staggering 71 per cent of Gambians do not believe President Barrow is doing a ‘good job’ in fighting corruption in the country.” What further leaves a bad taste in the mouth is that “six in ten Gambians” as per the same survey findings , “say the overall level of corruption in the country increased ‘somewhat’ or ‘a lot’ during the past year, almost doubling the proportion recorded in 2018 (32 percent).” This menace could be Barrow’s own Frankestein monster.

Lingering doubts over the execution of truth commission recommendations

“Precedents are dangerous things; let the reins of government then be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended: If defective let it be amended, but not suffered to be trample upon whilst it has an existence.”
America’s first President George Washington said so, and speaking of being trampled upon, the experience with the Janneh Commission findings is that the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) could suffer the same fate. Having seen what became of the government’s handling of the final report from that hugely expensive process where some highly indicted individuals got a free ride as others were barred from re-entering public service, it is only understandable that any hope in TRRC outcomes may not be as high as the infant days of its establishment. The grumbles by sections of the public as to whether the government will prosecute those adversely mentioned or those that have committed heinous crimes are still rife. But the fact that the Lead Counsel Essa Faal qualified Jammeh-era atrocities mainly the killings of some two hundred people as crimes against humanity -which Karim Ahmad Khan, the new ICC chief prosecutor endorsed in a tweet – will naturally make any behind- the-curtain political machinations harder to smother the wheels of justice in that regard . Besides, crimes against humanity, we are told, cannot go unpunished.

Added to the worries of some people is that since his occupancy of no1. Marina Parade, President Adama Barrow or the presidency itself has hardly shown any assurances that victims of rights abuses will get the justice they deserve. Bizarrely too, in all these close to five years of his presidency, Mr Barrow seemed to have lashed at his opposition leaders more than the man whose refusal to cede power saw him airlifted to Senegal, where he would eventually take the sacred oaths of his office. Aside from his frequent comparing of the total number of kilometers of road works executed under the Jammeh and Jawara administrations, one memorable mentioning of Yahya Jammeh by Barrow was his infamous ‘N’na systemo balanta’ – a Mandinka referencing of how he felt an anomaly in his system on the day he shook hands with his predecessor at one gathering. Also, Barrow’s refusal to publicly condemn the deeds of Yahya Jammeh in recent times and ongoing overtures between his National People’s Party (NPP) and the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) could somehow bolster his political base within the ranks of the Green party but might potentially lose him significant political support amongst neutrals and persons who are still scarred by the APRC stewardship. But if the most recent developments are anything to go by, that now signed and sealed alliance itself could be a potential power keg for Barrow as divisions mount within the former ruling party faithful who have been vehemently vocal against any such marriage of convenience. Critics from within the APRC itself have been crying foul over the arrangements, with some branding the long-drawn political covenant as a well calculated move designed to replenish the pockets of the Tombong Jatta led executive at the expense of their party. More alarmingly though are widespread concerns that the just announced APRC-NPP Memorandum of Understanding would once and for all jeopardize the quest to bring Jammeh to book – at least under a Barrow presidency – thereby deny thousands of people the justice they yearn for. How the deal pans out in the end will definitely be answered by the passage of time.

Economic hardship (Hike in food prices, youth unemployment)

Rising food prices may be nothing new in the Gambia but in the past few months or better part of the year, the problem, based on the moanings of the poor – a reflection of the reality on the ground- is appearing to be having a chilling effect on every Gambian. It is commonplace to hear people say that “I would rather not complain about anything else as long as the price of a bag of rice is reduced”. Curiously, the cost of basic consumables in our country hardly goes down the moment they increase, regardless of what economic factors are at play. The over dependence on imported rice, the nation’s staple, continues to spell economic worries for a lot of households in a society where extended families are the most prevalent. Despite being blessed with large swathes of arable land and fresh water, both the Jammeh and Barrow administrations seem to have run out of ideas when it came to industrializing rice cultivation in the Gambia. The rice production hotbed of Jahally-Pacharr – once the success story of our agricultural sector – appears to be in a moribund state.

Notwithstanding this, there still exists massive potential for the Gambia government to invest in large scale nationalized rice schemes that cater for the consumption needs of the populace at a reasonable rate. In fact, as of 2015, figures from the national agricultural sample survey pegged the total production output/volume of paddy rice in the country at 53,309 metric tons. Also, it would also appear that the Barrow government missed an opportunity by not utilizing the large arable rice field ex-President Jammeh had been putting under cultivation in Pacharr, Central River Region. As it were the case, threshing, bagging and selling of produce from the massive field were all possible and could have been leveraged upon by the new dispensation with a touch of innovation that could compete against imported rice in the country. Additionally, the large volumes of onion that are locally produced by rural women continue to face their fair share of challenges. Chief among these is the lack of a readily available market which often compels the helpless growers to sell their produce at give-away prices to (bana-banas) middlemen. Import substitution which could have helped the cause of women during the peak of the harvest season for whatever reason hasn’t been fully explored by the government.

Of all the economic issues bedeviling Gambia, unemployment accounts for a major source of frustration for the country’s youthful population. According to the Gambia Labor Force Survey of 2018 conducted by Gambia Bureau of Statistics (GBoS), there were 377, 326 youth actively participating in the labor force, of which 54.4 percent were male and 45.6 percent female. Youth unemployment rate, as per the same study by GBoS was at 41. 5 percent as of 2018. The proportion of youth unemployment-to-population ratio in urban Gambia was 54.7 percent while the rural areas constituted 45. 3 percent based on the figures revealed by the Gambia Labor Force Analytical Report 2018.

On the face of it, the government can single out the European Union funded Youth Enterprise Project (YEP) as a success story in creating economic opportunities for Gambia’s youth as a way of stemming the tide of irregular migration. Between 2017 and 2020, YEP reveals that it has created some 2661 jobs and projects the number of young people it trained on technical/vocational training or apprenticeship at 2789. Similarly, young people that benefited from entrepreneurship and business development services, according to the data released by the project, stand at 3698 whilst access to finance(grants) make up 41 percent for women and 59 percent for men within the same period. Despite these efforts in the informal economic sector, there still are gaping holes that need filling, especially if one considers the thousands of students that graduate from the University of The Gambia, Gambia College and other higher institutions of learning every year.

Alarmingly, the not-so-hopeful state of our youth always manifests itself in flashpoint situations where they tend to get turbocharged and fall for mob justice. Faraba: a few years ago and most recently Sanyang are cases in point. For context purposes, it will be imperative to note that the Covid-19 pandemic as well has had a domino effect even on the biggest economies in the world, and in the case of the Gambia, the tourism sector which is a significant employer of our youth took a nosedive for the worst as it also impacted on remittances that are the lifeblood of hundreds of families/households in the country. In fairness, no one expects a post-Jammeh Gambia to be any cloud cuckoo land, but in all honesty also, there is nothing much to write home about as far as poverty alleviation is concerned.

Wanton environmental destruction

In a country where plastic bags were deemed environmentally destructive, carcinogenic and therefore eventually banned, what no one did see coming was that in a span of a few years, some of the Gambia’s most beautiful beaches would turn into a wasteland. Parts of the country’s most alluring coastal belt, which for decades was prime touristic attraction, are now in the sorry state of an eye-sore. Gunjur, Sanyang, Tanji – all in Kombo South- are some of the communities bearing the brunt of industrial fishing plants polluting their waters, marine resources and immediate surroundings. Despite rallying calls by pro-environmental groups, individual activists and community members who are at the mercy of the chemical emissions from these Chinese-owned plants, the deafening silence and inaction from the government raises head-scratching suspicions for anyone who cares. Whatever the arguments and counter arguments, the government owes the people in that part of the country a duty of care. Lives and livelihoods cannot be traded for anything!

A health sector in need of surgical operation

As per the 2019-2020 Health and Demographic Survey, 84 percent of births in the Gambia are assisted by a skilled medical professional with assistance at delivery by a skilled provider far higher in urban (88%) than (75%) in rural Gambia. Regardless of these figures, incidents of maternal deaths at health facilities in recent times have been sending ripples across the country. Out of concerns for what trended online as a dizzying problem, women from different walks of life in late 2020 staged a peaceful march under the catchphrase Gambian Women’s Lives Matter. It was a headlined event meant to spotlight not just the alarming deaths of young women at healthcare centers, but the not-so-impressive state of affairs of the country’s health infrastructure itself, where patients are often compelled to acquire drugs from private pharmacies or better still part away a king’s ransom if one decides to opt for private clinics. Further choking the populace’s confidence in the health sector were the recent revelations by a certain female nurse that even gloves had to be used multiple times in patient care as she detailed among other things the prevalence of special treatments to supposed VIPs and those in their circles at the Edward Francis Small Teaching Hospital (EFSTH) – the country’s number one referral center.

The reforms agenda

Whatever has happened to some of the major promises that the coalition government rode on as they first assumed the reins. For starters, calls for electoral reforms which jolted the late Solo Sandeng and others into action and which played a major role in the ouster of Jammeh never came to fruition almost five years on. On the contrary, the changing of the age limit for the vice presidency was one of the first acts engineered by the government with Hon.Fatoumatta Tambang as the beneficiary of that early move. And since then, most of what happens in the reforms zone tends to be more piecemeal than wholesome.
The Gambia’s civil service and state-owned enterprises in the Jammeh-era were largely at the beck and call of the ex-president. He could fire and hire willy-nilly. Key government parastatals would do as he asked without batting an eyelid. To think that our state institutions will to this day dance to the whims and caprices of the presidency post-Jammeh is something few would have predicted when the coalition government took over the reins. Under President Barrow, the sackings and/or deployments of key government mandarins to totally new professional ecosystems have become a familiar pattern.

In today’s Gambia, civil or public servants may not be going through the nagging fear of being picked up and intimidated by state agents as it were the case but the all too familiar expectation of showing loyalty to the President is still much alive. That loyalty question is in fact a serious issue that compromises professional independence and integrity. Apparently, the nuances in state-government dichotomy aren’t very much grasped by our people, more so heads of key government agencies who see their appointments or elevations to top jobs as some kind of favor/debt that must be repaid to the appointing authority in the form of political heavy lifting – the President in most cases.

Of course, there were rare cases when a few notable persons who got axed without any plausible justifications turned down offers of redeployment to completely new surroundings. Muhammed Manjang, a former Managing Director of the Social Security and Housing Finance Corporation (SSHFC) and Bakary Jammeh, the man heading the Central Bank of The Gambia (CBG) are too big guns whose dismissals left jaws on the floor and who declined new offers they argued had no bearing on their professional background/expertise. Mr. Jammeh’s case sparked even a bigger stir after describing his removal by the President as illegal. Not even the public outcry and bullish determination by the top economist to seek legal redress could make Barrow change course. Overall, there are genuine concerns that much has not been achieved in the area of institutional reforms, not least the security services which as argued by some are mortgaged to Senegal due to the notable presence of Dakar’s forces in Banjul.

From ‘Barrow is our Barrow’ to a rumble in the jungle

The polarized nature of Gambian politics today cannot be discussed without foraying into the fallout between Adama Barrow and his former party leader Ousainou Darboe, whom the former name-dropped to good effect as he sought the mandate of the Gambian people under the now decimated coalition banner. Until the sacking of UDP leader Mr. Darboe as Vice President, it was no secret that Mr. Barrow was largely provided a shield of protection against criticism by most of those that now are putting him in the doghouse these days, mainly UDP supporters who once shared with him the same political home. Matter of fact, up until that fateful Friday when Mr. Darboe was relieved of his duties, talks of simmering tension between Head of State and his number two had been rife even whereas the duo and their handlers attempted to rubbish those talks. From the moment things came full circle leading to the sackings of other UDP heavyweights from within the government, relations between Barrow and his erstwhile party turned sour . And with Barrow reneging on his three-year campaign promise sold to Gambians, he rubbed more salt into the wounds he created in the UDP camp and also angered other neutrals along the way.
Seemingly emboldened by the power of incumbency and basking in ‘folkloric lionization’ of himself , the leader of the coalition went about throwing barbs and along the way, making decisions that jarred with the hopes of a ‘New Gambia’. Against this backdrop, rumors of a new political party began to swell, and as time also proved with rumors the President’s National People’s Party (NPP) was born. Months after its registration, NPP would replace APRC as UDP’s biggest rival. Like some power game that showed no sign of abating, a handful of renegade UDP lawmakers that were openly cozying up to Barrow including Talinding’s Fatoumatta Jawara got their marching orders from the party. Then came Sherrifo Sonko, who got the chairmanship of Brikama Area Council under the UDP ticket only for him also to jump into the NPP bandwagon to the chagrin of his parent party. Efforts by the UDP who got him sacked for ‘non-compliance with rules’ to have him lose his seat at arguably the country’s biggest local government didn’t materialize after the Supreme Court ruled in his favor. For most of 2020 to date, it was like a political version of the football transfer window during which rival teams prey upon each other’s star players. As it stands, most of the incomings and outgoings revolve around UDP and NPP, two parties that are determined to land the other a knockout punch in an already crowded field.

Famara Fofana is a freelance journalist and public affairs analyst. He is based in Turkey, where he is pursuing a master’s degree in Media and Communications Studies at the Graduate School of Social Sciences, Ankara University.

In the course of my interactions with some non-UDP supporters, a disturbing pattern has emerged which could potentially be a decisive factor in December elections that may ultimately upend the party’s chances to form the next government in our country.

There are certain people out there who feel strongly that a Lawyer Darboe -led UDP government will have no place for them, that it will be tribally or ethnically skewed and its pursuit and administration of justice and accountability will be about retribution and vengeance and not necessarily about deterrence. I have been examining this mushrooming political fear in relation to UDP’s records, policies and structure as a political party and as well professional and personal testimonials of the party’s fagbearer but can’t find any plausible, persuasive and concrete evidence that supports such toxic apprehension.

This delusional political handiwork and dangerous foundation to brand UDP as a tribal grouping – specifically as a Mandinka Party – was conceived, midwifed and christened by Yahya Jammeh in his desperate, despicable and divisive ploy to pit Gambians against each other. It was a disgusting playbook he’d found both usable and useful to consolidate his power very early on and went on to benefit parts of it throughout his presidency. I was under the impression that Jammeh’s downfall in December 2016 was a culmination of our collective total rejection and absolute repudiation of his divisiveness, enslavement, murder and demagoguery. Realizing that some folks are still beholden to this notion – more than four (4) years after the chief architect has gone – underscores the sustained depravity of Jammeh’s legacy and the lasting psychological effect it has in our country. It is even more alarming that these people are ready to vote for Barrow in spite of their own admission of the President’s litany of failures, incompetence and inadequacies than contending with a UDP government is a damning indictment on the future of our country.

As a Lawyer in private practice in 80s and 90s, Ousainou Darboe was reputed for and dedicated his career in defense of the the marginalized, the poor and the vulnerable members of our society. These people come from every background in our diverse society. He did not choose who to defend or fought for based on their ethnicity or their region. As a politician, he took the painful stand and confronted one of the most oppressive and repressive regimes of our generation. He did so not because he had any particular problem with Yahya Jammeh’s tribe or region but like fellow politicians of his time, he was irked by Jammeh’s wanton disrespect for Gambians of all walks of life, his poor governance and his bloody crackdown on his own people. He decided that if he could defend Gambians in Courts and value their dignity as a lawyer and succeeded, he could champion their course and protect their rights better as their president..

Darboe has also built a very progressive and diverse family for himself by marrying dignified women outside of his ethnicity and embracing their culture. In his family, we see a common Gambian story – a respect for and appreciation of our strong multicultural bonds.

In Leading one of the largest political establishments in our country, Darboe’s stewardship witnesses and boasts of a rapidly growing movement with support base, structures and presence in communities, villages and towns across the country. The party’s core values, principles and clarion calls appeal to people’s unalienable rights to self worth, dignity, justice, freedom and prosperity – something every tribe and every individual in every part of our country is entitled to. UDP’s policies on justice and accountability is in line with our country’s best interests. If there is any important lessons from dictatorship is the fact that impunity engenders decadence, bitterness and violence and destroys nations and for our country to move forward and attain its development metrics in all key spheres, issues of the past must be adequately addressed through fair and proportionate dispensation of justice and accountability. Those running away from facing accountability and attempting to hoodwink people into some untenable reconciliation arrangement have either something to hide or are in support of murder and pillaging that marred our country for over two decades..

Thus, I have reached a sobering conclusion that those who are opposed to Darboe’s Presidency – not because of policy disagreements or a dislike for him as a person/politician but based on the fallacious notion that a UDP government would promote a Mandinka tribe at the expense of the rest of our fellow citizens – are in fact showcasing their own dangerous tribal prejudice and consuming insecurities. These emerging prejudices, naked paranoia and baseless insecurities pose a real and imminent threat to our nascent democracy and prosperity of our country. Re-electing President Barrow on that pretext accomplishes nothing for our country other than further erosion of our national pride, sheer madness in our public institutions and widening polarization in our society.

It is my candid view/assessment that Gambia is at a crossroad and its rescue should be above and beyond petty sentiments, hollow fear-mongering and narrow-minded tribal prejudice of any kind. We owe it to Gambia, to our generation, to our children and their children. To achieve this and to correct the mistakes of the past, Let’s make President Barrow a One Term President!

How logical is Alagie Sanyang, Rambo Jatta’s accuser of bribery to tell the police that after the APRC 1st Deputy party leader paid him the D30,000.00 bribery money Rambo immediately seized his phone and deleted all his numbers used to call him before their meeting at Lamin? Really Alagie? How stupid does he think his police interrogators were?

But as important and rather arrogant as the behavior of Rambo was I think that part of his story should have featured clearly in his first video and not to wait until the Police cornered him with producing the evidence of his phone records. Hey, was the unorthodox behavior of Rambo not in contradiction with his boastful remarks that he had before their nightly meeting at a gas station in Lamin adequately prepared himself for any kind of confrontation with “Rambo, the so-called Jatto Jatta” as he put it? That he was never scared of Rambo in anyway and form. Wasn’t he instead a classic weakling to allow Rambo to confiscation his phone and delete all incriminating numbers?

I am sure that unsophisticated Alagie doesn’t know that once a call is placed from one phone to another the evidence is instantly recorded and printable by the server. No amount of “fitti-fitti or fatta fatta”-stealing Essa Faal’s warnings to witnesses at the TRRC-will make those phone records and the times they were placed disappear in thin air. In my view it is fair to conclude that the whole thing was a cheap conspiracy against Rambo and the APRC executive funded by bunch of low IQ folks and a very dumb one for that matter.

Samsudeen Sarr.
Banjul, The Gambia.

By Cherno Baba Jallow

As Adama Barrow began his presidency almost five years ago, one wondered what kind of a leader would he turn out to be. His lack of experience was already baked in the national consciousness. It was a given that he was always going to struggle to find a foothold in the complex world of governance.

But on a broader canvass, Barrow’s presidency, as is the wont with any incoming leader, was going to be put on a comparative test: How he measured up against his two predecessors —- Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara and Yahya Jammeh. The two predecessors turned out to be markedly different in their governing styles and in their approaches to constituent matters.

Jawara was a democrat, a paragon of soft power, a consensus moulder. He was a first-rate politician with first-rate oratorical skills. He ruled, not with an iron-first, but with a conciliatory tone, a tone moored in tolerance for dissent, in multiparty politics, in the rule of law, and all in a country which was enjoying, except for a few snags in its political life, sustained boom times of peace and tranquility.

But Jawara wasn’t spotless. With him, and particularly in the dying days of his presidency, you got the impression that the man was short on impetus, the ability to make things happen or happen quickly. Essential things weren’t done or done at a glacial speed. He failed to bring university education, a national TV. He failed to modernize the country with roads, bridges and other infrastructural necessities. He failed to go big on the national question. That Singapore Dream of his turned out to be just that: a mere dream with neither the ideas nor the energy to implement it.

Mired in inertia, and a presidency reduced to vanishing lengths, Jawara’s last days helped usher in his successor Yahya Jammeh, a man with an oceanic plenitude of energy and courage and determination, a welcome departure from the laggard ways of yore.

Unlike Jawara, Jammeh was a ruthless dictator who didn’t believe in democracy. He crushed dissent. He sent his opponents to the slammer. Or worse. He orchestrated chaos and induced permanent fear in the hearts of the citizenry.

But where Jammeh impressed, and performed better than Jawara, was in the arena of presidential ardor, the drive and motivation for the consequential, the steady resolve to break things up and start all over again. With Jammeh you got the full portraiture: a leader convinced of his smarts, bold in his decision-making and colossal in his ambitions to transform the country even as he consolidated his grip on power.

With their former presidents ——Jawara and Jammeh —— Gambians weren’t in any doubt about what each one of them epitomized: one was a democrat, a believer in a free civil society, but limited in drive and inventiveness. The other was a tyrant who killed his people but nonetheless had lots of push in him to reshape his country.

If only we could have a leader who combined the best of what both Jawara and Jammeh possessed: a democrat with the vigor and the courage and the audacity to bring genuine changes to our politics and governance.

The Gambia needs such a leader. President Adama Barrow has had the chance to be such a leader. He has the temperament of a democrat, in the cast of Jawara, but he still lacks the adrenaline and the pluckiness of Jammeh. We can’t afford to have one without the other.

Coming out of a long-term dictatorship as we did, The Gambia needed a leader with a tolerant disposition to work in synch with and not get in the way of, our revived democracy. We’ve gotten that in Barrow. But we also needed a leader who wasn’t afraid to blow everything up and rebuild from the ground up, who would publicly rebuke the inefficiencies of government, demand excellence from and punish the malfeasance of, public officials. We’ve not gotten that from Barrow. Yet.

The Gambia has had three leaders in its 56 years of nationhood. The ideal one is still yet to come.

About the author: Cherno Baba Jallow, a native of Basse, lives in New York City. You can personally write to him at: [email protected]

By Basidia M Drammeh

For months, rumours have been swirling around that the TRRC Lead Counsel, Essa Faal, will join the political fray, but the internationally acclaimed lawyer kept mute about it. In an appearance on Fatu Network’s For The People By The People Show, he was questioned whether he would contest the presidential election; Mr. Faal cunningly dodged the question retorting that only a lawyer would ask a Yes or No question.

Well, on Friday, Mr. Faal decided, in a fanfare, to break his long silence declaring his long-awaited decision to throw his hat into the ring.

Counsel Faal, now a presidential aspirant, has split public opinion in the Gambia since reports have emerged that he was eyeing the highest office, with some critics labelling him as an elitist and an opportunist who took advantage of his fame at TRRC to seek the presidency, even though the TRRC has not yet submitted its final report. On the other hand, his avid supporters hold a different opinion, insisting that Mr. Faal is the right person to take the country out of its woes and predicaments through his vast experience and undiluted love for the country. His defenders refer to his track record as an accomplished civil servant and an acclaimed international lawyer involved in high-profile prosecutions at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Addressing the criticism levelled him that he took advantage of his public popularity stemming from his rigorous and robust line of questioning his witnesses before TRRC, Faal brushed aside the notion but was quick to add that he is the right person to seek justice for the victims, bring Jammeh to book and fully implement the recommendations to be made by TRRC.

Meanwhile, Mr. Faal confidently touted his credentials which make him stand out from an already crowded political arena, stating that he is a person who registers success in everything he does. He went as far as unreservedly saying: “I am the best to lead the country.”

In a marathon speech, Mr. Faal, a lawyer cum politician, spoke about plans to revitalize the economy, reform the education and health sectors. He emotionally recalled how his father died of a possibly avoidable illness due to a lack of proper health infrastructure. The newest politician in town also vowed to create employment opportunities and fight rampant corruption. Mr. Faal was also keen to highlight the role of the Gambian diaspora describing the constituency as an essential segment of society that sustains many families.

Though he is yet to launch is a political manifesto, Mr. Faal told his keenly attentive audience that his foremost priority would be to unite a deeply polarized country.

The elections are three months away, so it remains to be seen how Mr. Faal will fare in an uncharted territory though he sounded very confident that the people will be surprised come December 4.

For the moment, it’s hard to predict how the political landscape will ultimately shape up with about 20 political parties and a handful of independent candidates, all eyeing the 1 Marine Parade.