Introduction

This is a historic event in the history of The Gambia. A Female Independent Presidential Candidate for the 2016 election. It is sponsored by individual Gambians who belief that it is possible to have non-violent change through the democratic process to have better a Gambia. If you belief that “We are Stronger Together for a Better Gambia,” do not miss the history in the making to nurture a democratic culture in The Gambia. Our Diversity is our Beauty and Strength as Gambians.

This booklet provides a package for you as a voter to make informed decision as to why you should vote for Dr. Isatou Touray, Independent Candidate 2016 election. We have the ability to change our condition as a nation if we see ourselves in a bigger picture of The Gambia first, because we are part of the Gambia, no matter who gender, religion, ethnic group we belong, Together We are Stronger for a Better Gambia.

It gives a short biography on Dr. Touray, the Foreword to her manifesto and short messages to remind ourselves as Gambians our civic rights when voting.

 My emblem is the broom

Why the Broom?

This is a bundle of sticks strapped together. Each represents one Gambian or group of Gambians still possessed of individuality, but bound together in the spirit of unity and focused on one goal – to bring change for progress – with all the others in the broom that is the Gambia.

The individual sticks (people or group) may be snapped over a weak person’s knee. But bound together, the collective is invincible.

The spirit of the broom is rooted in unity, strength, endurance and healthy living.

A Short Biography: Who is Dr. Isatou Touray

Dr. Isatou Touray was born on the 17^th March 1955 at the Royal Victoria Hospital raised in a working-class home at 44 Grant Street in Banjul, The Gambia. She was named after the wife of the first diver in Gambia Pa kebba Bittaye. Her namesake is Isatou Harr Cham, who brought her up. Her Father, Sunkaru Jarra, was born and raised in Kaur Janneh Kunda. He has never been to school, he came to Banjul when he was 14 years looking for greener pastures and was trained as a cook a profession that led him as the Chief Cook in Lady Wright for many years. He was well known by a lot of students from Armitage as he was entrusted with a lot of students when they were going home for holidays and returning to Armitage. He was popularly known as Jarrake. Her father met my mum in Banjul and they got married.

Isatou’s mother, Haddy Konteh is a native of Bundungka Kunda and was a house wife and a petty trader selling food stuff. She was also a well-known gardener and rice farmer in Tobacco Road swampy areas producing vegetables at what is now known as Tobacco road for sale. She was well known as Ya-haddy Konteh. She was a close friend of Mba Tida Bojang of Box Bar Road a well known political juggernaut during the first republic of the President Jawara regime. They were both women leaders and politicians. Her mum was a very hard working woman who worked in swamps of Tobacco Road to produce rice and vegetables to support her husband to educate all her children in Banjul. She engaged in petty trading and did a lot of work at (Sarro) picking groundnuts at the Gambia Produce Marketing Board (GPMB) to make ends meets for the family. When her husband died she continued to struggle to ensure that her children complete their education in Banjul. Yahaddy konteh’s picture is in the archives of the Gambia with a big serpent over twenty one foot long trying to attack her in the then swampy rice fields of Tobacco Road. A great granddaughter of Lolly Touray, a leader whose efforts can be traced in the archives of the Gambia, a trait in Isatou which may be associated with her passion for contributing to national development.

Isatou grew up in Banjul and went to primary school at the Albion School and Wesley Primary School. She went to Crab Island Secondary Technical School and graduated with a secondary four certificate. During her secondary school, she was a strong athlete in 440 metres events. It is during this time that she met her now husband Dr Alagie Malang Touray a student and head boy at Gambia High School (1970), and a national record holder in 440 metres for many years in the Gambia. Isatou worked briefly as an unqualified teacher and went on to The Gambia College (then Yundum College) to become a qualified teacher and was teaching Home economics and English.

After graduating from The Gambia College in 1971, she worked as a teacher, and then transferred her service to work as Community Development Trainer on Women and development. Isatou holds a B.A Hons, Upper Class in Education, English from the University of Usmanu Dan Fodio University, In Sokoto, Nigeria, A Master Degree in Development Studies, with Specialisation on Women and Development, from The Institute of Social Studies (ISS) in the Hague, The Netherlands, A Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Development Studies with emphasis on Gender, from the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Sussex, United Kingdom. She holds a chain of professional certificates and a laureate of many institutions.

Isatou is a Laureate of the Center for Women’s Global Leadership Institute in Rutgers University in New Jersey, The Bellagio Institute in Italy, A member of many Feminist Networks, she has contributed in advancing gender issues and development as a whole particularly the rights of women and children in the Gambia. (See more details on CV).
On 5^th October 1978, at the age of 22, she married Dr Alhagie A.M Touray then 28 years and they later went on to have 4 children, 3 girls and 1 boy. Isatou lived with her spouse for over seventeen years in Nigeria where she pursued her undergraduate education.

She went to join Dr Alhagie Malang Touray who was then at The University of IFE as a House Officer, who saw her talents and had encouraged her to further her studies.

What sparked my life-long passion for gender justice?

As a young school leaver posted in rural Gambia as an unqualified teacher, I saw poverty and deprivation and I began to appreciate what I got as a young girl going to school in Banjul. Even though, I was aware of my family’s situation but what I saw was overwhelming. I began to engage myself to work closely with the communities after school to help them develop their nutritional status. I would give them the food supplies I received for improving the nutritional status of breast feeding mothers and then took it upon myself to follow up on how to prepare weaning foods for babies. In that short spell of time teaching home economics in the primary school I was able to work closely with the communities to teach them how to cook weaning food for babies. I was able to organize small women’s groups who would come on weekends to learn about nutrition as well as learning to sew and crochet.  I realized that the majority of the women I was meeting have not been to school and very poor with little or no help from their spouses who were equally poor. There was abject poverty. Moved by the prevailing state of deprivation, I was motivated to go from one village to another to visit these women. Later, I took the college entrance examination and I was selected to go for the training. I left to go for the teacher training college where I graduated as a qualified teacher after three years.

Following this, I was posted right into the hinterland teaching Home Economics in a secondary school. There I saw more of the dire conditions of the people particularly women. Later on, I met, Mr Musebjane Malatsi, an Azanian working as a senior community development officer who appreciated the work I was doing with the communities. He invited me to be part of their training team to teach home science and that is where I met one of my colleagues Amie Jallow Jatta and Kumba Marena in the women’s programme. I was training the community development assistants as a part time lecturer. I was later encouraged to transfer my services to the Department of Community Department (DCD) as a full time lecturer in the training centre at Massembe in Kiang. My engagement with the DCD gave me the opportunity to go to the field where my interaction with the women gave me the opportunity to experience and understand the problems facing the communities first hand.

This exposure shaped my consciousness of the plight of rural people and the need for appropriate intervention to alleviate their conditions. I felt the need for more knowledge and skills to be able to help the people to express their agency. My training and exposure in world class universities also shaped my mind on the appropriate policies and development strategies needed to effectively work with them. I decided to dedicate my efforts and passion for the advancement of the condition of the poor people. Today I offer myself to serve the Gambia to deliver the country from the toxic situation it is experiencing under the Jammeh regime.

Forward To Manifesto

CHANGE FOR A BETTER GAMBIA

CHANGE THAT BRINGS PROGRESS

CHANGE IS CERTAIN

PROGRESS DEPENDS ON THE CHOICES WE MAKE TODAY FOR TOMORROW, AND THE COURAGE AND FORTITUDE TOMEET OUR CHALLENGES

Gambians are hardworking and peace loving people. In the last two decades I have traversed the length and breadth of this country, I have met hardworking men and women in the city, towns and villages, and have heard your stories and aspirations. I have also heard your frustrations. I am inspired and motivated by you the Gambians, by your desire for change in the face of immense economic hardship, restrictions on our freedom and personal liberty.

Alerted by a deep sense of concern for the Gambia, committed to our country’s advancement unfettered by repression, abuse, impunity and persecution, I have observed the current dispensation over the years.

What I have seen is a deteriorating Gambia with deteriorating institutions, where those in authority abuse state power to instill fear and hopelessness within the people. Gambians today are not free to say what they think. Fear and terror, through the abuse of state power, have so gripped the people that, most will look behind their shoulders before they speak.

The immediate and compelling task before us all is to awaken our consciousness of the sovereign power that resides in us – the people – to use our votes as the instrument of change to free ourselves from the rule of fear and terror, unleashed by a regime that created a series of laws or made amendments to existing laws that erode the rights and freedoms enshrined in the constitution.

I also observed the trends and patterns of the systematic mismanagement of our limited resources. Two decades of APRC misrule witnessed a series of false starts. While Gambians were yearning for results, APRC’s visions became mere illusions and so called operations were compromised.

During the recent past, the Gambia’s economy has been challenged by shocks, largely domestic and to a lesser extent external, resulting in low growth and resurgence inflation. The financial position weakened considerably compounded by weak policy implementation, particularly as regards excessive spending relative to mobilization and dwindling external budgetary support.

Those in power are not listening to the demands for political or economic reform. Conditions for political participation have been so crafted that political pluralism has been curtailed, generating a feeling of powerlessness among many. Too much power is concentrated in too few hands. We need a new approach to government that involves the people in decisions that affect them. Those who make decisions on behalf of others are too often not accountable. I will restore the sovereignty of the people, end impunity and decentralize authority and power.

It is my fervent belief and conviction that we can bring about change for a better Gambia by directing our efforts and political capital towards one end- the singular pragmatic goal of ushering in a new and third republic that brings progress by building strong democratic instruments and institutions, repealing the obnoxious laws that restrict our freedom and liberty, building a strong economy, and leveling the political playing field, so that the sovereign will of Gambians will always prevail in their choice of leadership.

I am committed, if elected to serve for one five year term only, working with all those who have the capacity and commitment to salvage the Gambia as it totters on the brink of total collapse. Nothing less than the fate of our nation and the future of our children hang in the balance. We cannot walk it alone neither can we turn back. Together, we can bring the change that is needed. Principles and values need not be compromised, but strategies and tactics must be flexible enough to make progress possible, especially under the difficult political conditions we face.

Everything I learnt in my years of work with the women, men and the youth of this country, and in academia, has convinced me that Gambians need a president that will serve them, not one that looks down on them, a president who will uphold the constitution, the rule of law and restore good governance; a government that will bring economic prosperity to Gambians. People want more say in the decisions that affect their lives. The old command and control politics, doing things to and for people, but never with them, has not and will not work.

True democracy does not mean voting every five years. True democracy requires the active participation of all citizens in planning the development programmes and activities for their localities, working with their wards, Village Development Committees and other development committees. Allowing people affected to take leadership in advancing the best interest based on the common good.

Together we can stop further degeneration of our beloved country and contribute to give it a new lease of life where hope, love and appreciation of each other, respect for fundamental freedom, dignity of the person, rule of law and peace will thrive, in an entity that is nothing other than Gambian, ensuring that nobody is victimized on the basis of tribe, religion or political affiliation For this is the true nature of the Gambian people.

Gambians face a dire situation with the APRC regime and every Gambian has a story to tell. But I urge you to muster courage and strength so that we can make the Gambia better. I seek your support in our quest to bring the Gambia out of isolation, to build bridges and linkages with peoples of other nations in partnerships that safeguard, protect and promote the interest of the Gambia as a sovereign state. Gambia’s interest is best served by engaging with other nation states and being part of the wider international community.

I want us to usher in a Gambia that will bring on board the hearts and minds of all Gambians in the Diaspora, including those who left the country because of the tribulations, persecutions, fear and abuses they face as private citizens, entrepreneurs, academics, politicians, and activists, but more than anything else, a new Gambia of economic prosperity, freedom, rule of law, peace and stability.

The youth of this country are frustrated and their hopes dashed. Those born at the cusp of the second republic have now come of age. Twenty years of APRC rule has failed to give them opportunities to fulfill their aspirations and achieve their goals. What their country has failed to give them i. e. jobs and decent living, they try to seek elsewhere, embarking on perilous journeys across the harsh desert and the wild Mediterranean. The Gambia needs you most now of all times, as nation builders and agents of change to build a better Gambia for us all. Your votes are your weapons to effect the change you desire. Under our sovereign third republican constitution, we can be the architects of our own destiny.

By investing more in the productive base of the economy, in the private as well as in the public sector, by avoiding wasteful spending, we will create more jobs that would motivate the young generation of school leavers and job seekers, remain in the country. We would motivate and encourage Gambian scholars and academics abroad to return and contribute their quota.

We would encourage and lure the private sector to open opportunities to the young people to earn a decent living and fulfill their dreams. We must preserve the Gambia for our children and the future generation and must open the doors for development.

We cannot afford to leave matters to chance and to men alone, heaven helps those who help themselves. Hardworking women of this country have waited far too long for mainstream politicians entrusted to address the things that matter to you; family, home, work and the economy, garden inputs, access to credit and market outlets for your garden produce. Over the years, you have lobbied government to pass bills that could bring meaningful change to the lives of the women and men of this country. You have marched to protest against rape and domestic violence and other rights violations and you have campaigned for more inclusiveness for women in decision making. Women can no longer remain as onlookers and cheer leaders.

We can, together with the youth and men of this country, work to bring about unprecedented development in record time. Your personal concerns could become political if you use your voices and votes to be heard. You have a choice, you have a voice. The personal can be political and women and the economy are directly related. Where one is flourishing so is the other.

Your children will face new challenges. But each of you can help prepare for that future by standing for justice, equality and women’s rights at home and at the workplaces.

Human rights framework and perspective will continue to be central in our approach to issues as we strive to restore the dignity and integrity of all Gambians and all those who chose to live in the Gambia. We commit ourselves to democracy and good governance as we address the emerging issues of the state in order for the Gambia to gain its rightful position in the world.

We cannot afford to be isolated in the current inter connected world of development initiatives. All sovereign citizens of the Gambia, living abroad, would be free, as a matter of right to return or visit the country their motherland which belongs to us all.

In this election of 2016, the country has a choice. The APRC regime has brought the country to the brink of economic collapse and dysfunctional social sectors. The secular and republican status of the constitution is under threat. Youth unemployment and inflation are soaring and the level of human rights abuse is alarming. That path led to the Gambia’s descent from the unenviable status of ‘least developed country’ to our current pitiful status of ‘heavily indebted poor country’, a status that will change with me as the president of the Gambia.

When the Government of the First Republic was unconstitutionally toppled in a military coup in 1994, Yaya Jammeh, then a young army officer said he wanted to end self perpetuation in power and condemned what he called the flamboyant lifestyle of the former regime. But in a twist of irony he then changed the constitution and removed term limits without consulting the people, perpetuating himself in power for twenty odd years. His lifestyle is not only flamboyant and lavish, but gross with planes, and a multi-million dollar home. He has broken faith with the people. It is time for him to go.

Together we can change that direction towards the path of economic growth, creating wealth, creating jobs for the youth, rewarding the hard work of Gambians across the country, upholding the fundamental rights and freedom of Gambians, the rule of law, and the promotion of women’s rights, and the national interest and security of the Gambia.

If elected, I intend to serve only one term, during which period, I would work with all the existing parties and Gambians ready and willing to steer the Gambia towards a direction that will enable it respond to the needs and aspirations of the people.

I reject the call to turn Gambia into an Islamic State intended to bring division and set us against each other. I will uphold and reinforce the secular republican status of the constitution, where every Gambian will be free to practice his or her religion in accordance with their faith; in a Gambia where democracy, good governance and human rightswill prevail. I will bring the smile back to the face of the people of the smiling coast.

Signed:

Dr. Isatou Touray

Independent Candidate2016          

Voter Rights Education

Question and Answer Session

Q- How can we make the change we want as voters?

A- We can convince our neighbours, families and colleagues that there is need for change and our passport for change lies with our voter’s card.

Q-Who can see me Vote?

A – Nobody can see you vote. We have a secret Ballot in the Gambia. There are no cameras, you are a citizen and you have the right to vote for your candidate of choice.

Q – Can we make change through the ballot box?

A – Yes you can by casting your vote and not stay at home and not voting. Together we can make democratic change by massively voting for the change we want without violence or coercion.

Q – Can Non-Citizens vote in our national elections?

A – No! It is illegal for non-citizens to acquire a voting card and vote in our national elections. If you know of anyone, report the person to the nearest IEC office or police.

Q – Who is more qualified to be elected as President:-

(1) A Secondary School graduate

(2) A high School Graduate

(3) A University Graduate

Q – Who will you vote for?

(1) A man with high school certificate

(2) A women with a University degree

Make an Informed Decision

Together We are Stronger for a Better Gambia

Campaign Slogans

WOMEN CAN MAKE A DIFFERENCE!!!

A NON-VIOLENT CHANGE IS POSSIBLE THROUGH THE DEMOCRATIC ELECTORAL PROCESS

OUR DIVERSITY IS OUR BEAUTY AND STRENGHTH AS GAMBIANS

IN POLITICS AND IN LIFE IGNORANCE IS NOT A VIRTUE (Barack Obama)
Together We are Stronger for a Better Gambia

The National Chairman of the United Democratic Party, Alhaji Dembo Byforce Bojang, the Acting Party leader and Secretary General Aji Yam Secka, honorable members of the Central Committee representing the party structures from all the Regions, party militants, Members of the diplomatic Corps, members of the press, ladies and gentlemen.

 
There comes a time in the life of an oppressed nation when its people just get up and say enough is enough. We have seen it over and over again throughout the whole world. Gambia is not going to be an exception. WE have reached that stage. We haveallowed our country to exist in fear and we do nothing about it. It was Thomas Jefferson, third President of the United States who once said that “When the government fears the people, you have liberty. When the people fear the government, you have tyranny.” It is tyranny that prevails in Gambia.

 
I stand before you, before the whole nation, in humility having been honoured by my party, by the members of my party, by the entire Gambian people in selecting me to carry the flag of the United Democratic Party to victory in the forthcoming presidential elections. This is a great responsibility and I am accepting it with my unquestionable belief in Allah the Almighty and the confidence and trust I have in the Gambian people. I know the Gambian people are yearning for change. They have done so since 1996 and I believe that time has come for that change. My nomination is the first step and I know that with the suffering that all Gambians irrespective of age, sex, religious or tribal background, have without exception experienced, we will bring about change in December.

 
The United Democratic Party, being the largest single party in the Gambia has done what is expected of it. We haveparticipated in all elections since the lifting of the ban on political activities imposed by the military junta in September, 1996 and apart from the ruling party, we have had the highest number of votes and the largest number of seats in the National Assembly. It was certain to everybody therefore, that the UDP was going to participate in the forthcoming cycle of elections starting with the nomination of its own candidate for president.Yes, we have indeed gone through unimaginable trials, our party alone, among all political entities in this country, our party lone has been singled out for the worst treatment one can imagine to mete out on one’s political opponent. Our party is the only party that has recorded since 1996 hundreds of unlawful arrests and detentions, a dozen of deaths and a handful of unexplained disappearances in the course of this political struggle against the APRC rule.

 
The past twelve months have marked the beginning of drastic change in this country. It started in Fass Ngagga Choye when our Party leader and the UDP convoy going on a countrywide tour were stopped from continuing their tour. The standoff that followed led to the capitulation of government and granting of a permit to continue. The demonstration by our youths led by Solo Sandeng our Organising Secretary in April this year which led to their illegal arrest and detention and subsequent death in custody of Solo, was the turning point in the history of politics in our country. Our party leader and /Secretary General Lawyer Ousainou Darboe led his Executive to demand the release of Solo or his corpse, and his group and they in turn were arrested and tortured. The kangaroo court that tried them sentenced them to three years. The majority of the arrested executive members are over sixty-five years old. Three of them are over seventy. This cowardly action has led the Gambian people to appreciate that UDP is and has infect always been the party of the people and we are convinced that with the forthcoming elections the Gambian people will show this government that enough is enough.

 
I have been a member of the UDP since 1996 . As an ordinary member I worked for the party in my native constituency of Jimara, in Upper River Region where I was born in the town of Basse. I started my education from Koba Kunda primary schoolthen in 1981 I went to Crab Island Secondary Technical School. After doing well in the secondary school leaving certificate examinations I proceeded to Muslim High School from 1985 to 1988. However, I spent most of my adult life in Banjul in the guardianship of the famous Alhagie Momodou Musa Njie, who introduced me entrepreneurship and that’s what I have been doing successfully until today. I also lived and travelled extensively in both England and Germany. In 2010 the NationalExecutive of the party appointed me as Coordinator of the UDP URR Committee. This gave me the opportunity to travel the length and breadth of the Region and that way extended the membership and support of our party. In 2006, I was again appointed by the Executive as Deputy Treasurer to Amadou Sanneh. I was quite comfortable in accepting this post because I did have prior accounting skills. This job, with the encouragement of Amadou, also broadened my interaction with the grassroots organisations of the party and today I can say that there is no Regional Committee that I am not known in.

 
The unfortunate and unjustified detention and imprisonment of Amadou Sanneh further added a heavy burden on my shoulders. Not only was Amadou, with his extraordinary experience and knowledge highly suited for the job, he conducted his work with extraordinary skill and humaneness. I had had the fortune of working with and accepted to take on the job and in accepting it I knew what experienced working with him would stand me in a good position. This position not only further brought me into wider contact with our members throughout the country, but as a senior member of Executive gave me the possibility of taking part in major business of the party and contributing personally in the decision making regarding matters of national importance.

 
My role as Acting Treasurer, a position I have now held for thepast three years, has enabled me to cultivate a rich relationship with my colleagues on the Executive as well as party officials in the various regional committees and indeed at grassroots level. I can say with absolute certainty therefore, that I enjoy the confidence and support of both the Executive as well as the party rank and file. As has been the case in my normal interaction with them I know that I will get their full encouragement and support knowing full well that that is the way to achieving our noble object of taking back our country. I have also within the framework of our interactions with the Gambian Diaspora, worked closely with UDP Chapters overseas.

 
As we take this bold step to enter the fifth cycle of elections since the military coup, we do so for our leaders, who have been unjustly arrested, imprisoned for months without bail maltreated and then sentenced to four years in prison. We will be letting them down and betraying them if we sit by and allow Yaya Jammeh to win these elections. As the leading party we owe it to them and the entire Gambian people to fight as if they were with us and win. Winning the elections will enable us to remove them from unlawful imprisonment and enable them to take their rightful places among their fellow Gambians and continue relentlessly their mission of redeeming and reconstructing our country from the terrible situation it has found itself for the past twenty two years.

 
As I accept the nomination as the party’s presidential candidate, let me urge you all – members of my party, and fellow Gambians in general, to rededicate ourselves to this noble task of salvaging our country. I wish to appeal to all Gambians particularly leaders and members of other sister parties to get together and unite around the common cause that we are unanimous that we havein common – remove this government in the polls and create a government truly of the people and by the people. In the coming days, my fellow Gambians I will be stretching my hands to other parties to come together to form a single front to once and for all take this soulless dictator out. It is a monumental task but we owe it to our country, to our leaders to do it and do it the right way.

 
In the next few days, our Executive and I would be contacting our colleagues in the other parties and other interested groups with a view to engaging in a dialogue that could lead to creating a conducive and feasible arrangement that would lead to the defeat of this government. I wish to call upon all Gambians to take these forthcoming elections seriously. We cannot continueanother five years under Yaya Jammeh.

 
I thank the Executive and the Central Committee for giving me honour and privilege to serve the party in this capacity and I solemnly promise I will do all in my power to lead the party to success in the polls and beyond. May Allah guide and protect us and bless our beloved country.

 
Long Live the United Democratic Party
Long live Ousainou Darboe and his colleague political prisoners
Long live the Gambia

I thank you all for your attention.

By Alhagie Jobe

Gambia’s leading opposition party, the United Democratic Party (UDP), Thursday, September 1 2016, named its standard bearer in the upcoming December 2016 presidential election.

Adama Barrow 51  from Mangkamang Kunda in Jimarara Constituency, Upper River Region, now residing in Old Yundum was named as party leader and candidate. He now replaces long time standard bearer and party leader Ousainou Darboe who is in jail and have contested several past elections without any positive change.

Barrow who has since been the party’s deputy treasurer was nominated from among three others who were interested namely Abdou Darboe, 35 from Sibanor and Momodou Buba Jarju, 46-year old from Brikama.

Barrow attended Koba Kunda Primary School, then to Crab Island Secondary before completing his secondary school education at Muslim High School in Banjul. He later traveled to the United Kingdom where he studied and also obtained certificates in Real Estate business. Upon return, in 2006, he established his own real estate firm, Majum Real Estate where he is the current CEO.

He has been described by many as a very dedicated, sympathetic, energetic and strong member of the UDP especially when it comes to executing his responsibilities as deputy treasurer of the party under the jailed Amadou Sanneh.

It could be recalled that in 2007, Barrow contested for the Jimara Constituency Parliamentary seat against current Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC) leader Mama Kandeh. He obtained 2835 votes against Kandeh who won with 4067 votes.

Adama is married with two wives and blessed with 5 children.

By Alhagie Jobe

The Prosecutor in the trial of 28 Gambia government officials who were arrested and charged with neglect of official duties and abuse of office, on Tuesday dropped charges against 17 out of the 28 accused person and all of them have since been freed on bail by the Banjul Magistrate court.

Police prosecutor Assistant Superintendent A Manga handling the case applied for an amendment in the charges pursuant to Section 169(1) of the Criminal Procedure Code and for the charges against the 17 personnel to be dropped and for them to be discharged.

The accused persons freed include permanent secretaries, directors and assistant secretaries who were all standing trial on two counts of criminal offenses ranging from neglect of official duties and abuse of office. They are Kaiding Sambou, Bernard Mendy, Cherno Njie, Yira Jammeh,  Abdoulie T.B Jarra,  Aminata Semega Janneh, Abdoulie Jallow, Fafa Sanyang, Fatou Matta Bah,  Momodou Saidyleigh, Aja Fatou Gaye, Habib T.B Jarra, Lamin Sisey, Naffie Barry, Famara Darboe, Roheyatou Kah and Sanna Gassama.

The defence though did not object to this application, but applied for all travel documents and title deeds as part of the bail condition to be returned to the discharged persons.

After the application was granted and the accused persons freed, Prosecutor Manga further applied for an adjournment of the case, saying they would be filing new charges. He said they have already prepared an amended charge which, he said contained names of the remaining accused persons namely Abdoulie Jallow, Ousainou Jobarteh, Cherno Omar Barry, Abdoulie KM Jallow, Abdoulie Jallow, Lamin Camara, Lamin Sanneh, Tijan Jeng, Jerreh Sanyang, Malang Jammeh and Momodou Lamin Jammeh, who are still being held in custody.

They were equally been accused of abusing their offices by identifying the wrong vehicles for auction, accusations they all denied.

The case is said to be adjourned to September 7, 2016 at 11am for hearing.

By Alhagie Jobe

As the world observed Victims of Enforced Disappearances on August 30^th, this year, the Ghana based Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) observed the day remembering the disappeared Gambian journalists Chief Ebrima Manneh and called on the government to produce him.

Manneh, a journalist with the -pro-government Daily Observer newspaper, was arrested on July 7, 2006 by officers from The Gambia’s National Intelligence Agency (NIA) at his office in Banjul, for allegedly passing “damaging” information to a BBC journalist during an African Union Summit and for trying to republish a BBC story criticising President Yahya Jammeh’s coup to power.

Ten years on, Manneh’s whereabouts remain unknown and to date, the government has denied having arrested and taken Manneh into custody and the journalist is yet to be found.

Remembering Manneh on the day, the Media Foundation recalls that during the year following his arrest, Manneh was spotted multiple times within various prisons and detention centres, as he was transferred many times. He was also seen with paramilitary officers at a hospital after being reportedly treated for blood pressure.
According to the foundation, the United Nations has emphasised that “enforced disappearance has frequently been used as a strategy to spread terror within the society. The feeling of insecurity generated by this practice is not limited to the close relatives of the disappeared, but also affects their communities and society as a whole.” Indeed after Manneh’s disappearance, many journalists in The Gambia increasingly feared for their lives.
“In 2007, the MFWA filed a civil suit at the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice to seek justice for Manneh and his family. Not only did the government of The Gambia fail to make an appearance in Court but it also tried to kidnap one of the witnesses against the state. On March 10, 2008, Yahya Dampha, a Gambian journalist who was a witness in the Manneh case and who had been persecuted into fleeing to neighbouring Senegal, escaped a kidnapping attempt by three suspected NIA agents. At that time, Dampha told the MFWA that he sought the help of his neighbours upon recognition of one Habib Drammeh, a known NIA operative attached to President Yahya Jammeh’s office. Upon his neighbours’ intervention, the would-be abductors fled. Dampha also told the MFWA that prior to the attempt, he had received a number of threatening phone calls” it noted.
A few months later on June 5, 2008, the ECOWAS Court found The Gambia guilty of disappearing Manneh and ordered the government to release the journalist, and pay him US$100,000 in damages.
Until now, Manneh’s whereabouts remain unknown and the Gambian government has failed to pay any compensation, in violation of its obligations under the Revised ECOWAS Treaty. The MFWA continues to appeal to ECOWAS to ensure that The Gambia complies with the ruling of the ECOWAS Court in accordance with its obligations as a member of ECOWAS.

The MFWA also call on ECOWAS and all states in West Africa to prioritize the issue of safety of journalists, by investigating, prosecuting and remedying cases of enforced disappearance.

“We urge all states in West Africa to respect, protect and fulfill people’s rights to freedom of expression, including press freedom, and to cease persecuting individuals for exercising this right” the statement concluded.

By Alhagie Jobe

The bail petition filed on behalf of embattled petroleum director Momodou Badjie’s has been rubbished by the vacation High Court judge on Tuesday, saying it “lacks merit.”

The decision by Justice Ogar Edward Eneji’s was contained in a ruling he delivered on Badjie’s bail application on Tuesday which was filed by his defence counsel, Lawyer LS Camara and responded to by State Counsel A Mendy.

Badjie who was the managing director of the government’s petroleum firm, The Gambia National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) has been previously denied bail by two other courts and committed to custody at the State Central prison of Mile II. He is among dozens of senior government officials arrested and accused by the Jammeh administration of been involved in one of the most serious economic crimes in government during the past twenty-two years of the Second Republic.

Among others involved in the same case are Nuha Touray, former Secretary to Cabinet at the Office of the President, Fafa Sanyang, former Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Petroleum, Seedy Kanyi, former general manager of Gambia Transport Service Corporation, Muntaga Sallah, former permanent secretary, Ministry of Petroleum, and former oil minister Sira Wally Ndow.

Justice Eneji justified his decision based on the argument by state counsel that there is an ongoing state investigation into the matter and that the same court has earlier rejected same bailed application and the High Court cannot review its own decision and cannot sit on its own appeal case.

“I have reviewed the contents of the bail application, accompanied with supporting affidavits from both the applicants and the respondent state counsel. By order of an originating summon, dated 10th August 2016, the applicant filed bail application in court on grounds that the offence charged is bailable and urged the court to grant it pending the trial. The applicant sought among others that they be granted bail with or without condition, saying the application was supported by 34-paragraph affidavit sworn to by one Kebba Sanneh. The state respondent objected to the application with a four-paragraph affidavit, sworn to by one Mariama Jallow, a legal clerk at the Attorney General’s Chamber. The respondent premised his objection on the grounds that the matter is still under investigation and that the accused is an influential person who once granted bail may interfere with witnesses in the case” he narrated in court.

The judge acknowledged the legal provision on presumption of innocence of an accused person until proven guilty which he said Section 19 of the Constitution of The Gambia affirmed but however raised issues with such decisions made by the High Court and whether the said High Court can review its own decision or can sit on its own appeal case as the bail application before the court was the same as the one decided by Justice Otaba of the same court.

Justice Eneji said the only alternative for the applicant is to either apply for review of the previous High Court decision made by the cited judge or appeal against it at the Gambia Court of Appeal. He then dismissed the bail application saying the High Court cannot review its own decision and cannot sit on its own appeal case.

By Alhagie Jobe

The unilateral declaration by President Yahya Jammeh of The Gambia being an Islamic State and the arrests and detention of three Imams without charge or trial are top concerns highlighted by the United States in its 2015 International Religious Freedom Report for The Gambia.

On August 10, Secretary of State John Kerry submitted the 2015 International Religious Freedom Report (IRFR) to the United States Congress and a final copy has finally been released and published.

In its 18th year, this congressionally-mandated Report comprises almost 200 distinct reports on countries and territories worldwide and continues to reflect the United States’ commitment to, and advancement of, the right of every person to freedom of religion or belief.

In The Gambia, the constitution provides every person the right to practice any religion, as long as doing so does not impinge on the rights of others or on the national interest. The constitution prohibits religious discrimination, the establishment of a state religion, and religiously-based political parties.

Meanwhile, in the report, the US expressed concern over President Jammeh’s unilateral declaration of The Gambia as an Islamic State on December 10, with sharia prevailing and reminded that the Gambia’s constitution only establishes qadi courts, with Muslim judges trained in the Islamic legal tradition. The qadi courts are located in each of the country’s seven regions and apply sharia law. Their jurisdiction applies only to marriage, divorce, custody over children, and inheritance questions for Muslims.

Sharia also applies to interfaith couples where there is one Muslim spouse. Non-qadi district tribunals, which deal with issues under customary and traditional law, apply sharia, if relevant, when presiding over cases involving Muslims. A five-member qadi panel has purview over appeals regarding decisions of the qadi courts and non-qadi district tribunals relating to sharia. Muslims also have access to civil courts. Non-Muslims are not subject to qadicourts.

On the arrest of the Imams, the US noted that the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) arrested and detained three imams without charge or trial, they are Sheikh Omar Colley, Imam of Jabang, arrested on October 15; Alhagie Ousman Sawaneh, Imam of Kanifing South, arrested on October 18; and Cherno Gassama, Imam of Dasilami Mosque in the Lower Fulladu West District, Central River Region, arrested on November 2.

According to the US report, authorities provided no explanation for their arrests and detention and residents of the regions stated the imams were members of a new rice farmers association that was not supportive of the ruling party.

The US indicated in the report that the Muslim clerics were still in detention at the end of the year and the constitution states that no accused should be held without charge in excess of 72 hours.

Below is the full report on Gambia as publish by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor under the US Department of State;

Executive Summary

The Gambian constitution provides every person the right to practice any religion, as long as doing so does not impinge on the rights of others or on the national interest. The constitution prohibits religious discrimination, the establishment of a state religion, and religiously-based political parties. President Yahya Jammeh declared the country an Islamic state on December 10, stating the lives of Christians would not be affected. Opposition parties condemned the declaration of an Islamic state. The government arrested and detained three imams without trial or explanation; all three imams were in custody at the end of the year. Police arrested a blogger for posting a caricature of the Prophet Muhammed with a little girl sitting on his lap. The accused – who said police forced his confession – was released on bail, and his case was subsequently dismissed. The Supreme Islamic Council (SIC), closely allied with the government, declared the Ahmadiyya Muslim community a “non-Muslim Community” and banned the burial of Ahmadi Muslims in Muslim cemeteries. Ahmadis were denied access to state media to publicize their religious activities.
In Tallinding village, Sunni Muslims banned Ahmadi Muslims from burying their dead at Muslim cemeteries and demanded the excavation of an Ahmadi body. The Ahmadiyya leadership issued a statement reacting to the SIC’s statement and said the issue had the potential to create civil strife. The Interfaith Group for Dialogue and Peace, composed of representatives from the Muslim, Christian, and Bahai communities, met regularly to discuss matters of mutual concern, such as religious freedom and the need for peaceful coexistence.
The U.S. embassy hosted a series of iftars with government and local officials and religious leaders, during which participants emphasized a message of religious freedom and tolerance.

Religious Demography

The U.S. government estimates the total population at 1.9 million (July 2015 estimate). According to religious leaders, an estimated 90 percent of the population is Muslim, most of whom are Sunni. Other Islamic groups include Malikite, Qadiriyah, and Sufism/Tijaniyah. There are also small numbers of Ahmadi and Ndigal Muslims.

The Christian community, situated mostly in the west and south of the country, is 9 percent of the population (U.S. government estimate). It is predominantly Roman Catholic, but there are also several Protestant groups including Anglicans, Methodists, Baptists, Seventh-day Adventists, and various evangelical denominations. Approximately 1 percent of the population practices indigenous animist religious beliefs, although many Muslims and Christians maintain some traditional practices. Other groups include Bahais, a small community of Hindus among South Asian immigrants and business persons, and a small community of Eckankar members.

Status of Government Respect for Religious Freedom

Legal Framework

The constitution states that “every person shall have the freedom to practice any religion and to manifest such practice,” as long as doing so does not impinge on the rights of others or on the national interest. The constitution prohibits religious discrimination, the establishment of a state religion, and religiously-based political parties. President Yahya Jammeh declared the country an Islamic state on December 10, with sharia prevailing.

The constitution establishes qadi courts, with Muslim judges trained in the Islamic legal tradition. The qadi courts are located in each of the country’s seven regions and apply sharia law. Their jurisdiction applies only to marriage, divorce, custody over children, and inheritance questions for Muslims. Sharia also applies to interfaith couples where there is one Muslim spouse. Non-qadi district tribunals, which deal with issues under customary and traditional law, apply sharia, if relevant, when presiding over cases involving Muslims. A five-member qadi panel has purview over appeals regarding decisions of the qadi courts and non-qadi district tribunals relating to sharia. Muslims also have access to civil courts. Non-Muslims are not subject to qadicourts.

There are no formal guidelines for registration of religious groups, but faith-based groups that operate as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) must meet the same eligibility criteria as other NGOs. All NGOs are required to register with the NGO Affairs Agency according to the law, and must register as charities at the Attorney General’s chambers under the Companies Act. They are required to have governing boards of directors of at least seven members responsible for policy and major administrative decisions. including internal control. The NGO Decree requires all NGOs to submit to the NGO Affairs Agency a detailed annual work program and budget, a detailed annual report highlighting progress on activities undertaken during the year, work plans for the following year, and financial statements audited by NGO Affairs Agency-approved auditors. The government has stated the submissions help the NGO Affairs Agency monitor the activities of the respective NGOs.

The law requires all public and private schools throughout the country to include basic Muslim or Christian instruction in their curricula. Students cannot opt out of these classes. The government provides religious education teachers to schools that cannot recruit such teachers.

The constitution bans political parties organized on a religious basis.

Government Practices

The National Intelligence Agency (NIA) arrested and detained three imams without charge or trial. Sheikh Omar Colley, Imam of Jabang, was arrested on October 15; Alhagie Ousman Sawaneh, Imam of Kanifing South, was arrested on October 18; and Cherno Gassama, Imam of Dasilami Mosque in the Lower Fulladu West District, Central River Region was arrested on November 2. Authorities provided no explanation for their arrests and detention. Residents of the region stated the imams were members of a new rice farmers association that was not supportive of the ruling party. The Muslim clerics were still in detention at the end of the year. The constitution states that no accused should be held without charge in excess of 72 hours.

Police arrested Alagie Mam Sey on May 11 for posting a caricature of the Prophet Muhammed on social media with a little girl sitting on his lap. He was arraigned before the Brikama Magistrate Court on August 4, and charged with “uttering words with intent to hurt religious feeling.” The prosecution reported that the accused admitted guilt. His lawyer said Mam Sey had been threatened with death and requested his client be released on bail on the grounds he might be mentally unstable and needed to undergo a medical examination. The judge granted bail in the amount of 10,000 dalasi ($250). The court dismissed the case in December.

When declaring the country an Islamic state, President Jammeh said becoming an Islamic state would not affect the lives of Christians and their way of worship. He urged citizens to respect their Christian brothers and sisters; Christians would continue to celebrate Christmas. He said no one had the right to interfere with the relationship between Muslims and people of other faiths.

The main opposition political parties condemned the president’s declaration of an Islamic state. The leaders of the United Democratic Party and the People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism issued public statements condemning the declaration, and labeled it unconstitutional.The Standard (owned by the minister of communications) and The Observer (government-owned) normally supportive of the ruling party, reported the president’s declaration of an Islamic state but did not comment.

Both Muslims and Christians called for the president’s impeachment following his declaration of an Islamic state, and some called the move unconstitutional. The Voice, an independent newspaper, reported that the leader of the National Reconciliation Party called the declaration “a joke.” Christian leaders said they were concerned and confused because it was unclear to them what “Islamic state” meant.

The SIC, a faith-based NGO with close ties to the government, declared on January 23 that the religious group of Ahmadi Muslims, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at, was not Muslim, and called for the organization’s exclusion from consultations on Islamic matters. On September 5, the SIC banned the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at from burial rights at Islamic cemeteries. Additionally, the SIC banned the Ahmadiyya community from airing religious programs on the government-owned Gambia Radio and TV Station and on all public and private radio stations.

Status of Societal Respect for Religious Freedom

The local press reported that on August 30, the Sunni Muslim community in Tallinding village, in Kanifing Municipality, threatened to exhume an Ahmadi Muslim who had been buried at the village cemetery. According to Sunnis in Tallinding, Ahmadis buried the individual at the cemetery without the knowledge of the imam, village head, or village elders. The Sunni community demanded that the Ahmadis exhume their dead from the cemetery “even when the body is decomposed,” and threatened to do it themselves. The Third Deputy Amir of the Jama’at, Alhagie Ebrahima Mbowe, said the Ahmadis would not exhume the individual under any circumstances. The police, the mayor of Kanifing Municipality, and the SIC intervened and urged the “elders and the youths of Tallinding not to exhume the dead in order to prevent violence and turmoil within the society.”

On September 9, the Ahmadiyya leadership issued a public statement reacting to the SIC’s statement declaring the Jama’at a “non-Muslim community.” The Ahmadiyya leadership said “the statement is absolutely false and baseless and has the potential to create civil strife in The Gambia.”

The Catholic Mission introduced the inclusion of basic Muslim and Christian instruction in school curricula. The mission oversaw approximately 64 schools at various levels including nursery, lower basic, and upper basic. The Catholic Mission said a majority of its students enrolled in its schools were from the Muslim community.

The Catholic Mission expressed concern that Christians were underrepresented in the government, noting there was only one Christian, Benjamin A. Roberts, the Minister of Tourism and Culture, in the 23-member cabinet.

The Interfaith Group for Dialogue and Peace, comprising representatives from the Muslim, Christian, and Bahai communities, met regularly to discuss matters of mutual concern, such as religious freedom and the need to live together in harmony. The Christian component of the interfaith group was represented by the Gambia Christian Council, which included three Christian denominations: Anglican, Catholic, and Methodist.

Intermarriage between Muslims and Christians was common. According to the Roman Catholic Bishop of Banjul, there was anecdotal evidence from Christian minorities that Muslims converting to Christianity through marriage sometimes experienced hostility from Muslim neighbors and family members.

U.S. Government Policy

The U.S. embassy hosted two iftars in Banjul at the Ambassador’s residence in June, and two other iftars with the governors of the North Bank and West Coast Regions. At each of the dinners, the Charge d’Affaires and the governors cited the importance of religious freedom.

The Ambassador met with senior officials of the Catholic Mission and Diocese of Banjul, and discussed religious tolerance and the reaction of the Christian community after the declaration of the country as an Islamic state.