The Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad, Dr. Mamadou Tangara, on August 9th, 2018 received the new World Food Programme (WFP) Representative and Country Director to The Gambia, Ms. Wanja Kaaria Ndoho, who came to present her Letters of Credence.

Receiving the Letters, Foreign Minister Tangara underscored the commitment of The Gambia Government to the relations with WFP, assuring the new Country Director of Government’s continuous readiness to support the good work of WFP in The Gambia. Mrs. Ndoho was accompanied to the Foreign Ministry by WFP’s Programme Policy Officer, Mrs. Anta Kah Janneh.   

Meanwhile, the Honourable Minister also on the same day, received the  Spanish Deputy Director General for Sub-Saharan Africa, Mr. Alberto Cerezo, who spoke about Spain’s determination to support The Gambia in its democratisation process. He expressed delight at the fraternal ties of cooperation between The Gambia and Spain and expressed hope that the two countries  would continue to explore new, robust ways of strengthening this good cooperation involving the two countries. 

Other issues discussed include migration, in particular the fight that must intensify against criminal networks involved in the trafficking of humans, cooperation in the security. The top Spanish Diplomat also presented his country’s candidature as a Non-Permanent Member of the Security Council of the United Nations for the period 2031 -2032. 

Next to be received by Honourable Dr. Tangara was the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to The Gambia, His Excellency Zhang Jiming. The two sides primarily discussed preparations for The Gambia’s participation in the China – Africa Beijing Summit scheduled to take place on 3rd and 4th September 2018. The high convergence is expected to be attended by His Excellency, President Adama Barrow. 

Issued by: Communication Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad

The Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad, Dr. Mamadou Tangara, recently met the Moroccan Foreign Affairs Minister, His Excellency Nasser Bourita, in his office in Rabbat.

Dr. Tangara was in Rabbat as a Special Envoy of His Excellency President Adama Barrow. Following delivery of Special Message of His Excellency President Barrow to Foreign Minister Bourita, Dr. Tangara described relations between the Republic of The Gambia and the Kingdom of Morocco as positive in all fields, with the potential to further strengthen cooperation in certain areas of interest to both countries.

The parties disclosed their interest to collaborate further in a bid to enhance the capacity of staff at The Gambia’s Foreign Ministry. They also discussed the need to significantly increase scholarship package The Gambia receives annually and revitalise financing of the construction project of the new Foreign Affairs complex among other areas. 

Several high-ranking Moroccan officials graced the meeting, among them were the Director of African Affairs and the Director of Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation. 

Issued by: Communication Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad

Last week, the Executive Secretary of the Truth, Reconciliation and Repatriation Commission (TRRC), Dr Baba Galleh Jallow announced the appointment of Mr Alagie Barrow as the Director of Investigation and Research. This appointment sparked a lot of controversy in the country (especially on Social Media) as some folks are of the opinion that because Alagie Barrow was among those who sought to overthrow the government of Yahya Jammeh on December 30^th, he is not fit to serve in this position. For them, there will be a conflict of interest in the proceedings of the Commission if he serves in that position.

I want to start by saying that the position of Mr Alagie Barrow as Director of Research and Investigation is administrative and not as a commissioner. We must understand the difference first. The Commission has two components; the Secretariat (which includes the secretary and all those who will be working under him) and the Commissioners (these will be drawn from the general public, applications to which was announced a month or two ago following certain procedures).

Thus, appointing Alagie Barrow who is seen by some as a victim and thus can’t possibly be impartial is unfounded because he is not a member of the commission who are the ones who will do the sittings and hearing of testimonies from victims. His work is to research and investigate the claims and reports brought to the Secretariat and therefore he is perfectly positioned to do that if he has the qualifications. We are already told that Alagie Barrow holds a master’s degree in Criminal Law and served in the United States Army until he attained the rank of Captain.

On his involvement in the December 30th attempt to overthrow the government of Yahya Jammeh, I just want to remind folks that the protection and defense of the Constitution of the Republic of the Gambia is a duty of each and every Gambian whether one is a government official or not. Thus, if Gambians see that the very Constitution that governs the country is being violated by the very person sworn to protect and defend it with impunity, they reserve the right to get up and defend the constitution which is what the folks of December 30^thdid

From this angle therefore, Alagie Barrow and those who were with him in that crusade are heroes, defenders of the Constitution and the sovereignty of the Gambia. They sought to stop a regime that was bent on wiping out anyone who differed with them in opinion. Since that regime had made it impossible to change it by legitimate means, the only thing left for Gambians was to overthrow it with force just like they were using force to shoot whoever wished to oppose them.

A bad law is no law at all. Pacifism is good; but, not always ideal. Let us look at South Africa, one of the countries that has known evil regimes for decades. Many people seem to think that Nelson Mandela was a pacifist, but he was not. Mandela saw taking up arms and defending his people as a resort that he could – and would – turn to if every other thing failed. Everyone believes that Mandela did ‘what he had to do’ to defend his people. And the world over, no one ever says that Mandela did anything wrong because if the laws with which he could use to fight for his people turned out to be the very ones that were used to oppress them, he couldn’t rely on them anymore.

Now coming to Alagie Barrow serving as the Director of Investigation, who better to to investigate the extra-judicial killings, rape, torture, sackings and other violations than one who feels it firsthand? Alagie Barrow has the knowledge, expertise and impartiality to head this division. His detachment and ability to analyse situations is unquestionable. The same goes for Dr Baa Galleh Jallow who was himself a victim of the former regime. The thing is, they are in the administrative side and not in the Commission per se. They won’t be hearing testimonies themselves. Study the Truth and Reconciliation of South Africa. It was headed by Arch Bishop Desmond Tutu who was himself a victim of the Apartheid Regime. If he could do it without bias, why can’t Baba and Alagie?

Dr. Omar Janneh (PhD)

Close scrutiny of the TRRC Act, 2017 highlights many problems with it: Excessive Executive involvement(TRRC Act; section 5(1-3); 10(1-3); 12; 22(2)(6). Besides, the Act promises victims what no state can deliver (TRRC Act, 2017; section 20) [– because the rights abuses are wide-ranging, with many absent victims and perpetrators], without the state going out to beg. Is there any dignity in begging and when will we stop it? Most states (e.g., Liberia, Sierra Leone, and South Africa) that have gone through truth commissions have been unable to fulfil the financial obligations that result from the recommendations of their truth and reconciliation commissions, namely the payment of reparations (click here, here,hereand herefor more information). In our own case, due largely to the many other competing priorities The Gambia government is faced with, we will be unable to fulfil what the TRRC Act, 2017 promises. There is ample experience elsewhere showing the unlikelihood of the international community to step in and front load the type of financial commitment needed for reparation. On the contrary, it’s often the perpetrators (Sierra Leone/Liberia) that seem to benefit the most through demobilisation processes that often include financial incentives for fighters to lay down their arms. This is important to address head on for a number of reasons and not least the issue of expectations of the general public. And do we believe that donors will fulfil their pledges (in full) on a cause that is littered with flaws? – click here,here, and herefor more information. I think we must also remember that donors have to have a justification for use of (public) funds.

It is still a mystery to me why The Gambia Bar Association has taken a silent view of the situation unfolding in The Gambia in regards to the TRRC. First, I hope the members have seen the TRRC Act, 2017 and have had the chance to scrutinise and comment on it. If they did, what is their position on it? The Gambia Bar Association cannot remain silent over an issue of national importance, which poses serious threat to the integrity of the justice system in the country. But first, how did such a problematic Act pass the close scrutiny of our Parliamentarians – is this truly the new Gambia? It is true that any sovereign country can do what it pleases; this is what the previous government did and the result has been….. We must know that the eyes of the international community: UN, donor agencies, and regional partners are on us; they want to see our TRRC succeed, but we are not on the correct path to success. Can we afford to make The Gambia a laughing stock of the world, yet again?

In a previous piece, the point that the TRRC Act, 2017 may have been a work of fiction or plagiarised was made. The reason for such a (provocative) description was because it seems surprising that section 17 (1-4) of the TRRC Act, 2017 is not being observed in the appointments to the Commission. If the Executive cannot even follow the Act, can we Trustthem with presiding over the TRRC? For the purpose of clarity, the recent appointments to the TRRC do not seem to pass the disclosure of interest test which the Act categorically makes mention of (TRRC Act, section 17 (1-4) and the interview panel have seemingly failed in their duties as well. To add fuel to fire, we have conflicted staff in the Commission also appointing conflicted individuals to the Commission. When will the normalisation of mediocrity stop in the (new) Gambia? Are they taking us for fools?

Further, it is my view that the spirit of the TRRC Act is being misinterpreted to give excessive powers to the Secretariat. The recent appointment of the (conflicted) Director of Research and Investigations of the TRRC should not have been left to 3 individuals, two of whom are hugely inexperienced with the experience of the third unclear. Individuals must be appointed with utmost regard to the Act; and with demonstrable relevant experience – the skills, and experience of the appointees must closely match the duties and responsibilities of the advertised posts, which may only be fulfilled if the posts are advertised as widely as possible – not Facebook. It is true that the Act empowers the Executive Secretary to appoint staff to the Commission as the Commission may require [TRRC Act, 24(1)(3)], but it is my strong view that the Executive (knowingly) allowed the (conflicted) Executive Secretary to exercise too much power in the functioning of the TRRC. Notwithstanding this flaw, the composition of the interview panel must not be heavily biased towards inexperienced and conflicted individual(s). We must exercise caution and not allow the TRRC to be the pet project of any individual(s). The importance of perception cannot be overemphasised in the work of any truth commission. Indeed, it is the heartbeat (– occupies at least 90% of the centrepiece) of the Commission’s work; if it is lost, then it is not worth the effort; and may cause more damage than good. My modest assessment of The Gambia’s TRRC so far is that it does not pass the test of (public) perception of impartiality. I think a great majority of Gambians want to see justice served, and most likely want to see it served following due process, i.e., international standards of fairness, and impartiality. To that end, I think many objectively-minded people would be of the view that we do not need to make appointments to the TRRC that are seemingly biased to get to the truth of what happened during The Gambia’s dark years (1994-2016). I am still of the view that the timing of the TRRC is wrong, the appointments made so far have much to be desired, and we probably have worse news to come our way. Therefore, the future of the Gambia’s TRRC is very bleak; we must brace ourselves for its spectacular failure. I think (good) governments/leaders care about their legacy enough to want to stay up even after they have left office. What would be the legacy of our current leadership?

By Abdoulie Lowe

Recently, I spent some time thinking and asking myself a few questions: Who are we? Where have we been? What did we learn from our recent past? Where are we now? Where are we headed? What we need to do to get there?

Who are we? Do we have a national identity? What is our identity as Gambians?

I am fortunate to witness all the three administrations- the Jawara, Jammeh, and the Barrow administrations. And, I am very lucky to have lived in rural and urban Gambia and met people from all walks of life. Also, it’s reported that my dad was wealthy, but I grew up in and around poverty. My background and experiences give me the knowledge and wisdom to discuss poverty and certain regressive and counterproductive beliefs/mindsets. For the past four decades, I struggled to discover who I am, what I want to be, and how I want to be remembered? I have figured that part out a few years ago and I am working on it.

However, I am still struggling to understand my identity as a Gambian and what does it mean to be a citizen of the smiling coast. When people say- “I am an American,” they are sending a message that nobody can deprive, limit or stop them from achieving their dreams/aspirations and sometimes it’s used to show signs of patriotism/pride of their national colors. Sadly, when we say “I am a Gambian” it’s a sign of entitlement to our meager economic resources and we MUST change this mindset. To use the words of the great American president, we are mostly focused on “what our country can do for us” and pay less attention to “what we can do for our country.” If you follow the Social Security and Housing Finance Corporation (SSHFC) debacle, then you’ll fully understand what I am insinuating here, but that is for another write up.

Where are we from?

When I was growing up, I heard a lot of stories about how my dad used to help those that were less fortunate in his community. Furthermore, I grew up in Bansang, which was a close-knit community where nobody was poor because those were well off took good care of the less fortunate. I don’t know about you, but the generations of our parents and grandparents were the best generations ever because they respected and took good care of each other. When we focus more on material wealth and vanity, we are bound to lose our creed and humanity. Take a moment and reflect on the last time you helped a fellow Gambian in need or selflessly volunteered in your community? When I was growing up, I used to volunteer at my friend’s family rice fields and when they harvest their crops, they will share most of it with the community. It is apparent that the more we get exposed to western cultures, the less we care about the bonds that held our predecessors together- a tradition of sharing, caring, and kindness. And, we will eventually forget what really matters, which is our humanity. Our grandparents and parents valued humanity more than they loved gathering wealth and that’s why I say they’re the greatest generations.

Lessons from our recent past?

Politically we have been through a very rough path since independence. After 30 years of minimal progress or underdevelopment during the PPP era, we suffered a major setback during the 22 years of Jammeh’s tyranny. We have witnessed autocracy at its worst and we must never tread along that path ever again. Any sign of despotism must be met with stiff resilience and a unified voice saying unequivocally- NO TO DICTATORSHIP; NEVER AGAIN. However, we didn’t wake up one day and realized that we are in the choke hold of a brutal dictatorship. Nope, that’s not exactly how it happened; It was gradual, deliberate, systematic, and brilliantly orchestrated ploy by Jammeh and made possible by sycophancy, complacency, indifference, and maliciousness of some Gambians. I still can’t fathom how some Gambians sleep well knowing a fellow Gambia is being tortured or going through severe trials, tribulations, and persecutions. I still don’t get it, but that is for another write up.

Where are we?

We are at crossroads and we have to be cautious because we still have the potential to relapse into dictatorship all over again. This is because just as President Barrow insinuated, the powers/laws that held us in bondage for 22 years are still the same. And, if I may add- the attitude, mindset and unscrupulous people that made Jammeh into a full blown despot are still around and scavenging on President Barrow. I hope Barrow also knows that the resilient people that got rid of Jammeh are still around to agitate another change if he fails to fulfill his obligations. A retired prominent Gambian- who worked for the UN for over 30 years and still connected to the leadership- told me that immediately after the defeat of Jammeh, the Coalition government could’ve gotten anything they asked for if only they had a vision or plan for Gambia. We had so much goodwill from people around the world, we could get anything from the international community if we had a plausible vision for our beloved nation. It took the coalition government over a year to come up with a National Development Plan (NDP). It was clear that Barrow and his cabinet, some of whom aspire to be president someday, can’t come up with a vision and plan for Gambia within one year. I was disappointed, but still hopeful that we can implement the NDP if ONLY Barrow and his cabinet can focus more on advancing the welfare of the Gambian people and less on advancing their own political ambitions. The National Development Plan must take precedence over the Barrow Youth Movement for whatever…

Where are we headed?

Gambia has been through slavery, colonization, post colonialism, dictatorship, and now a democracy. The past must be our various reference points because those who do not learn from past experiences are bound to repeat them. But, we can’t spend the next twenty or thirty years blaming the slave trade and colonialism. Therefore, for the purpose of this write up, I will deliberately ignore slavery and colonization not because they did not impact us adversely, but those events are beyond the control of this generation. Yes, these two vices have done a lot of harm to us, but I don’t expect anybody to judge a person’s future by the mistakes he committed when he was a child. Gambia is 53 years old, which means she has to start taking ownership of her successes and failures, and stop blaming it on slavery and colonialism. We are headed to the Promised Land and nothing can stop us from reaching our destination. Failure is not an option anymore. Now that we have a national development plan, we must work diligently together to implement it and set the nation on the right path. A path that most developed nations have traveled and continued to trek on. A path where every citizen is given equal opportunity to acquire economic resources. And, we must always let justice guide our actions toward the common good.

What we have to do to get there?

In order to get to this new destination that we yearn for, we need to change our ideologies and mindsets. Yes, it’s okay to belong to religious, tribal, social, and political groups, but all these groups belong to a much bigger group called The Gambia, our homeland. Therefore, the interest of the nation must be paramount and our ultimate loyalty must be reserved ONLY for Gambia and advancing the welfare of her diverse peoples. We must all contribute our quota in the development process. We must build on the successes of the past and learn from their failures. And by the end of Barrow’s term, I hope there’s tangible and measurable progress to show our kids someday. We must look them in the eyes and say- we have played our part in building a progressive and prosperous Gambia. That way, our children will carry the baton, play their role in moving the country forward, and then pass it on to the next generation, who will also do their part and pass it on to the next.

Hopefully, one day our great grandchildren will read the history books and say- it was the generation of selfless people like Demba Baldeh and Momodou Krubally; activists like Pata PJ, Babou Njie Sallah, Coach Pa Samba Jow, Alieu Bah, Killa Ace, Pa Modou Jobe, Babou Jobe, Fatou Camara, Fatou Sagnia, Mama Linguerre Sarr, Ida Jallow, Fatu Camara; young dynamic leaders like Bakary Badgie, Sanna Jawara, Aziz Dabakh Gaye, Jaha Dukureh; smart brothers like Ebrima Saye, Njundu Drammeh, Madi Jobarteh, Nyang Njie, Sana Sarr, Amran Gaye; academics like Dr. Ceesay, Dr. Lamin Mbaye, Yunus Hydara, Yama Njie, Sulayman Bokar Bah; young entrepreneurs like Binta Drammeh, Haddy Faye, Awa Fatty, Chilel Sarr, Modou Njie; philanthropists like Badara Pullo, Saikou Camara, Haddy Mbow, Foday Singhateh, and many others who started the intellectual interchange that sparked the exchange of ideas and creativity that changed the Gambia for good.

Until I find time to write again…. To the Gambia ever true…

Alagi Yorro Jallow

Pro-democracy clicktivists are rebooting adulations and demagoguery, they are shouting and screaming from roof tops tolerate double standards and defend amorality, unethical, Machiavellian and the contradiction of contradictory beliefs and ideals. We will never stop our critique from administration to “ Jalibas and Jali-Ndings” of the phenomenon of intellectual opportunism frequently associated by its critics with careerism and dubious unprincipled self-promotion, where ideas become just another commodity or a bargaining tool. Gambians of conscience should be comforted by iconic Chinua Achebe’s immortal words in his book, ‘The Trouble with Nigeria:’

“There will always be some people whose personal, selfish interests are, in the short term at least, well served by the mismanagement and social iniquities. Naturally they will be extremely loud in their adulation of the country and its system and will be anxious to pass themselves off as patriots and to vilify those who disagree with them as trouble-makers or even traitors. BUT DOOMED IS THE NATION WHICH PERMITS SUCH PEOPLE TO DEFINE PATRIOTISM FOR IT “Patriotism is an emotion of love directed by a critical intelligence. A true patriot will always demand the highest standards of his country and accept nothing but the best for and from his people. He will be outspoken in condemnation of their shortcomings”.

This is about the Gambia and not about juvenile personality politics – that could live and accept as a fine outcome of morality versus legality. Those Clicktivists stung into action by hailing and “ Jaliya”. They stung into action in behalf of few individuals by the persistent voices of patriotism justifying double standards and obsequiousness. The Gambia cannot survive with the conscienceless and overbearing influence of these “supposed owners of the country” who surreptitiously command every facet of our nation’s socioeconomic and political life.

And the entire purpose of our critique against the Clicktivists double standards are well captured: we can do better, we deserve better. If we fail, we critique, we scrutinize, and we keep holding people to higher and higher standards. We expect them to try and try and try again till they get it right.

Once they get it right, the next phase of their pro-democracy struggle begins: institutionalizing that which we have gotten right so that the system and the process continue to work like a fine-tuned machine long after they retire from activism or consumed by the administration. At every stage of this process, they will be heavily critiqued, heavily scrutinized by those who understand that they have a civic duty, a solemn obligation not to cut their motherland any slack in the journey to catch up with the 21st-century.

A note to those who are being called names because of the sustained critique that has been producing results. The first thing we must notice is that every time their spinning and unrelenting engagement produce results, those whose mission is to praise amorality to high heavens, defend the status quo, rationalize travesty, and make highfalutin arguments for how great the administration or their own friends are doing, they immediately change gear and move in to declare victory seamlessly.

That is why as soon as they yielded to pressure from unconstitutional brigandage to a semblance of legality birthed by our unquenchable choric hailing of the administration’s previous illegality.

From justifying everything about select few of their friends in government and claiming there was no case of contradiction and as soon as the administration swayed by relentless criticism without instituting an Inquiry to probe, they moved seamlessly to gloat and proclaim victory as if that shift by the administration had been occasioned by their hailing and “ Jaliya”.

In case after case after case, they hail the administration on the wrong path. Whenever critique stings the administration, they pull the rug from under their feet and changes course, they immediately move in to claim victory.

This should be a lesson for those whose sustained critique and engagement and struggle are providing these minimal gains: even the most irredeemable sycophants recognize results and are willing, ready, and able to take credit. They are just too far gone in personality cultism to be willing to offer what is expected of them to get such results in a democracy and civilization: critique, sustained engagement, and a zero tolerance for mediocrity and “ Jaliya”.

What the community of engagement must understand urgently is that this stuff is serious business and it is not a popularity contest with professional praise singers. They must be called names on their path of sustained critique and be willing to allow to be praise singers to move in and claim credit and gloat over results and progress delivered by the sort of critique in which they did not participate.

They must also remember that if they give in to intimidation and name-calling by personality cultists, the country will never make progress for their own idea of critique to continuously lower the bar of expectation to such ridiculous depths that even if President Barrow reads Facebook, it can be celebrated as the achievement of the century.

They lower the bar of expectation, clobber and pummel fellow citizens psychologically into a culture of accepting stomach-churning illegality as the height of 21st-century Gambian success, genius, and innovation.

Borne by personality cultism, the confederacy of hailers creates national atmospherics in which the bar of expectation for President Barrow and the entire leadership in the country is considerably lower than what is expected of leadership in other countries in the sub-region.

We must make way for daily celebration of roaring success. If we judge all birds by their ability to fly at the level of butterflies, there will always be daily occasions to celebrate the soaring prowess of every bird.

The Appointment of Alagie Barrow in the TRRC is Legal and Legitimate!

The fact that ECOMIG forces entered the Gambia on 19 January 2017 and still maintain bases in our country is an indication that Gambian votes on 1 December 2016 did not remove Yaya Jammeh. What removed Yaya Jammeh was ECOWAS and its intervention forces because Yaya Jammeh had already rejected that vote. Without international diplomatic and military intervention Yaya Jammeh would still be the President of the Gambia even if the country would have been in a civil war. Yes, ECOMIG entered our territory with our verdict as the reason but that verdict was rejected by Yaya Jammeh.

What this point seeks to highlight is that Yaya Jammeh had long since rejected the sovereignty, dignity and the Constitution of the Gambia and Gambians as the source of his power and authority as president. For that matter Yaya Jammeh had long lost the legitimacy to govern the Gambia, if he ever had one in the first place. He had constantly and consistently violated every rule of the Constitution and every right of Gambians. When governors suspend or abrogate their contract with their people they lose the legitimacy and legality to govern those people.

According to Section 6, subsection 2 of our Constitution every citizen has a right and a duty to defend that Constitution by resisting, to the extent reasonably justifiable in the circumstances, any person or group that, by violent or unlawful means seeks to suspend, overthrow or abrogate the Constitution. It says further under subsection 3 that any person who resists the suspension, overthrow or abrogation of the Constitution as spelt out in subsection 2 commits no offence.

Since 1994 Yaya Jammeh ensured that all rules and mechanisms to hold him to account are closed. He had directly interfered with the independence of the Judiciary and curtailed the powers and authority of the National Assembly in total contravention of the principle of separation of powers. For that matter, under his watch, any Gambian who sought to hold him to account by peaceful and lawful means have been subjected to violent crackdown leading to arbitrary arrest, torture and death in most cases.

In those circumstances the actions of the Heroes of December 30 are therefore utterly constitutional because they were resisting the abrogation of the Constitution by none other than the elected head of state of the Gambia. Their means of resistance was ‘reasonably justifiable in the circumstances’. This is because citizens who sought to resist the abrogation of the Constitution were met with violence from the State on the orders of Yaya Jammeh. Hence it is reasonable that anyone who sought to resist Yaya Jammeh must employ weapons and violence otherwise you will also be met with such violence that would take your life.

It is therefore utterly frightening and dishonest for any Gambian today to condemn the December 30 Resistance. If Yaya Jammeh had not been using weapons and violence to attack citizens who sought to resist his abrogation of the Constitution, then December 30 would not be justified. But Yaya Jammeh had used weapons and violence against unarmed, nonviolent and peaceful citizens who were only seeking to defend the Constitution. Only a fool and a dishonest person would therefore claim that December 30 was not reasonably justifiable in the circumstances.

Alagie Barrow and his Comrades deserve the highest honour by the Gambian people. They have taught Gambian citizens that they must be prepared to pay the ultimately price to defend their Constitution. But at the same time, they teach the powers that be to realise that when they use weapons and violence against unarmed and nonviolent citizens seeking to defend the Constitution then they are automatically asking citizens to also use weapons and violence to defend our Constitution. No one has the monopoly of violence!

Alagie Barrow has the qualification, knowledge and skills relevant to the position of Director of Investigations and Research in the TRRC and his appointment is legal and legitimate. He has the moral upstanding and patriotism beyond measure that indeed he will be faithful to the ethics and standards of his function. The claim that he was a victim hence conflict of interest is misplaced for we know Desmond Tutu was arrested and jailed and his passport confiscated by the Apartheid regime several times, yet he became the Chair of the South African TRC!

Indeed, one has the right to disagree or criticise the appointment of Alagie Barrow based on his qualification or the process of recruitment or whatever. But it is utterly dishonest and self-insulting that anyone would seek to ridicule his appointment on the false narrative that December 30 was a criminal activity. It will be ungrateful for anyone to condemn Alagie Barrow and Comrades as criminals. On that fateful day of December 30, I know that patriotic Gambians spent that entire morning praying for their success. To now arrive at this stage only to impugn that historic day of patriotism and heroism is the height of dishonesty and ignorance.

Let us be clear: Yaya Jammeh was not a democrat. He was not a leader who respected and protected the rights of citizens. He was not a leader who honoured and defended the Gambian Constitution and the sovereignty of the people. He was a despot who employed every means to suspend, overthrow and abrogate the Constitution and the sovereignty and dignity of Gambians.

Just because Yaya Jammeh was elected does not give him legitimacy when he consistently abrogated the very Constitution under which he was elected in the first place. We know that dictators are scattered all over the world who continuously win up to 99% of the vote. Kim Jong Un of North Korean, Al-Sisi of Egypt, Saddam Hussain of Iraq and Isaias Aferwoki of Eretria are few past and present examples. Yet there is no doubt that these are despots without legitimacy in the eyes of democracy and good governance. Hence it is utterly insulting that anyone would consider Yaya Jammeh a legitimate leader of the Gambia just on the basis of an election.

Congratulations Alagie Barrow!

For the Gambia Our Homeland

Dr Omar Janneh (PhD)

It will be difficult to address the issue of (alleged or perceived) conflict of interest if the conflicted individual(s) claim to be or other individuals claim on their behalf that the conflicted is/are morally upright, fulfil the essential and desirable criteria of the post and that all will be well. There is a generally accepted view that the appointment of a conflicted individual to a public office (could) influence the individual’s decision-making process even if s/he fulfils all of the essential and desirable criteria of the post and is morally and ethically upright. Citizens should at the very least trust the people in public office, but I do not think it is possible to trust those in public office if their professional service/judgement can be affected by personal and or private interests because of being conflicted. There is also the issue of perception of impartiality and fairness. Trust in the TRRC by the Gambian people would, out of necessity, need to build on the foundation of a TRRC that, at the very least, appears to be fair. Anything short of this would be a TRRC set up for failure from the onset.How is it that most of us do not see this, or is it the Gambian way to carry on regardless – that the proof of the pudding is in the eating? If that is the Gambian way, itwill not and does not wash at all, not under the law. International standards require limited Executive involvement in Commissions. As many may know, the TRRC Act, 2017 is problematic with extensive Executive interference/involvement (TRRC Act, 2017). Therefore, be it the (Surahata S.) Janneh Commission, Faraba Commission, or the TRRC, the themes of fairness, honesty, independence, impartially, effectiveness, consistency, confidence, capability, transparency, and credibility must be seen to be followed, and maintained (click hereif you want to learn more).

It’s not good enough to plough ahead regardless by giving some feeble excuses that we cannot address the issues of (the rampant) conflicts of interests because we are all conflicted in The Gambia by virtue of intermarriages, etc. If indeed, this is the position of majority of Gambians, does it not therefore mean that we must have the conversation about the type of Commission we want, the constitution of that Commission as well as the need for greater involvement of experts in that Commission? Worryingly, the TRRC Act, 2017 does not appear to make allowances for that.

Once impartiality is undermined, it becomes a (near) total waste of public funds to plough ahead. The inability of the Commission to hold responsible the absent perpetrators of crimes. You see, one cannot reconcile with the absent/missing/dead, etc.; the incapacity of the Commission to question the displaced, etc., and the failure of government to implement the Commissioners’ recommendations are some the reasons why many Commission reports are collecting dust on shelves- Yes, they are toothless bulldogs. For a country with so much else to address and a government already in bed with individuals who may be perceived or alleged as culpable of past rights abuses, could a different way of looking at the past rights abuses deliver a more desirable outcome, more cheaply – I don’t only mean financially? I wonder if some of the victims or victims’ families find it desirous that this government is undisturbed by being close to some individuals who are part of the previous regime, the rights abuses of which the TRRC is set up to investigate. Has anyone cared enough to find out? Could that and the other observations made here and previously (click hereand here) make this Commission an equally futile exercise?

The point must be emphasised again that international standards require limited Executive involvement in processes such as Commissions. The Gambian situation is bizarrely unique because we do not only have extensive Executive involvement (TRRC Act, 2017), but to a large extent, the involvement of conflicted executivein the recruitment and selection of staff to the Commission. If we want to project a positive image of The Gambia and avoid a vortex of national shame, we have to be prepared to subscribe to internationally accepted standards. However, if we are interested in doing things the Gambian style, then let us pay for things ourselves. But what can we afford to pay for ourselves? The answer is probably not very much. The truth – in general, is we like to beg; travel abroad on business class and claim unjustifiable per diems, often bringing back nothing of value to The Gambia. We take more out in per diems than we generally put back in. When we go on such trips to beg, our polite hosts would often give us big pledges, but often with conditions, to which we turn a deaf ear. We come home to make fat promises (like hippos in tights) on the back of those pledges – this is gullibility at its best. Nauseatingly, even those individuals who are seemingly enlightened fall for these fat promises – because they propagate them like wild fire.Perhaps the gullibility gene (WTF1) truly exists.

On the recent appointment to the TRRC. The recent announcement to the post of Director of Research and Investigations Unit of the TRRChave much to be desired. It appears that there is a failure in processes and procedures and seems therefore unprofessional to appoint someone (click here)as head of a Team to investigate past rights abuses, with seemingly much less due diligence than one would have expected. What guiding and supportive roles is the UN playing in the recruitment and selection of staff to the Commission as was the case in Liberia, Kenya, Sierra Leone and elsewhere? The Gambia is small and lacks capacity, so we need good strong people of all faiths, support from the UN, and regional partners when it comes to appointments to the Commission. Another important question that must be asked is whether the vacancies are advertised widely, so that as many people as possible can see and apply for the posts?

It appears that a new culture that should ensure that effective processes and procedures are followed to identify and avoid conflict of interest (in the new Gambia) have seemingly been ignored in regards to the recent appointment(s). Given the apparent disregard by the TRRC Secretariat and the Justice Ministry to give the issue of conflict of interest the attention it deserves, it may be quite difficult to address the concerns of perpetrators/victims, the UNDP/international donors, regional partners, etc. who may want to see justice served following due process. As a consequence, donors could be reluctant to fulfil pledges. Of course, the option to use funds from corrupt officials from the previous regime is a plausible onewhich was used by some Commissions (click here), but that path may be littered with obstacles – in regards to process, cost, legality and ethics. In my view, it takes a leader with an intuitive mind to see blind spots (e.g., conflict of interest) and take corrective measures to address them before they become a serious hindrance to the work, under their responsibility. Given the requirementsfor administrative and management skills that come with the duties and responsibilities of the post of Executive Secretary, I think a simple google search of the applicant(s) could have giventhe interviewers some background information about applicants.Could it be that the panel members need more guided support than is provided for them? A strong leadership team that includes, e.g., representatives from the UN, regional partners, respected elders of various faiths, etc. may ensure the partiality necessary in the team to help recruit suitably qualified individuals to such a difficult task – we are too small a nation, without capacity, to handle this complex process on our own; this is a reality we must accept. Of course there are cases when qualified candidates may be considered for employment even if conflict of interest may be an issue (click here), but these are very rare cases; and if done, effective procedures are taken to resolve them, but these can be very difficult to address in a commission of this complexity and potential for toxicity.

It is not too late to work towards preventing conflict of interest from making the TRRC an impartial process.  Perhaps there is still time for the Commission to recruit other staff who can neutralise the views of some of the seemingly conflicted staff so far employed (click hereand look at pages 5-6). Lessons are not only learnt in classrooms, but can be learned from our own mistakes (institutional shortcomings) and from the mistakes of others before us (click hereand here– I think this is a must read for anyone interested in truth Commissions).

I think it is worth making the following observations: I would like to caution anyone involved in Commissions to act responsibly. I have heard far too many promises from people who should know better. If we cannot even afford to invest properly in education, health and some basic infrastructure projects – using even a bit of our funds, how can we fulfil the promises implied in the TRRC Act, 2017? The expectations of the victims may be so complex that even donors and well-functioning governments cannot fulfil the promises implied in the TRRC Act and mentioned by some Commission staff. How does he TRRC intend to hear from displaced victims and perpetrators as well as from the Diaspora? This is a very complex and quite costly process. We must be aware, lack of funding is a contributing factor to the failure of some Truth Commissions (click hereand refer to page 32). Pledges by donors are just pledges. Indeed most, if all, pledges are only fulfilled if donors are convinced that certain conditions are or can be met and this piece attempts to deal with some these issues.

In regards to the recording of information and conducting investigations, we must recognise that some individuals are untrainable because certain basic academic skills and or prior experience must be in place to enable most, if not all, training to be successful. I think it is fanciful to think that individuals can be trained to do a task and once released, they can go onto serve with distinction. The TRRC is a time-limited investigation which is complex. Inappropriate recording of narratives, contamination of evidence and many other issues must be critically looked into. Because of real funding constraints, the TRRC needs people who need minimal briefing/training to do the work.

Finally, it appears to me that for the purpose of political expediency, we are making the mistake of doing the right things at the wrong time. We gain nothing by doing things for the sake of political expediency. To the contrary, given the security concerns in the country, doing the right thing at the wrong time could lead to failure, national shame, and potential for social instability which does nothing to facilitate healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding.

Finally, I suppose if others can do it reasonably well (click here, hereand here/here/herefor more information), we can too – if we take the trouble to not only hear what some are saying, but listen to what they are saying.

The Gambia Police Anti Crime Unit has arrested sixty three teenagers in the Greater Banjul suspeccted to be involved in armed robbery.

According to police reports, the arrested teenagers were engaged in pickpocketing, breaking into homes and other crimes. They are said to have a criminal network headed by a twenty year old, some of them have served jail terms.

The suspects are allegedly armed with live bullets, knives and cutlasses amongst others. They have allegedly stolen flat screens, smart phones and sewing machines amongst other valuable material.

However, the suspected criminal ring leader attested to the police some of their criminal activities, saying his boys do whatever he ordered them. He added that they consume and smoke cannabis to do their operations.

“My boys will attack President Barrow if he is on the streets by himself,” he told the police.

The Deputy Police Spokesperson, ASP Foday Conta raised concerns about the teenagers, saying the best way to resolve the situation is transforming the prisons to a correction centres. He called on the community at large particularly parents to take their responsibilities.

Meanwhile, Chief Superintendent Gorgie Mboob head of the Anti Crime Unit has emphasised that the newly built office is not a secret detention centre.

By Wally Omar

Three military officers from Gambia Armed Forces, arrested for ‘trafficking cannabis’ have been dismissed.

Military spokesperson Lieutenant Malick Sanyang, confirmed to The FatuNetwork that Warrant Officer Class 1 Lamin Jatta, was dismissed yesterday (Wednesday) while Staff Sergeant Karafa Bojang and Lance Corporal Sanna Jatta, were dismissed today (Thursday).

Sanyang said the dismissed officers have been handed over to the drug squad, adding that The Gambia Armed Force, has zero tolerance for dealings in drugs.

Acting in accordance with Section 24 (1) of the TRRC Act, 2017 the Executive Secretary of the TRRC has appointed Mr. Alagie Barrow as Director of Research and Investigations for the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission. Mr. Barrow will oversee and direct the work of a team of researchers, investigators and statement takers and work closely with the Executive Secretary and Commissioners to deliver on the mandate of the TRRC.

A veteran of the U.S. Army, Alagie Barrow (no relation to President Adama Barrow) holds a BSc. degree in Criminal Justice from Tennessee State University with a minor in Psychology and an MA degree in National Security Studies from the American Military University in Charles Town, West Virginia. Alagie served over a decade with the US Military where he rose to the rank of Captain before resigning in January of 2014 (honorable). Mr. Barrow also possesses diplomas in counterintelligence, civil disturbance and physical security through his work in the US Military where he held other responsibilities including Career Counselor, Program Manager, Public Affairs Officer and Executive Officer. Through the years, Mr. Barrow served the US military as Victim Advocate, Suicide Prevention Officer and Unit Prevention Officer (illicit drugs). His duties included conducting investigations through interviews, gathering facts, retrieving records, analyzing information, and writing reports and recommendations. He has also worked as an investigator and security consultant for security organizations in the US and as a short-term contract field investigator here in Africa. Mr. Barrow has volunteer experience as a Juvenile Justice advocate with the Nashville Juvenile Justice Center where he worked with troubled youths. He has also worked as an instructor of military courses at Vanderbilt University Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) and has been to various leadership schools in the U.S. military, the last being the Captain’s Career Course where some of the courses taught included Casualty Assistance and Operations, Counterinsurgency and Full Spectrum Operations.

Alagie Barrow recently relocated back home to The Gambia and has been working as a Country Director for a Gambia consultancy firm with oversight of the Anglophone sub region until his appointment with the TRRC.

Reacting to his appointment, Mr. Barrow remarked: “I am grateful to the TRRC team for this opportunity. It is a monumental task and I am profoundly humbled by the trust and responsibilities that come with the position. I am confident that as a team we will do what is right by all victims and what is right by our country to ensure that we will never have to establish such a commission again.”

“We are convinced that Barrow is the perfect candidate for this very challenging and crucially important position,” said TRRC Executive Secretary Dr. Baba Galleh Jallow. “We interviewed many excellent candidates but Barrow just stood out and we are very happy to have him on our leadership team.”

The Principal of Model Senior Secondary School, Isaac Acque has accused Ms Claudia Cole, Minister of Basic and Secondary Education (MoBSE) of forging her late husband’s signature to obtained power of attorney.

Mr Isaac made these accusations while entering his defence in a single count of false information presided by Magistrate Ben Faal of the Brikama Magistrates Court.

“The purported power of attorney was taken to an expert who  confirmed that the signature was forged,” Mr Isaac said.

According to him, the late William Cole, husband of Minister Cole personally confirmed that the document was forged by his wife when he refused to go with her to Busumbala Village to claimed ownership of the school. He was asked to call the expert to tender the affidavit of the false power of attorney.

Mr Isaac added that he obtained the school’s title deed with a sum of D500, 000 Dalasi which he said was paid in installments to the Village Development Committee (VDC) of Busumbala Village. He tendered copies of the receipts and transfer of ownership which was admitted for identification purposes until the defendant provides original copies from the high court.

The middle aged Nigerian filed a civil suit against Minister Cole claiming ownership of the school premises at Brikama High Court.

However, he further told the court that the late William Cole has abandoned the school when he could not pay rent and the school staff due to financial problems that resulted to him (Isaac’s) acquisition of the land to relocate the school to Busumbala Village. He added that Minister Cole was at that time a Regional Education Director at Basse.

Mr Isaac made a lengthy explanation about his encounters with Minister Cole prior to her cabinet appointment. He alleged that he was taken to the NIA and Police Headquarters where investigations were conducted into the matter. He tendered copy of the NIA report which was admitted until he provides the original copy from the high court.

“I was detained in a cell at Brikama police”

He mentioned the meeting held at the Ministry of Justice where they were told to settle the matter out of court.

“Ms Claudia Cole has signed an agreement to pay me D3 Million for the land,” he asserted.

Mr Isaac told the court that the agreement was signed in the presence of their lawyers Badou Conteh and Moses Richards respectively. Unfortunately, he said the woman refused to honor the agreement.

He also mentioned another agreement signed at the office of Mr Babucarr Suwareh, former Regional Education Director at Brikama. It was agreed that the two of them worked as partners but then it also failed. He tendered the said agreement.

“The Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education has decided to close the school even though the school is 100% private,” he told the court.

The Model senior school Principal said before handing over the school, he told the then regional education director that he is a family man and depends on his salary for their up keep. He was promised of salaries till the problem is resolved but they failed to honour that agreement too.

Meanwhile, the matter was adjourned to August 28, 2018.

By Adama

Honorable Ousman Sillah, the National Assembly Member for Banjul north on Wednesday inaugurated a scholarship fund for Banjul.

According to him, the scholarship package is aimed at helping resident-students of Banjul north at the senior schools.

“This scholarship fund is aimed at providing scholarships for senior school students in grade 10 and 11 to enhance easy learning for the residents of Banjul north constituency,” he said.

Meanwhile, Hon. Sillah said in order for one to be eligible for the package, he/she must be a resident of Banjul north and must be academically sound.

He further assured the residents of Banjul that the selection process will be transparent and fair, and urged eligible students to apply for the package.

Adama Jimba Jobe, deputy permanent secretary at ministry of basic and secondary education, revealed that 40% of household fundings are spent on education.

He also urged the people of Banjul to support honourable Sillah in what he says is some good work.

April 10/11 Memorial Foundation
Press Release
/08/2018

We believe that the victims of the former regime deserve recognition in the new dispensation; which is why during the first commemoration of the April 10 and 11, 2000 Massacre in the post-Jammeh era, we petitioned the Barrow administration “to recognize April 10/11 as a public or school holiday.” We are yet to receive a response from the government.

We believe that the dates of April the 10th / 11th mark a low point in the annals of Gambian history, and whilst specifically remembering the massacre of the children, it symbolically remembers ALL of Jammeh’s victims, both before and after.
When the April 10/11 heroes took to the streets on April 10 and 11, 2000, they came out to denounce impunity in our society, because two of their schoolmates were abused by the security forces in the country and nothing came out of it.
Judging by the names of the deceased victims, it appears the victims came from a cross-section of the society, representing all tribes, religions, and economic backgrounds. Below we reproduce the names of the victims and the cause of death as established in the “Commission of Enquiry Report into the April 10/11 disturbances”

http://(http://www.april1011gambia.org/news-events/95-commission-of-inquiry-report-into-april-10-11-public-disturbances-public-release).

1. Reginald Carroll, student of La Fourmi Institute, died of gunshot wounds

2. Karamo Barrow, former student of the Institute for Continuing Education, died of gunshot wounds

3. Lamin Bojang, student of Nusrat Senior Secondary School, died of gunshot wounds

4. Ousman Sabally, student of Brikamaba Upper Basic School, died of gunshot wounds

5. Sainey Nyabally

6. Ousman Sembene

7. Bakary Njie

8. Claesco Pierra, resident of New Jeshwang, died of gunshot wounds

9. Momodou Lamin Njie, student of Gambia Technical Training Institute, died of gunshot wounds

10. Wuyea Foday Mansareh, student of Tallinding Islamic Institute, died of gunshot wounds

11. Bamba Jobarteh, Bansang

12. Momodou Lamin Chune, student of Latrikunda Middle School, died of gunshot wounds

13. Abdoulie Sanyang, from Old Jeshwang, died from accidental trampling

14. Babucarr Badjie, 10-year-old student, died of gunshot wounds

15. Omar Barrow, journalist

16. Unknown Child – body never identified

We implore the government to declare April 10 a National Martyrs Day holiday and erect a fitting and lasting memorial, not just as a tribute to the fallen heroes of April 10 and 11, 2000, but as a tribute to ALL those who sacrificed their lives for the sake of The Gambia during the dictatorship years.

Declaring April 10 a National Martyrs Day holiday will unite us in remembering all the victims of the dictatorship and inculcate in our youths the notion of sacrificing for the common good. This will also bring some solace to the families of the deceased, who to this day have not received justice from the authorities. None of the victim s have been compensated.

To this day no Gambian has been held responsible for the massacre of the heroes of April 10 and 11, 2000, despite the findings of the commission of inquiry set up by the government in the aftermath of the massacre and the naming of some of those responsible.

April 10th a fitting date to remember ALL our brave Martyrs

Signed……
Abdou Karim Jammeh (Survivor)

On behalf of the April 10/11 Memorial Foundation