Honourable Minister and my dear brother,

I must start off by admitting my own sadness at having to write to you once more on this very bitter and discomforting subject. Surely it is not my intention to cause you so much discomfort but I have no choice but to proceed to the third part of this series due to circumstances beyond my control. This piece is actually occasioned by a commentary I read on your recent troubles with the National Assembly concerning the (now dirty) word, virement.

The commentary, that was made by your own friend, actually indicted you and vindicated our courageous NAMs who vociferously scolded you for your fiscal malfeasance.

Unlike people like me who are being wrongly accused (by your spin-masters) of holding ulterior motives against you, Sanna Darboe of SMD Policy Management Institute  cannot be accused of being your adversary; because he is your friend and you have been a dutiful client to him from your days as Managing Director at The Gambia National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) to date, facilitating for him juicy contracts to train public officials like Higher Education Minister Badara Joof; surely, Badara might go down in our history as the most trained serving Cabinet Minister thanks to his insatiable desire for per perdiem, regularly flying to Dakar to be ‘trained’ by Sana.

Alas, I have no choice but to return to this matter concerning which you remain defiant, that you did the right thing and would continue to slice and dice our National cake as you see fit despite the umbrage visibly demonstrated by the legislative authority. The irony is that without the legal blessing of this same National Assembly, you would never have any mandate to dispense those public funds you have now held hostage. Therefore, I cannot remain quiet for the bards of reggae keep inspiring us and the muse must follow suit. It was the artiste Jah Mali who sang: “Lightening, brimstone and fire … your evil is taking root but we are here to expose the truth.”

The truth is bitter but it must be spoken especially in these very trying times of our national restitution and reconstruction process.

I  stated in part two of this series that, ordinarily, virement is not a crime in the budget implementation process. And so argues your own friend Sanna Darboe. In a long commentary published by Mansabanko online, the seasoned economist and former public official tried as best he could to sugarcoat the truth regarding your current debacles with the National Assembly. But just as is customary with the truth, press it into the deep waters as you might, it will resurface to the light of day like a cork in a river. After a long sermon, here’s your own friend’s conclusion on this matter and I quote:

“the magnitude of the coronavirus related expenditure required, would fundamentally alter the allocation of expenditure appropriated by the legislature and therefore, requires its approval … it is a supplementary appropriation that is needed. Emergency expenditure can be allowed through virement but must be regularized through the supplementary appropriation,”

Like I alluded to in the opening statements of this epistle, those of us speaking these inconvenient truths in the public space, do not necessarily take pleasure in doing so but it appears as if there is a sacred force speaking through us.

Your friend, Mr Darboe, took pains to go through a lot of verbiage before arriving at the inevitable conclusion in his commentary. He quoted myriad sources like world bank and bored his readers with a lot of prevarication but he had no choice but to utter the bitter truth at the end of his analysis. What he said is simple, you had no right to play with the appropriated amounts clearly set out in the budget. The proper thing to do was to go back to the National Assembly as suggested by the deputies and seek approval for a supplementary appropriation bill. But you are too wise and too important to go through that process.

Now Honourable Minister, please tell me what is the difference between what your friend said above and the contentions held by deputies like Honourable Ya Kumba Jaiteh and Sidia Jatta?

Yes, virement at reasonable amounts that would not alter the appropriated totals for the budget heads/ministries is understandable, albeit not ideal. But a deliberate butchering of the budget is unacceptable and unconscionable. Now why are you so defiant in this matter? Have you not read about the inevitable consequences of hubris?

Better late than never, you should just eat humble pie and head straight for the National Assembly with a supplementary appropriation bill. Do not just go there with a matrix of numbers to be approved. Please go to the Assembly with a revised Budget Framework Paper (BFP) because all of your assumptions in the BFP that explained the background and policy ethos of the 2020 budget have been torpedoed because of the new realities thrust on us by the macroeconomic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic.

And lest I forget, what is the latest on the Banjul Breweries Company? Has this company not closed shop partly because of your unprecedented tax hike that rendered their operations unsustainable?

May Allah guide you and protect whatever is left of sound nature in our macroeconomic framework in these trying times.

Regards,

M. Sabally

Former research economist and National Budget Director, Momodou Sabally has undergone extensive professional training in macroeconomics and public financial management at the IMF Institute, the Central Bank of England’s Center for Central Banking Studies, Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government and holds a masters degree in Economics from Georgia State University in the US. 

Touted for its deep political culture, Salikenni is described by pundits as the ‘University of Gambian Politics’. Also called Lambai-Moribolong, Salikenni,  is the 12th largest rural town in The Gambia out of Greater Banjul area, located at Central Baddibou District, North Bank Region of The Gambia.

The people of Salikenni had a deep sense of political consciousness before independence, and they are renowned for their ethos of self-reliance, which makes them stand tall in the history of Gambian politics.

The gallant political aficionados of Salikenni triumphantly proclaim the spirit of the rural town with a Mandinka proverb: “Niyeah Salikenni konoma, e’kata arwulu lakira leh”; which means, If anybody becomes so foolish as to become pregnant and intoxicated with hatred for Salikenni to the point of attempting to attack Salikenni, you give birth to that pregnancy in the next world; dead and buried.

The first chief of Central Badibou, Alkali Kekoto Dibba, was installed in Salikenni in 1893 – and ruled from 1893 to 1899. He was the ‘Alkali’ (head of village) at the same time. Since then chieftaincy in Central Badibou has been hereditary until in 1964 when Chief Mustapha Chaku Dibba was duly elected by the people, and had ruled from 1964 to 1969.

Historical evidence suggests that the people of Lambai played a significant role in the formation of PPP (the ruling party of the first Republic), and the struggle for Gambia’s self-rule. This led to a capture of political power by rural-based political movements as opposed to the political movements based in urban Gambia. However, urban-based United Party (UP) of P.S Njie, still enjoyed some support upcountry which made politics dramatic in Salikenni before independence.

Prominent among the seasoned politicians from Salikenni are; the former vice president Sheriff Mustapha Dibba, former cabinet minister Dr Momodou Manneh and former cabinet minsiter Dr Lamin Naffo Saho. These are men of impeccable character who served the Gambia selflessly, mainly in the PPP government.

Sheriff Mustapha Dibba, a son of Chief Mustafa Chaku, was PPP’s number-two and first vice president when the Gambia gained its republican status in 1970, while remaining as finance minister.

Dibba, was the first finance minister to balance a budget in the Gambia.

Sheriff, known for his no-nonsense disciplinarian style, resigned from the office of vice president when his brother got involved in a smuggling scandal.

With a forlorn tone VP Dibba wrote a resignation letter to Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara. In a letter dated 15th September 1972, Sheriff wrote:

“In view of the circumstances on this matter, I have regrettably decided to resign from the office of Vice President, in accordance with Section 46(c) of the constitution with effect from today. In taking this decision, I wish to inform you that I have no knowledge of this crime when it was being committed, and that I wish to declare my innocence”.

The wise old man from Barajally accepted Dibba’s resignation but not without remorse. In a letter dated 15th September 1972, Jawara replied:

“With much reluctance I accept your resignation. I appreciate the dedication and high sense of responsibility to the Nation which has prompted this difficult decision on your part, and I can assure you that I have no doubts as to your innocence. I hope therefore in consonance with your pledge of loyal support for the Party and Government you will continue serve as Minister of Finance”.

The thoroughbred royal son of Salikenni left Cabinet but was redeployed by President Jawara to the foreign service. S.M Dibba, once described by the U.S. State Department as a future leader, was later expelled from PPP and formed his own new party, the National Convention Party (NCP) 0n 7th August 1975. In the following quotation from a highly credible source, I present the circumstances that led to Dibba’s expulsion from the then ruling PPP:

“The British high commissioner, J. R. W. Parker, stated that he had been informed by Eric Christensen (the secretary to the cabinet) that the atmosphere in the cabinet had become “intolerable,” with Dibba “constantly voicing his criticism of some of his colleagues and attempting to split off the others.” Parker further suggested that there had been rumours for some time that dissident groups were intending to form a new political party to challenge the PPP at the next general election and that some ministers believed “that Dibba was in touch with, or attracting support from these groups.” President Jawara also told Parker that Dibba had been seeking to take advantage of a general strike which had broken out on July 28 and that his “appeal was essentially to the hard-line Mandinka tribalists who wanted a dominant say in all the affairs of the country, to the virtual exclusion of other ethnic groups.” For his part, Dibba later claimed that his expulsion was engineered by three principal cabinet opponents: A. B. N’Jie, the minister of external affairs; Sir Alieu Jack, the minister of works; and M. L. Saho, the attorney general. Significantly, as noted, all three men were Banjul Wolofs” (Hughes & Perfect, 2006, p, 188).

NCP had gained support from Sheriff’s home region of North Bank, Kombo Saint Marry and Brikama, and places dominated by disgruntled migrants from Salikenni and other parts of rural Gambia who felt under-represented in Jawara’s cabinet at the time, and were dissatisfied with the difficult underlying conditions in Gambia. A corrupt political class, rising unemployment, heartless economy, sclerotic bureaucracy, a divided to distracted public, had gone untreated for some years.

Amazingly, the political landscape of Salikenni became fierce and interesting, when Sheriff lost a parliament seat in his home constituency of Central Badibou in 1982 to PPP’s Salikenni-born Dr Lamin Naffa Saho. The town became a house divided; some families sided with PPP, whilst big section held their ground with NCP.

The prominent politicians and opinion leaders in Salikenni during these historic years were Alh Karamo fatty of PPP, who later became the regional Chairman of United Democratic Party in 1996 after Yahya Jammeh overthrew Jawara and banned PPP. and a strong stalwart of NCP, Masaneh kuli-jarra Saidy Fatajo.

Masaneh Kuli-Jara, has for long been celebrated for his bravery and uncommon determination to salvage Gambia from colonial rule and maintaining social justice. He has recently been described by an avid connoisseur of our local political history former Presidential Affairs Minister, Momodou Sabally, as, “an interesting activist-cum-Political-rabble-rouser”. To date, the sound of his name brings back to life memories of Saliknni’s rich pokicitxalmpas which can never be fully narrated without mention of the dramatic name, Massaneh Kuli-Jara.

2021 should be a very interesting year all over the world. The mere fact that it is also supposed to start the post-coronavirus pandemic epoch, if normalcy is restored by January, makes it even more interesting to a distressed world. And because no theories from the world’s wisest and brightest academicians or religious gurus ever prepared us for this overwhelming phenomenon, I expect nobody to come out claiming to be the expert on what to expect. In that case, I believe this mysterious circumstance gives all of us the leverage to elbow our way into foretelling what to expect in 2021 and beyond; nobody can however be absolutely certain of any prognostication.

So bear with me folks with retrained emotions in my attempt to navigate the uncharted terrain of Gambia’s political destiny going into 2021, based on the circumstantial evidences at my disposal.

First and foremost, I am inclined to predict that President Adama Barrow will continue doing what he has been doing to ultimately fulfill his political ambition of ruling the Gambia for the next 15 years, said to have been prophesied by his special marabouts as the predestine duration of his occupation of the Banjul Statehouse. It’s not me alone, most Gambians have heard of the prophesy. Moreover, irrespective of our sophistication, an inordinate number of Gambians still believe in the existence and credibility of these clairvoyants within the Senegambia zone who were once distinguished for predicting the governance of Ex-President Jammeh to last for 22 years. You all had heard about that in those days and was believed to have been proven factual.

President Barrow and his close affiliates will therefore, continue to rely on these soothsayers of which Gambians must brace up for a political challenge in 2021 the likes of which are unimaginable; it will, in a nutshell, mean facing a resilient incumbent whose goals are not rooted in anything scientific. Being so, I will further predict that anything he finds unfavorable to his dream, will simply compel him to do what he does best since being sworn into office in 2017; i. e., he will simply seek the permission or blessing of President Mackey Sall of Senegal and do whatever he considers self-beneficial.

It was fascinating to read the 2016 coalition party political manifesto just before writing this paper that clearly illustrates how President Barrow has been flouting every accord ratified to reinforce the spirit and objectives of the participators.

Cardinal among them had been his incautiousness of being alienated by a large number of the coalition party supporters who voted him into power when he reneged on their three-year-term-limit covenant, on the pretext that the “proscribed” 1997 constitution under castigation and review for a “better one” mandated him to serve a full five-year term. That was symptomatic of what his voters must condone if any obstacle to the realization of his preordained “15 years” leadership become existentially threatened. By disrespecting the three years agreement, he did not only betray the framers and voters on the term limit but above all, he seized the incumbency advantage that everybody had feared would compromised the vital-leveled playing field and the avoidance self-perpetuating rule.  The very undesirable bone of contentions they said would end the reemergence of the likes of Presidents Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh.

And as if that was not enough violation of the coalition-party policy statements, he went on to discard all guidelines formulated by the “Selected Committee” entrusted with vetting and appointing members of the executive and judicial branches of the new government.

While butchering their program, the architects or warriors who were singing the “Gambia has Decided” and “Never Again”  hymn remained impotent and mute on the mess they created, resorting to pointing fingers at each other and attempting to justify their fiasco by indirectly describing Adama Barrow as “Mickey Mouse”, “The Blindman”, “The Disabled” or even “The Dog” that they still insist is better to replace Yahya Jammeh.

Do you think at the time that the Selected Committee supposedly responsible of appointing government ministers, its members had remotely conceptualized the possibility of hiring the following Jammeh “loyalists” in the positions they held after “victory”? What chance of being shortlisted did these few among a lot stand? Mr. Alagie Ceesay, now President Barrow’s Chief Protocol officer was Chief Protocol officer to first lady Madam Zainab Jammeh, Dr. Mamadou Tangara, now foreign minister was Jammeh’s ambassador to the UN, Shiekh Omar Faye, now defense minister was Jammeh’s ambassador in America, Colonel Momodou Badjie, now national security adviser was Jammeh’s ambassador to Turkey, General Masaneh Kinteh (CDS) now appointed ambassador to China was Jammeh’s ambassador in Cuba after serving as his CDS for years, Mamburay Njie now Finance minister was being prosecuted by the Jammeh government for “committing economic crimes” after working for him for close two decades. Would these fellows have passed the scrutiny test of that hawkish committee, angry and frustrated with anybody associated with Jammeh ? I doubt it. Other than parading delusional activists consoling themselves by celebrating the defeat of Jammeh, their struggle had simply epitomized the “monkey work baboon eat” maxim. Absolute failure!

I seriously have my doubt over whether the real envisaged coalition government would have endorsed the military occupation of the Gambia by Senegalese forces called ECOMIG. Because what their presence in the Gambia has translated into, is shifting the perpetual blame from the Gambia Armed Forces of helping to keep Jammeh and the APRC in power, to ECOMIG/Senegalese forces now playing a similar role of helping to keep Barrow and his government in power. No difference to me whatsoever. They will shoot and kill anyone considered an enemy of the Barrow government like they did to helpless, armless and voiceless protesters like Harona Jatta of Kanilai village expressing his fundamental human right.

Thanks to the quid pro quo deal of the century, the Barrow government is literally composed of top-ranking officials who were once Jammeh’s most trusted loyalists but surrendered the sovereignty of the country to Senegal on December 9, 2016 to retain their jobs. These lackeys, according to the GDC leader Mama Kandeh are either clueless or merely pursuing their selfish interests.

But Barrow knows that no matter how ferocious the barking dogs circling peripheries look, biting is not part of their DNA and will not deter him from paving his way to durable power.

Regardless of the millions of dalasis wasted in the Kenyan “plagiarized” new constitution, coupled with certain clauses being at odds with his ambition, I find it safe to assert that President Barrow will not endorse the newly drafted constitution or forward it to the National Assembly for approval and subsequent referendum.

Only perhaps on one caveat; that he will first get rid of all articles unfavorable to his dreams.

His 15 years of governance tend to be best favored by the 1997 constitution, period.

He will certainly continue to rely on the support of Senegal and the elite Gambians approved by President Mackey Sall and will also persist on tapping into the bottomless reservoir of political and intellectual mercenaries willing to espouse his political journey to 2031, no matter how perilous. It is going to be a long and hard journey but the crystal gazers have assured him that he will exhaust the “time-span”.

Upon settling for the old 1997 constitution that will provide him the desirable advantage to run for a simple majority rather than the absolute one, affirmed in the newly drafted one to determine a winner, I expect him to appoint a “favorable IEC with a dependable chairman”. Oh yes, the old constitution empowers him to appoint his choice of an IEC troupe. As usual, these folks can inadvertently transpose some election-result numbers in “Basse” or perhaps in “Foni” this time and announce him the winner. Senegalese forces or ECOMIG will mount their big guns on combat vehicles and as habitual, since their arrival in 2017 patrol the urban area to see who will disrupt the peace and security they are mandated to maintain in the new Gambia or to see who will try anything funny against Barrow, Senegal’s preferred Gambian democrat.

I think all objective Gambians are by now aware of the fact that Barrow is Senegal’s favorite candidate who will let them control the political narrative in the new Gambia. Lately, Senegalese immigrants in the diaspora have been using social media platforms to warn the Gambians in opposition to their military presence in the Gambia to start sinking it in their heads that President Mackey Sall will never again tolerate a government in the Gambia “hostile” to Senegal’s interest like Jawara and Jammeh used to be. That their troops will continue to stay in the Gambia indefinitely to ensure that any new government  either cooperates with them or faces the consequence. What that consequence means, is anybody’s guess.

The next big move by Senegal and France after Barrow is aided and abetted into winning the 2021 election will be their primary aim of a Senegambian economic union where the West African CFA  franc will replace our dalasi currency in the same way President Abdou Joof helped France in 1997 to change Guinea Bissau’s peso to the CFA with the cooperation of the late president, Joao Bernardo Vieira . These West African Neo-colonial states are in an agreement with France to be transferring  US$500 billion to France’s Central Bank “for safe keeping” and where they can only borrow from, if they needed financial assistance. It is like paying for being colonized and borrowing your own money with throat-cutting interest rates.

To get Nino Vieira into the nonsensical zone, they ultimately incited a bitter civil war in Bissau in 1998 between President Vieira and his most trusted Gambian-born general, Brigadier  Ansumana  Manneh that killed 655 people and displaced 350,000 Guinea Bissau residents. Both Manneh and Vieira were eventually consumed by the political debacle, a story I may soon write about. I was there with Dr. Sidat Jobe as Gambia’s Foreign Minister at the heat of that conflict in 1998. I led the Gambian Company along with Captain Peter Singhateh and Lt. Colonel Papoo Gomez who was the Company Sergeant Major at the time. I was then the Army Commander of the Gambia National Army and Colonel Baboucarr Jatta the CDS.

Thanks for reading.

Till next time.

Samsudeen Sarr

New York City.

If anyone understands the nature of a Democratic Republic one will not be in any doubt to realize that the destiny of the Republic lies primarily in the hands of the National Assembly. This is why the Constitution provides all the necessary powers and tools to the National Assembly in order to ensure the accountability of all organs of the State. It is the National Assembly that checks and disciplines the Executive, creates or amend the laws, and approves or disapproves appointments, budgets, agreements or loans. Hence the life of the country lies squarely in the hands of the National Assembly.

Therefore, if the Gambia, as a Democratic Republic fails there is none to blame other than the National Assembly. Similarly, if the Gambia succeeds there is none worthy of credit than the National Assembly. The health and strength of our democracy and governance hence national development lies squarely in the hands of the National Assembly. The destiny of our nation is intricately intertwined with the effectiveness of the National Assembly. This is the importance and value of the National Assembly that each and every NAM as well as each and every citizen has to understand and appreciate.

Yet, after 30 years of Jawara, 22 years of Jammeh and now 3 years of Barrow this country is still not on the right path? Why? Because the National Assembly and its Members have always refused to exercise their full powers to discipline the President and Ministers for violations of the Constitution, for misconduct and for poor performance! This is unacceptable.

For far too long the President and Ministers would openly violate the Constitution without National Assembly calling them to order. The NAMs can do this by passing a vote of no confidence or impeaching the President or by dismissing the Vice President or a Minister through a vote of censure. These powers are clearly spelt out in the Constitution. Without the use of these powers there will be no accountability hence these violations and under performance shall continue, which is impunity. The purpose of these powers and tools are to restrain the Executive to ensure that they abide by the rule of law and perform their functions efficiently and effectively.

If NAMs fail to use their full powers yet allow the Executive to continue to misconduct and underperform then we will be forced to conclude that indeed it is these very NAMs who are now aiding and abetting abuse of power by the President and his Vice President and Ministers.

The only time a vote of no confidence was passed on the President was either in the late 80s or early 90s by the leader of the opposition then NCP, the late Sheriff Dibba against the PPP Government. That is the kind of parliamentarians we need. It is not enough for NAMs to say the right things on the floor of the Assembly only to have the Executive have its way as they like. For the past three years, this Executive has had its way without any obstacles. After so much talk and delay on the floor of the National Assembly, in the end the Executive would have its way in full or at least by half. This does not help this country.

Our NAMs must bear in mind that every year this country increases tax and takes more loans and receive more grants yet all the time the people become poorer, while basic social services get more erratic and cost of living becomes more expensive. The gap between the poor and the rich continues to widen more and more. This is unacceptable. The purpose of the Government is not to produce more poverty and misery, rather it is to produce more prosperity, more freedom and more happiness for citizens. The purpose of the National Assembly is to make this objective become attainable in our lifetime!

NAMs must bear in mind that public officials have mastered the practice of elite capture. They have perfected the art of going around the law and to circumvent accountability institutions and mechanisms just to plunder public wealth. They do this by creating wild rationalizations and false narratives that are intended to raise them above scrutiny. We have seen an example of that when last week the Minister of Finance attempted to hoodwink NAMs about the issue of virement just to dodge accountability. Hence the time has come for NAMs to employ their full powers to use the tools available to them in the Constitution to protect the national interest.

For example, if the Public Finance Act is in conflict with the Constitution or gives unlimited powers to the Finance Minister to play with public funds as he likes then what we expect is the NAMs to amend that law. NAMs got to be aware that these laws we have today were created or amended during the period of Dictatorship with the sole purpose of giving the Executive a freehand without any control to play with public funds. Hence NAMs must be prepared to identify those weak laws and change them ASAP! They must not only be complaining about them rather they must indeed change them, now. This is why they are National Assembly Members!

For The Gambia Our Homeland

Greetings, thou son of Malang Saibo, and grandchild of the royals of Sabach Sanjal.

It has been quite a long time since we last spoke, but your call this afternoon erased the void that existed for a couple of months.

To have received your call while you are visiting the land of our ancestors in Sabach Sanjal means a lot to me, my young friend. We both have ancestral linkages down the  historical alleys of Sabach and Sanjal. And we connect along all the major settlements of that region. The town you are currently visiting happens to be one of my favourite in that area apart from my own paternal home town of Kataba.

Without doubt,  the town of Sanjal Sarakunda holds a special place in my heart. And this love affair I have with the town called Madikajaa was largely inspired by the sounds and lyrics of the Kora maestro Jaliba Kuyateh in his classic song serenading the former National Assembly Member of that area (who happens to be your uncle) Honourable Kebba Lang Camara.

For many days and weeks I travelled to school in the Peugeot car owned by my friend and brother Yanks as we struggled with our studies at the precursor to the University of The Gambia, then called the University Extension Programme (UEP). And by the way, Yanks also has a connection with the research project started by your friend Buba Njie. Now you should tell Bobling to look into the story behind a Lambai-Moribolong song in Mandinka with the refrain “torotoro ndingo beh torotoro la!”

The man behind that song is certainly a hall of famer (if I may use American terminology) in the annals of the history of the true men of valour as recorded in the Chronicles of Lambai-Moribolong.

Saibou Junior, behold, Yanks and I met and became friends in the mid 90s when Jaliba just released that song on Kebba Lang Camara and the sounds of that track still ring in my ears. No wonder I used that song as soundtrack for the movie that bears the same title with (and tells the story of) my first book “Jangi Jollof: a Memoir on The Gambia’s First University Programme). That laudatory song on Kebba Lang Camara recounts the history of the Camara’s of Sarakunda succinctly.

Truly the history of our forebears in the Sanjal area commenced with the arrival of the King called Kangkurang Kumba from the royal courts of the Manding Empire. It was Kangkurang Kumba who begot a son called Burama Kangkurang. Was it not that Burama Kangkurang who fathered Nimang Dado? Nimang Dado was to be blessed with great children like Lang Tombong. And the rest of the history of these royal men and women of Sanjal Sarakunda, is it not stored in the memories of the old men and women of that town.

Saibou Junior, you are right at the very fountain of knowledge about our glorious past. Are you going to spend the next few days at the attaya vous of Sanjal or will you pick up pen and paper and ask these old men and women about the details of the chronicles of the Kings of Madikajaa? If you should take my advice and get started on this adventure, you will grow up to thank me for giving you this nudge many years later.

But in the unlikely case that you become lazy and ignore the value of the our glorious past, then one day you will sit down and regret thereby being a victim of the lamentation sang by the great bard of Jamaica, the legendary Robert Nesta Marley:

“Don’t forget your history

Know your destiny

In the abundance of water

The fool is thirsty.”

My young friend, was it not the same Bob Marley who sang in the same song cited above, Rat Race, the following words of wisdom “Political violence fill ya city, yeah!”

And why would political violence not fill our cities when we have abandoned our history and ditched our tried and tested governance systems of our forebears for an over-rated experiment called liberal democracy?

Is there not a case for a hybrid (if not a complete swap) between the Western Liberal ethos and our own traditional concensus-based systems? Is the foregoing thesis not the basis for my son’s award-winning high school sophomore speech competition in Boston? Will you consult him on these and related matters as you proceed in your quest?

Whether you take my advice and embark on this expedition or not, I shall leave you with the time tested wisdom sang by my favourite artist of all time, the legendary Jaliba Kuyateh. Was it not this repository of our glorious history who opened the song about your fathers with these words “chosanoe, ni yaa jeh abetteh-yaa ta; ni yeh e boe dulaa long; e kay taa dulaa lonneh.” (The beauty of knowing and understanding cultural heritage lies in the fact that if you know where you are coming from, then you will know where you are going?)

It is easy to engage in shallow forums and cheesy workshops motivated by photo-ops. But if our Education is  to have real impact on the lives of our people, then we must shun pseudo intellectualism and get our hands dirty by shovelling the muddy recesses of our sociopolitical past.

If we should approach this quest with commitment and sincerity, then we shall come out enriched with pearls and other gems of real knowledge that could further enrich our national discourse and put us on a cleaner and safer pedestal as we proceed in this collective journey of nation building.

And as you trudge on in this journey, I shall arm you with a motivational nugget that is as much for you as it is for your friend, Buba Sanna Njie, who has already commenced his own dive into the limpid waters of the chronicles of Lambai.

Here are the words of W.H. Murray, as quoted on page 25 of my sophomore book “Instant Success”:

“Until one is committed, there is hesitancy, the chance to draw back, always ineffectiveness. Concerning all acts of initiative and creation, there is one elementary truth the ignorance of which kills countless ideas and splendid plans: that the moment one definitely commits oneself, then providence moves too … Whatever you can do or dream you can, begin it. Boldness has genius, power and magic in it. Begin it now.”

Over to you now my little brother, son of the Malang Saibo Camara. God bless you Omar.

Yours,

M. Sabally

Former Presidential Affairs Minister and prolific author, Momodou Sabally is an international speaker and leadership coach.

The European Union celebrates the 70^thanniversary of the Schuman Declaration which led its establishment.

On Saturday 9 May, Europe day, the start of economic and political cooperation among European countries was celebrated across the European continent. A gradual integration process kick-started by the Schuman Declaration published on 9 May 1950 has – over the past 70 years – resulted in the European Union (EU) as we know it today. This declaration, published by the French foreign minister at the time, Robert Schuman, called for European states to work together to pool their resources, in unity and solidarity – a call which is more topical than ever in the context of today’s COVID-19 epidemic.

The EU today is world’s most successful example of a process whereby gradual economic and political integration between sovereign states lead to peace, stability and increased welfare. Both economically and politically, the EU’s member states have become increasingly interdependent and today, they engage in joint decision-making in innumerable areas. For this cooperation to be successful, it needs to be based on very solid, unquestionable foundations: respect for the Rule of Law, democratic principles such as the separation of powers, as well as respect for human rights. Furthermore, this every day cooperation is built on identified common interests, and – importantly – on mutual respect for the ways in which people and countries differ from one another. The nations and peoples of Europe continue to discover that their cultural differences and diversity are, in fact, enriching. After all, looking at issues from different perspectives leads to finding better solutions. This way, the Member States and peoples who chose to be part of the EU today are united, despite their differences. They are united in diversity.

In his declaration published 70 years ago, Robert Schuman also called for solidarity among nations. Back in 1950, the nations of Europe were struggling to overcome the devastating impact of World War II. The minister realised that rebuilding Europe from the rubble and the ashes would require hard work and joint efforts. As everybody knows who has ever been part of a team, whether in school, in sports or on the job: joint hard work and efforts will lead to real achievements only if they go hand in hand with solidarity. Real joint work starts with the common understanding that the result should be beneficial to everyone, otherwise efforts will run in different directions. Thus, the members of a team, just like the members of the European Union, are united in solidarity.

Solidarity in today’s interconnected world also means international solidarity. For The Gambia and the EU, in the midst of the COVID-19 health crisis and socio-economic crisis that we see unfolding before our eyes as a result, Robert Schuman’s call for solidarity resonates more strongly than ever before. To paraphrase his words, the fight against COVID-19 cannot be won without making joint, creative efforts proportionate to the danger. The EU and The Gambia must jointly rise to the occasion.

In this spirit of solidarity, the EU has pulled together the various strands of its engagement with The Gambia.  Under the banner of #TeamEurope and together with the Gambian government, a package of actions aimed to address directly the COVID-19 outbreak, to strengthen The Gambia’s health capacities, and to mitigate the socio-economic consequences of the epidemic is being rolled out. This is a joint effort worth EUR 46 million including, among others, budget support, technical assistance, direct cash transfers to mothers and children in vulnerable communities, support to The Gambia’s unique coastal and marine resources, and investments in The Gambia’s rich cultural and arts sector. Answering Robert Schuman’s call for creative efforts matching the danger, the EU and The Gambia stand together, as partners, in diversity, in solidarity, and especially – in adversity.

Long live the European Union, long live the EU-Gambia Partnership!