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100 Days Behind Bars (and counting) for Gambian Journalist

Tomorrow, October 10, will mark 100 days in prison for journalist Alhagie Abdoulie Ceesay. His crime: committing acts of journalism in Gambia (or what local authorities would refer to as “seditious intention” and “publishing false news”).

Ceesay is the manager of Gambia’s last remaining independent radio station, Taranga FM, which has been repeatedly shut down by the government since 2011. The station was prevented from broadcasting for nearly two years until an “act of goodwill” in January 2014 allowed it to reopen.

That Ceesay, and other members of Gambia’s media fraternity, face constant harassment, intimidation and imprisonment is no surprise. President Yahya Jammeh—who has been in power since a July 1994 military coup—has carved out a notorious reputation for his violent intolerance of dissent, creating a “layer of fear” that is palpable in Gambian society, according to a March 2015 United Nations report. The criminalization of dissent in Gambia, and its deadly consequences, has prompted the regional ECOWAS court to claim that Jammeh has fostered a “climate of impunity,” routinely ruling against the government for violating the right to freedom of expression (multiple decisions, in fact, that the government has thus far refused to acknowledge or adhere to).

A 2013 report by the Doha Center for Media Freedom notes that over 100 journalists, at the time, had been forced to leave Gambia since the 1994 coup. More recently, it was revealed that every member of Gambia’s Press Union has fled the country since 2009.

During his time behind bars—dating to July 2 of this year—Ceesay’s lawyer has reported that his client is subject to routine torture by prison authorities, which the United States government has both taken stock of and denounced, and that Ceesay has been consistently denied medical attention, despite suffering from asthma. According to information from local sources, several individuals, including Ceesay’s girlfriend, have been forced to provide testimony against him.

For too long, Jammeh and his brazenly offensive regime has evaded international scrutiny. During the past year, however, aninternational spotlight on Gambia has undeniably brightened, prompting a concerted effort by the regime in Banjul to deflect this well-deserved criticism. One can hope that this new reality will also prompt Yahya Jammeh to use his country’s limited resources more wisely, and finally uphold important African and international agreements—as well as Gambia’s own constitution—to protect the basic human rights of all its people.

Abused Young Beauties and the Beast – President Jammeh’s Sexual Acts on Terrorized Young Gambian Girls!!!

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On the nights of the encounters, he first invites the girl for dinner.  The meal is always buffet style with foods ranging from bush meat, goat meat, to shrimp and other sea foods.  By just the sheer number of the different dishes and desserts, one can be forgiven for thinking a big house party is about to begin – not food for just one person, Yahya Jammeh.

Once dinner is over, he then leads her into a master bedroom located by the kitchen on one side and son, Muhammed Jammeh’s room on the other.  In this room is a bathroom, a white mattress and a white couch.Unopened boxes of unknown stuff litter the place making it a little smaller.  Particular care it seems was deliberately made to be sure everything in the room is of white color.  Walking in, despite all the stuff around, one almost feels like entering an empty space.

Once he settles in the room with the victim, he then proceeds to insert his fingers inside her in an effort to according to him, check whether she underwent Female Genital Mutilation and whether she is also a virgin.  He tells the girls he likes them uncircumcised and virgins.  It must at this point be noted that Jammeh has made his support for FGM well known in the country and even tried to prosecute prominent anti-FGM forces like Dr. Isatou Touray and Amie Bojang-Sissoho on false charges.  This practice therefore attests to his hypocrisy that has become all too common.

He then proceeds to rub the girl going in an up and down motion while he asks her whether she likes it or not.  These are very young girls and by this time she is trembling like a slaughtered chicken, fear overcoming her entire body system.  The answer to such a question obviously cannot be a “no”, for after all, this is the most brutal leader the African continent has ever seen.  One of the girls confided in Faturadio that she once made a desperate attempt to push his hand away, but when he insisted that she was bluffing and that she loves it, she gave up the fight and let the abuse continue.

Whether performing rituals lie at the heart of reasons for President Jammeh’s sexual abuse of young Gambians girls is yet to be determined but the revelations coming from the victims point to superstitious believes too.  The fact that everything in this room is white, even the furniture is white, and according to all the girls, he dresses them in white before performing the actual sex act with them seem to suggest there is more to the whole affair than one just satisfying his pedophilia desires.

The sad truth is that none of the girls who continue to be abused by Yahya wants to be in that situation but they all feel helpless.  Faturadio, in collaboration with the wider Gambian Diaspora, will continue to reach out to human rights groups and the International Community to highlight the plight of these innocent victims who should be going to school rather than serving as someone’s sex slaves.  This quote from one of the girls says it all: “I get so scared seeing a man I saw in white Kaftans throwing biscuits at us when we were young, now sleeping with me.  This may sound funny, but I get even more scared when he takes his hat off”.

Abused Young Beauties and the Beast – President Jammeh’s Sexual Acts on Terrorized Young Gambian Girls!!!

0

On the nights of the encounters, he first invites the girl for dinner.  The meal is always buffet style with foods ranging from bush meat, goat meat, to shrimp and other sea foods.  By just the sheer number of the different dishes and desserts, one can be forgiven for thinking a big house party is about to begin – not food for just one person, Yahya Jammeh.

 

Once dinner is over, he then leads her into a master bedroom located by the kitchen on one side and son, Muhammed Jammeh’s room on the other.  In this room is a bathroom, a white mattress and a white couch.Unopened boxes of unknown stuff litter the place making it a little smaller.  Particular care it seems was deliberately made to be sure everything in the room is of white color.  Walking in, despite all the stuff around, one almost feels like entering an empty space.

Once he settles in the room with the victim, he then proceeds to insert his fingers inside her in an effort to according to him, check whether she underwent Female Genital Mutilation and whether she is also a virgin.  He tells the girls he likes them uncircumcised and virgins.  It must at this point be noted that Jammeh has made his support for FGM well known in the country and even tried to prosecute prominent anti-FGM forces like Dr. Isatou Touray and Amie Bojang-Sissoho on false charges.  This practice therefore attests to his hypocrisy that has become all too common.

He then proceeds to rub the girl going in an up and down motion while he asks her whether she likes it or not.  These are very young girls and by this time she is trembling like a slaughtered chicken, fear overcoming her entire body system.  The answer to such a question obviously cannot be a “no”, for after all, this is the most brutal leader the African continent has ever seen.  One of the girls confided in Faturadio that she once made a desperate attempt to push his hand away, but when he insisted that she was bluffing and that she loves it, she gave up the fight and let the abuse continue.

Whether performing rituals lie at the heart of reasons for President Jammeh’s sexual abuse of young Gambians girls is yet to be determined but the revelations coming from the victims point to superstitious believes too.  The fact that everything in this room is white, even the furniture is white, and according to all the girls, he dresses them in white before performing the actual sex act with them seem to suggest there is more to the whole affair than one just satisfying his pedophilia desires.

The sad truth is that none of the girls who continue to be abused by Yahya wants to be in that situation but they all feel helpless.  Faturadio, in collaboration with the wider Gambian Diaspora, will continue to reach out to human rights groups and the International Community to highlight the plight of these innocent victims who should be going to school rather than serving as someone’s sex slaves.  This quote from one of the girls says it all: “I get so scared seeing a man I saw in white Kaftans throwing biscuits at us when we were young, now sleeping with me.  This may sound funny, but I get even more scared when he takes his hat off”.

100 Days Behind Bars (and counting) for Gambian Journalist

0

Tomorrow, October 10, will mark 100 days in prison for journalist Alhagie Abdoulie Ceesay. His crime: committing acts of journalism in Gambia (or what local authorities would refer to as “seditious intention” and “publishing false news”).

Ceesay is the manager of Gambia’s last remaining independent radio station, Taranga FM, which has been repeatedly shut down by the government since 2011. The station was prevented from broadcasting for nearly two years until an “act of goodwill” in January 2014 allowed it to reopen.

That Ceesay, and other members of Gambia’s media fraternity, face constant harassment, intimidation and imprisonment is no surprise. President Yahya Jammeh—who has been in power since a July 1994 military coup—has carved out a notorious reputation for his violent intolerance of dissent, creating a “layer of fear” that is palpable in Gambian society, according to a March 2015 United Nations report. The criminalization of dissent in Gambia, and its deadly consequences, has prompted the regional ECOWAS court to claim that Jammeh has fostered a “climate of impunity,” routinely ruling against the government for violating the right to freedom of expression (multiple decisions, in fact, that the government has thus far refused to acknowledge or adhere to).

A 2013 report by the Doha Center for Media Freedom notes that over 100 journalists, at the time, had been forced to leave Gambia since the 1994 coup. More recently, it was revealed that every member of Gambia’s Press Union has fled the country since 2009.

During his time behind bars—dating to July 2 of this year—Ceesay’s lawyer has reported that his client is subject to routine torture by prison authorities, which the United States government has both taken stock of and denounced, and that Ceesay has been consistently denied medical attention, despite suffering from asthma. According to information from local sources, several individuals, including Ceesay’s girlfriend, have been forced to provide testimony against him.

For too long, Jammeh and his brazenly offensive regime has evaded international scrutiny. During the past year, however, aninternational spotlight on Gambia has undeniably brightened, prompting a concerted effort by the regime in Banjul to deflect this well-deserved criticism. One can hope that this new reality will also prompt Yahya Jammeh to use his country’s limited resources more wisely, and finally uphold important African and international agreements—as well as Gambia’s own constitution—to protect the basic human rights of all its people.

TRIBUTE TO DR. BORO SUSO- A SORAH

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Saturday 30th August 8.15 pm my cell phone rang.  I picked the call.  I heard a familiar voice say “Caius how are you doing?” It was Boro Suso. In our short and last conversation which lasted for, may be, three minutes Boro and I assured each other that we were doing well. We both suffered mutual loses –the demise of Alhaji Baba Touray (whom Boro fondly called “Nkotoke”) Bintou Suso his sister, Dusu Kanyi and Jarai Darboe (my cousins) and Alhaji Mustapha Joof. We concluded our conversation with a promise to each other that we will meet the following day for our usual Sunday lunch. None of us fulfilled our promises.

Five and half hours later my cell phone rang again.  Mrs Bintou Suso nee Touray was on line.  The quick and short message she delivered was “Uncle Ousainu, I have brought your man to Pakala Clinic.  We are waiting for the Doctor.  Oh uncle Ousainu your man has gone”.  Boro has indeed gone never again to be part of our usual Sunday lunch gathering.

Boro was born in Bansang in 1946 to Pa Bakary Suso and Aja Kuta Jatta.  He was the first male child of the family. Like many of his contemporaries in Bansang, he received his Koranic and religious instruction at Imam Cherno Bubacarr Jallow”s Dara or Karanta.  The venerable Imam later became his brother in-law.

Dr. Suso attended Bansang Primary School.  He was probably amongst the third batch of pupils to enroll in that school.  Whilst at the Primary School he continued to pursue his Koranic/religious studies under the venerable Imam until December 1958 when he successfully sat to the entrance examination to secondary school.

In 1959, he gained admission to the prestigious Armitage School that shaped and sharpened the intellectual acumen of many provincial boys.  The other Bansang boys that went to Armitage School that year were his cousin the late Ndaraw Suso an educationist and Lamin J. Sise an accomplished diplomat and aid to Kofi Anan.  At this time Armitage did not present candidates for either the Junior or Senior Cambridge examinations or GCE ‘O’ Level.  Boro’s ambition and focus was not just to attain a level education that would qualify him for admission to Yundum Teacher Training College or entry into the civil service as a third grade clerk.  He was determined to follow in the footsteps of the late M.A. Jobarteh the first University graduate Bansang produced.  When he completed the fourth form at Armitage, he transferred to St. Augustine’s Secondary School where he was placed in the third form.  Amongst his classmates at St. Augustine’s were the Honourable Justice G.B.S. Janneh, Sulayman Samba of the Office of the President, Businessman Ahmed Diab and Politician Femi Peters.

He saw the buoy to his desired goal – the sixth form in Gambia High School – but he missed the entry qualification by one credit. He took to teaching at Ndemban School where he thought as an unqualified teacher for one year and the following year he went to Yundum College and during this period he prepared himself to make up for the deficit in his qualification for entry to the sixth form in G.H.S.  In 1967/68 academic year Boro gained admission to the G.H.S. It was in the sixth form that Boro and I became classmates.

His class was competitive. It was a class that accommodated the likes of Sulayman Bun Jack, Momodou Saho alias Dodou Lette, Dr, Tijan Senghore, Dr. Ruben Mboge, Dr. Alagie Touray, Dr. Karamo Sanyang, Edward(Eddy) Bright, Cherno Joof, Ebrima Cole, the late Baboucarr Gaye, Lamin Samateh, Dr. Momodou N. Darboe, Sulayman Mboob and our lady Haddy Sallah.

I recall in Easter 1969 Mr. M.A. Jobarteh gave us a ride to Bansang and during the journey he narrated to us how life as a University student looks like. He wet our appetite to pursue university education. Boro did not conceal how eager he was to sit to his ECE Advance Level examination for he said to me “Caius I must have the letters “B.A” after my name”. Yes he did not only have B.A. after his name but he also had “M.A and “Ph.D after his name and “Dr.” before his name.

His pursuit for University education commenced in October 1969.  He registered as a student of Economics and Geography at the University of Keele in U.K.  He graduated in 1973 with an honours degree in Economics and Geography.  He returned home in June/July 1973 and took up appointment as a graduate Executive Officer with the Ministry for Local Government & Lands for a brief period.

In 1974/75 academic year he won a Commonwealth Scholarship to pursue a Master’s Degree course in Planning at the University of Nottingham.  He successfully completed the course and having satisfied the examiners, the University of Nottingham conferred on him the Degree of Master of Arts in Planning. On his return home in July 1976, he was promoted to the position of Physical Planning Officer.  Two years later he won another Scholarship to pursue a doctorate programme in Planning at the university where he did his first post graduate studies. He reached the pinnacle of his educational career in 1981 with the conferment on him of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D) in Planning.

He was the first Gambian to attain such academic credential in Planning.  He became National Director of Physical Planning Department in 1981 a position he held until 1993. It was under his national directorship of the Physical Planning Department that the plan for Greater Banjul Area was drafted and approved by cabinet.

He was a Member of the Royal Institute of Town Planners and a Member of the American Planning Association.  In 1994 he established the private consultancy firm called International Development Consultancy.  He undertook various consultancy assignments on development issues and projects for the Gambia Government, U.N.D.P and E.U.  One of the important consultancies he carried out for Gambia Government was the Survey of the small Water Scale Project in Dankunku.

Willing to impart his knowledge to his fellow compatriots, Boro took to teaching at University level.  He was an Adjunct Professor at St. Mary’s University Canada in the IDS Programme for three years. The letter appointing him as Adjunct Professor expressly stated that “This appointment will carry it no salary.” He also lectured at the University of The Gambia and prior to that in the University Extension Programme.

He was making his mark in the academia but on January 21st 2009 he received a letter by which he was informed “that Executive directives have been issued” for his dismissal as Senior Lecturer of the University of The Gambia with immediate effect. He took his dismissal stoically and confident in his ability, his academic and professional qualifications he convinced all his friends that he will continue to live a decent and respected life.

His dismissal from the University of The Gambia did not cut off Boro from the academia.  He soon became the Director of Shaykh Mahfous Institute of Professional Studies a position he held until his death.  Since his death I have met several people in responsible positions in the public and private sectors who claim to be have been his students and expressed appreciation for sharing his knowledge with them. They admired the depth of his knowledge on developmental issues.

Before connecting with the academia, Boro was already known amongst the political elites of The Gambia. He was a founder member of the United Democratic Party.  From 1996 until he breathed his last breath he was a member of the UDP National Executive as well as the Central Committee. He served on committees, some ad hoc, created by myself with the approval of the National Executive.  One such committee was the Parliamentary Committee that regularly met at his residence at Pipeline to brief our then National Assembly Members on various issues affecting the country to enable them participate meaningfully, effectively and constructively in the proceedings of the National Assembly.

He was Chairman of the Campaign or Planning Committee.  In 2010 he presented me a draft of short, terse and easily comprehensible policy statements under the rubric “Lawyer Darboe Speaks to the Women & Youths”.  The draft was reviewed by Ebou Manneh (Boro’s “Stone” : whatever meaning “stone” has in their context I do not know) and myself. During the review which lasted several days Boro proved his intellectual prowess.  He provided justification for every statement and went on to suggest appropriate visual images in support of each statement.  It was his suggestion, which was enthusiastically adopted by the National Executive, that “Lawyer Darboe Speaks to the Women & Youths” be printed in the party’s colour and deliver some of the copies to selected individuals who in turn donated a minimum of D500 to the party’s campaign fund.

He introduced the Caravan Tour to UDP.  He believed that whilst mass political rallies are important, caravan tours which afford the leadership the opportunity to visit many settlements and interact with the grass roots are more likely to yield higher political dividend than rallies. He was right.  The huge turnout at the party’s last four rallies was due to the successful caravan tours in the Kombos.

His contribution to the advancement of the fortunes of the U.D.P is unquantifiable. His sharp analytical mind was an asset to the party.  He was blunt in his views.  He hated procrastination. He believed that what can be done today should not wait for the next day.  He was both realistic and pragmatic in his approach to issues brought to the National Executive for discussion.

Boro was a Sorah, a true one at that.  He loved and appreciated “jaliya”.  He supported and promoted some young upcoming artists. Prominent amongst them were FISCO JAMANO and TATADINDING.

He revived the dying tradition of “SUMMUNG” by the Mandingo griots. Griots travelled from Mali to visit him: one of them never returned to Mali for Boro gave her in marriage to a renowned Gambian griot. At the naming ceremonies of his children, the Kora and konting (halam or xalam) players and celebrated griots such as the late Banna Kanuteh, Bakoyo Suso, Jali Tamba Suso, Saihou Saho and the late Jarju Kuyateh played their traditional roles with pride.

I started mourning Boro on Sunday 31st August but on Monday 1st September when I reflected on his life as a student, a civil servant, an intellectual, an academic, a political strategist, a person proud of his culture, a loving and caring father and husband, a man who extolled the virtues of modesty and humility, eschewed extravagance and ostentatious living. I convinced myself that Boro’s death should be celebrated and not mourned. He lived a life that is worthy of emulation.  To some he was foolish for supporting an opposition cause when he could have either won several lucrative consultancies or gain better employment and live a luxurious life.

But for him The Gambia mattered more than him.  He believed in UDP and believed and trusted its leader.  With his demise I have suffered a monumental loss.  I have lost company. No more pre-Maghreb brainstorming companion. Tata Dinding one of the great Manding griots of our times in what is considered as an epic says “Yare eeko Combo te nsinag na  Boro Suso nyala eema je a ye Kuto te n’nye Boro Suso fonding sireh”.  That was the type of brother and I friend I lost. Protective and generous he was. Will the early morning dew descend on me?

His kid brother Yahya N. Darboe on learning of Boro’s death eulogized him thus “We should take Dr. Suso and others’ loss as a motivation to carry the torch forward so that his vision for Gambia can be attained. We can then tell the people that is part of his legacy. Feeling sad for UDP and Gambia for the loss of so many great citizens whose dreams of a better Gambia has not been achieved in their life time. May we take heart at this and work harder for a better Gambia sooner rather than later”.

Lamin Tunkara of Raleigh North Carolina encouraged the younger generation to keep up the work of the likes of Dr. Suso in these words “Our leaders, our elders fought for a great and a democratic Gambia and their legacy is one we must be proud of but also build on to accomplish what they startup with.  Let us the younger generation please avail ourselves more than ever before to finish the task. Rest in peace Dr. Suso”.

He lived a fulfilled life.  He is survived by three devoted, sincere and caring wives: Bintou, Suso (nee Touray) Matty Suso (nee Jobe) Mariam Suso (nee Njie); affable issues Pa Malick Suso, Aji Suso, Bakary Suso, Penda Suso, Bintou Suso Jr., Matty Suso Jr., Ebrima Suso, Aja Kuta Suso and Ousainu Suso. He is also survived by two beautiful granddaughters, Bintou Laila Cham and Aji Suso and several nieces, nephews, grand nieces,grand nephews, brothers and sisters among them Jalika Suso who was a very special sister to Boro. Ousainu Suso is the veritable testimony of my enduring relationship with Boro.

Sorah Musa, Keeliyaa Musa, Fakoli Kungmba aning Fakoli Daaba rest in peace. You have created a void in my life and as I pray for your peaceful repose I will try to fill that void with the statements you made at our last executive meeting.

Lawyer OUSAINU DARBOE

FRAMEWORK FOR ADDRESSING ELECTORAL REFORM REACHED BY GAMBIAN PARTIES AND CIVIL SOCIETY ACTIVIST

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A common framework for addressing electoral reform has been reached by leaders of two major Gambian political parties and civil society groups ahead of The Gambia’s 2016 elections.

This followed intense discussions at the conclusion of the International Civil Society Forum on The Gambia held in New York from October 1-2, 2015 under the auspices of the Coalition for Change – The Gambia (CCG) and its partners. The deliberations featured Omar A. Jallow (OJ), interim leader of the People’s Progressive Party; Hamat Bah of the National Reconciliation Party; and representatives of various civil society organizations.

Though the issue of participation or boycott (if conditions are not adequately addressed) remained unresolved, participants agreed that:

  1. Opposition political parties should set minimum acceptable reforms to the electoral law that must be implemented ahead of the 2016 elections.
  2. Both the legitimacy of the Chairman of the Independent Electoral Commission’s mandate and all bills passed under his expired mandate must be challenged.
  3. Voter registration requirements, especially the attestation process, must be changed.
  4. The Gambia Government must ensure that all political parties have equal access to state media, and mechanism to track the abuse of state resources must be put in place
  5. The ruling APRC’s (Alliance for Patriotic Re-orientation and Construction) use of state resources to promote partisan political objectives must end.
  6. The law that requires the Independent Electoral Commission to issue political rally permits should be amended, as permits should be issued by the Inspector General of Police in a fair and expeditious manner.
  7. The Gambian constitution should be amended to remove the 65 year age limit for presidential candidates.
  8. The state must cease the intimidation and harassment of the opposition parties and their supporters.

Both political party and civil society representatives concluded that all legal and diplomatic/political options must be fully utilized to ensure that The Gambia Government creates a conducive environment for free, fair, and transparent elections in 2016.

Given that there is a small window of opportunity to table and agree to acceptable electoral reforms ahead of the presidential and legislative elections in 2016 and 2017 respectively, civil society groups agreed to call on the international community and the country’s development partners to withhold funding the elections until The Gambia Government implements all the proposed minimal reforms unanimously agreed to..

Participants also reiterated the need to engage with political parties that were not represented at the historic New York meeting.  Participants stated that all efforts must be made to seek input from all political parties.

Follow-up activities are planned to exert greater pressure on the Gambia Government to facilitate the full participation of all Gambians in free and fair elections.

-END-

For further information, contact:

Amadou S. Janneh – (912) 306-4423

Sohna Sallah – (301)254-9983

FRAMEWORK FOR ADDRESSING ELECTORAL REFORM REACHED BY GAMBIAN PARTIES AND CIVIL SOCIETY ACTIVIST

0

A common framework for addressing electoral reform has been reached by leaders of two major Gambian political parties and civil society groups ahead of The Gambia’s 2016 elections.

This followed intense discussions at the conclusion of the International Civil Society Forum on The Gambia held in New York from October 1-2, 2015 under the auspices of the Coalition for Change – The Gambia (CCG) and its partners. The deliberations featured Omar A. Jallow (OJ), interim leader of the People’s Progressive Party; Hamat Bah of the National Reconciliation Party; and representatives of various civil society organizations.

Though the issue of participation or boycott (if conditions are not adequately addressed) remained unresolved, participants agreed that:

  1. Opposition political parties should set minimum acceptable reforms to the electoral law that must be implemented ahead of the 2016 elections.
  2. Both the legitimacy of the Chairman of the Independent Electoral Commission’s mandate and all bills passed under his expired mandate must be challenged.
  3. Voter registration requirements, especially the attestation process, must be changed.
  4. The Gambia Government must ensure that all political parties have equal access to state media, and mechanism to track the abuse of state resources must be put in place
  5. The ruling APRC’s (Alliance for Patriotic Re-orientation and Construction) use of state resources to promote partisan political objectives must end.
  6. The law that requires the Independent Electoral Commission to issue political rally permits should be amended, as permits should be issued by the Inspector General of Police in a fair and expeditious manner.
  7. The Gambian constitution should be amended to remove the 65 year age limit for presidential candidates.
  8. The state must cease the intimidation and harassment of the opposition parties and their supporters.

Both political party and civil society representatives concluded that all legal and diplomatic/political options must be fully utilized to ensure that The Gambia Government creates a conducive environment for free, fair, and transparent elections in 2016.

Given that there is a small window of opportunity to table and agree to acceptable electoral reforms ahead of the presidential and legislative elections in 2016 and 2017 respectively, civil society groups agreed to call on the international community and the country’s development partners to withhold funding the elections until The Gambia Government implements all the proposed minimal reforms unanimously agreed to..

Participants also reiterated the need to engage with political parties that were not represented at the historic New York meeting.  Participants stated that all efforts must be made to seek input from all political parties.

Follow-up activities are planned to exert greater pressure on the Gambia Government to facilitate the full participation of all Gambians in free and fair elections.

-END-

For further information, contact:

Amadou S. Janneh – (912) 306-4423

Sohna Sallah – (301)254-9983

Insult Upon Injury – How President Yahya Jammeh sexually abused Alagie Ceesay’s Girlfriend, Then Arrested, Tortured and Now Prosecuting him on Fabricated Charges!!!!

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Two young girls have recently absconded from The Gambia to a West African country (place withheld for their security). As it turns out, one of them had been testifying in journalist Alagie Ceesay’s case currently going on in the courts. Faturadio was in touch with both girls even before they left The Gambia because they wanted to tell their story so that the whole world knows in case something happens to them during their escape plans. Their story uncovers an elaborate scheme to frame Alagie in a case that has already raised eyebrows both at the local and International level.

The charges against Ceesay never made any sense from the beginning, but just like all things Gambia these days, none was surprised. However, even the most casual observers of the current deplorable conditions in that country will be shocked at the nature, scope, and frivolousness of this saga. It all boils down to this: journalist Alagie Ceesay, 25, was dating 23 year old girl who unknown to him was being repeatedly abused by President Yahya Jammeh according to the girl herself and one of her friends who escaped with her to a neighbouring country. Both girls were hired as “Protocol Officers” at the State House. Now that we hope we have prepared you enough for what you are about to read, here then is how the story goes:

A match made in heaven

Journalist Alagie Ceesay and his girlfriend according to their family sources have been dating for some time. The two were inseparable and had a special bond. Both being in their early twenties, they share likings and enjoyed each other’s company. Alagie frequented her home and would be mostly found hanging out with the family. Despite the occasional fights characteristic of dating relationships among young Gambians, they always seemed to easily make up and put issues behind them real quick. Their relationship was no secret – pretty much everyone in their respective neighborhoods knew how close they were.

Alhagie’s girlfriend gets hired as “Protocol Officer” at the State House

Then all of a sudden Alhagie’s girlfriend was hired as a Protocol Officer (PO) at the State House. At least that was what she thought until she found out this was no ordinary Protocol Officer Job – her role was to sleep with the President, just like all the other young girls supposedly hired as POs, whenever he wishes. She was even moved to the State House where she was given a place to stay. To sweeten the deal, her mother was also offered an apartment to stay in at no cost. According to State House sources, the mother has been served a notice to leave since when the absconding of her daughter became public.

Who is Jimbe Jammeh?

Upon her arrival at the State House to start her duty as a Protocol Officer, Alhagie’s girlfriend was introduced to a lady by the name Jimbe Jammeh. As would later find out, Jimbe was not just any regular employee at the Presidential palace, she is the main liaison acting as the person in charge of all the girls supposedly hired as Protocol Officers, attending to all their needs and being the only person allowed to mingle with them. In this role, she also acts as the main pimp, bringing the girls when needed by Yaya, intimidates their boyfriends (this lies at the crux of journalist Alagie Ceesay’s case), takes them to perform abortions when they get pregnant, and terrorizes any that is suspected of getting a cold feet or presents a risk of talking to third parties about the whole affair. Jimbe therefore is central to all the abuses going on in the compound. She is herself believed to have been originally brought there to satisfy President Jammeh’s insatiable taste for young girls, who also have to pass the virginity test in order to be accepted. She was therefore raped repeatedly prior to graduating to her current role in which she also still occasionally sleeps with the president.

Jimbe’s probing questions about the private life of Alhagie’s girlfriend

Jimbe started to quiz Alhagie’s girlfriend about her private life at the very moment they were introduced. Unbeknown to her, Jimbe was not engaging in regular BFF chitchat, but instead was gathering information that would later be used to terrorize any potential Jammeh competition. This was exactly the fate another guy who was unlucky to be dating yet another young girl who Jammeh developed interest in. This particular girl’s case was also reported by Faturadio when she absconded to Senegal after escaping from a similar situation of being used as a sex toy by President Jammeh and repeatedly abused on a daily basis. This particular girl was once the Miss July 22nd winner, another event organized mainly to lure young girls into Jammeh’s net and will be the subject of yet another exclusive report by Faturadio. Alhagie’s girlfriend confided in Jimbe that she was dating a guy by the name Alagie Ceesay and he is the Manager of Taranga FM Radio Station. During the same conversation, she told Jimbe that Alagie was in Dakar for a short visit. Upon further investigation, Jimbe found out that another Protocol Officer, who would later abscond alongside Alhagie’s girlfriend, was a good friend of this same journalist Alagie Ceesay. It seemed Jimbe had all the information she needed to chart her plot against this innocent victim.

Beginning of Alagie’s troubles

Jimbe, armed with the information that Alagie was in Dakar, immediately contacted the National Intelligence Agency, who are always her chief collaborators in this game of abuse and intimidation, asking them to interrogate Alagie when he returns from his trip. The NIA obliged and Alagie was released after a brief interrogation. Alagie as it also turned out, was on the radar of this same agency all along for a totally unrelated matter but for an issue that had incensed President Jammeh. The radio station he manages is well known for translating into local languages all the newspaper stories (including those of the Opposition PDOIS affiliated paper called Foroyaa which is mostly very critical of the regime) for each day, and was even bold enough to play a very strongly anti-Jammeh song, “KU BUKA C GETA GI” released by the self-exiled artist called Killa Ace. So there was already an unsettled matter between the two sides, this case of jealousy and effort to rape his girlfriend only added fuel to the fire.

Yahya escalates the situation

From that initial interrogation by the NIA, Alagie’s situation only got worse. President Jammeh, it seems had made up his mind to put this “nuisance” away for good. What happens next was the subject of another investigative report by Faturadio.com. You can read that here: http://www.faturadio.com/index.php/en/component/k2/item/763-how-the-nia-framed-alagie-ceesay-using-his-own-telephone-number

Insult Upon Injury – How President Yahya Jammeh sexually abused Alagie Ceesay’s Girlfriend, Then Arrested, Tortured and Now Prosecuting him on Fabricated Charges!!!!

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Two young girls have recently absconded from The Gambia to a West African country (place withheld for their security). As it turns out, one of them had been testifying in journalist Alagie Ceesay’s case currently going on in the courts. Faturadio was in touch with both girls even before they left The Gambia because they wanted to tell their story so that the whole world knows in case something happens to them during their escape plans. Their story uncovers an elaborate scheme to frame Alagie in a case that has already raised eyebrows both at the local and International level.

The charges against Ceesay never made any sense from the beginning, but just like all things Gambia these days, none was surprised. However, even the most casual observers of the current deplorable conditions in that country will be shocked at the nature, scope, and frivolousness of this saga. It all boils down to this: journalist Alagie Ceesay, 25, was dating 23 year old girl who unknown to him was being repeatedly abused by President Yahya Jammeh according to the girl herself and one of her friends who escaped with her to a neighbouring country. Both girls were hired as “Protocol Officers” at the State House. Now that we hope we have prepared you enough for what you are about to read, here then is how the story goes:

A match made in heaven

Journalist Alagie Ceesay and his girlfriend according to their family sources have been dating for some time. The two were inseparable and had a special bond. Both being in their early twenties, they share likings and enjoyed each other’s company. Alagie frequented her home and would be mostly found hanging out with the family. Despite the occasional fights characteristic of dating relationships among young Gambians, they always seemed to easily make up and put issues behind them real quick. Their relationship was no secret – pretty much everyone in their respective neighborhoods knew how close they were.

Alhagie’s girlfriend gets hired as “Protocol Officer” at the State House

Then all of a sudden Alhagie’s girlfriend was hired as a Protocol Officer (PO) at the State House. At least that was what she thought until she found out this was no ordinary Protocol Officer Job – her role was to sleep with the President, just like all the other young girls supposedly hired as POs, whenever he wishes. She was even moved to the State House where she was given a place to stay. To sweeten the deal, her mother was also offered an apartment to stay in at no cost. According to State House sources, the mother has been served a notice to leave since when the absconding of her daughter became public.

Who is Jimbe Jammeh?

Upon her arrival at the State House to start her duty as a Protocol Officer, Alhagie’s girlfriend was introduced to a lady by the name Jimbe Jammeh. As would later find out, Jimbe was not just any regular employee at the Presidential palace, she is the main liaison acting as the person in charge of all the girls supposedly hired as Protocol Officers, attending to all their needs and being the only person allowed to mingle with them. In this role, she also acts as the main pimp, bringing the girls when needed by Yaya, intimidates their boyfriends (this lies at the crux of journalist Alagie Ceesay’s case), takes them to perform abortions when they get pregnant, and terrorizes any that is suspected of getting a cold feet or presents a risk of talking to third parties about the whole affair. Jimbe therefore is central to all the abuses going on in the compound. She is herself believed to have been originally brought there to satisfy President Jammeh’s insatiable taste for young girls, who also have to pass the virginity test in order to be accepted. She was therefore raped repeatedly prior to graduating to her current role in which she also still occasionally sleeps with the president.

Jimbe’s probing questions about the private life of Alhagie’s girlfriend

Jimbe started to quiz Alhagie’s girlfriend about her private life at the very moment they were introduced. Unbeknown to her, Jimbe was not engaging in regular BFF chitchat, but instead was gathering information that would later be used to terrorize any potential Jammeh competition. This was exactly the fate another guy who was unlucky to be dating yet another young girl who Jammeh developed interest in. This particular girl’s case was also reported by Faturadio when she absconded to Senegal after escaping from a similar situation of being used as a sex toy by President Jammeh and repeatedly abused on a daily basis. This particular girl was once the Miss July 22nd winner, another event organized mainly to lure young girls into Jammeh’s net and will be the subject of yet another exclusive report by Faturadio. Alhagie’s girlfriend confided in Jimbe that she was dating a guy by the name Alagie Ceesay and he is the Manager of Taranga FM Radio Station. During the same conversation, she told Jimbe that Alagie was in Dakar for a short visit. Upon further investigation, Jimbe found out that another Protocol Officer, who would later abscond alongside Alhagie’s girlfriend, was a good friend of this same journalist Alagie Ceesay. It seemed Jimbe had all the information she needed to chart her plot against this innocent victim.

Beginning of Alagie’s troubles

Jimbe, armed with the information that Alagie was in Dakar, immediately contacted the National Intelligence Agency, who are always her chief collaborators in this game of abuse and intimidation, asking them to interrogate Alagie when he returns from his trip. The NIA obliged and Alagie was released after a brief interrogation. Alagie as it also turned out, was on the radar of this same agency all along for a totally unrelated matter but for an issue that had incensed President Jammeh. The radio station he manages is well known for translating into local languages all the newspaper stories (including those of the Opposition PDOIS affiliated paper called Foroyaa which is mostly very critical of the regime) for each day, and was even bold enough to play a very strongly anti-Jammeh song, “KU BUKA C GETA GI” released by the self-exiled artist called Killa Ace. So there was already an unsettled matter between the two sides, this case of jealousy and effort to rape his girlfriend only added fuel to the fire.

Yahya escalates the situation

From that initial interrogation by the NIA, Alagie’s situation only got worse. President Jammeh, it seems had made up his mind to put this “nuisance” away for good. What happens next was the subject of another investigative report by Faturadio.com. You can read that here: http://www.faturadio.com/index.php/en/component/k2/item/763-how-the-nia-framed-alagie-ceesay-using-his-own-telephone-number

More Revelations About President Jammeh’s Sexual Exploitation Of Young Gambian Girls

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Just as the world is coming to terms with the embarrassing news of President Yahya Jammeh sexually exploiting Gambian girls some as young as 16 years old, more revelations have started emerging detailing how the President uses employment into the protocol division at the State House as a bait for mainly light skin girls who are then turn into sexual slaves.

The latest victim of President Jammeh’s unusually lust sexual appetite is a certain Ms Munina Dicko, a native of Farafeni who was arrested in August by personnel of the Gambia Police Force with one Abdou Bah for allegedly hypnotizing a man before defrauding him with almost 2 million dalasi. Munina and her co-accused were in fact already indicted and appeared before the court several times when police prosecutors abruptly drop the case through directives from the State House.

No sooner had the case been dropped than President Jammeh provided accommodation to Munina in the State House where she is now staying with her junior sister. The discontinuation of the fraud charges against Munina came when President Jammeh spotted her in Farafeni in the North Bank Division of the Gambia during his last meet-the-people-tour. The President has also provided another place for Munina’s mum to stay

Like what he does to other young girls, sources say Jammeh is sexually abusing both Mumina and her sister. Many people still continue to question how the first Lady could allow to ignore all sexual claims against her husband even if they are allegations. The President housing young girls at The State House, playing with them. Chorus of respected voices both in the Gambia and in the diaspora have expressed serious concern over the First Lady Madam Zainab Jammeh’s deafening silence on her husband’s exploitation of Gambian young girls. Many people are now calling on the First Lady to walk out of the marriage if she is not interested in Jammeh, this way our young girls can be saved.

More Revelations About President Jammeh’s Sexual Exploitation Of Young Gambian Girls

0

Just as the world is coming to terms with the embarrassing news of President Yahya Jammeh sexually exploiting Gambian girls some as young as 16 years old, more revelations have started emerging detailing how the President uses employment into the protocol division at the State House as a bait for mainly light skin girls who are then turn into sexual slaves.

The latest victim of President Jammeh’s unusually lust sexual appetite is a certain Ms Munina Dicko, a native of Farafeni who was arrested in August by personnel of the Gambia Police Force with one Abdou Bah for allegedly hypnotizing a man before defrauding him with almost 2 million dalasi. Munina and her co-accused were in fact already indicted and appeared before the court several times when police prosecutors abruptly drop the case through directives from the State House.

No sooner had the case been dropped than President Jammeh provided accommodation to Munina in the State House where she is now staying with her junior sister. The discontinuation of the fraud charges against Munina came when President Jammeh spotted her in Farafeni in the North Bank Division of the Gambia during his last meet-the-people-tour. The President has also provided another place for Munina’s mum to stay

Like what he does to other young girls, sources say Jammeh is sexually abusing both Mumina and her sister. Many people still continue to question how the first Lady could allow to ignore all sexual claims against her husband even if they are allegations. The President housing young girls at The State House, playing with them. Chorus of respected voices both in the Gambia and in the diaspora have expressed serious concern over the First Lady Madam Zainab Jammeh’s deafening silence on her husband’s exploitation of Gambian young girls. Many people are now calling on the First Lady to walk out of the marriage if she is not interested in Jammeh, this way our young girls can be saved.

In the Spotlight: Jammeh Would Like to Thank The Academy

Over the course of the past year, the West African nation of The Gambia has attracted an outsized volume of media attention, including a recent front-page story in the Washington Post. The lion’s share of international scrutiny has rightly focused on the country’s highly erratic and brutal dictator, Yahya Jammeh, who has ruled the country with callous and brazen impunity since a July 1994 military coup. At the time, then interim President Jammeh announcedto the world: “We will never introduce dictatorship in this country.”

More than two decades later, the human rights situation in The Gambia has increasingly deteriorated to the point that the country is now referred to as the North Korea of Africa due to Jammeh’s violent intolerance for dissent and legitimate criticism of his abusive regime.

Unsurprisingly, Yahya Jammeh has registered the newfound and rising interest in his country by noticeably ramping up efforts to counteract the negative, and well-deserved, spotlight. Indeed, in recent weeks Jammeh has beenhonored by African Leadership Magazine – a widely recognized “award mill” that bestows faux honors to undeserving leaders – for his “extraordinary leadership” and for “the love he has for his people and entire humanity in general.” This “award,” which has been shamelessly publicized in Gambian state media, has coincided with a concerted social media campaign led by a shadowy new propaganda outlet called Kora Broadcasting that has been seemingly collaborating with the First Lady of Gambia Zineb Jammeh and a so-called “son of President Jammeh,” Prince Ebrahim— each have become quite active on various social media platforms, espousing the fabricated virtues of their beloved dictator and his myriad “successes.”

What’s more, I’ve been targeted myself – repeatedly – by Jammeh’s propaganda apparatus for helping to raise thelevel of awareness and for serving as a platform for citizens to voice their long-silenced concerns regarding missing and detained family members, as well the ongoing human rights violations that are routinely committed in the country. (As an aside, the outpouring of support from ordinary Gambians, as well as from activists in the diaspora, has been tremendous and will no doubt serve as additional motivation moving forward).

The new public relations campaign by Jammeh should come as no surprise— it is undoubtedly an indication that efforts to expose his illegitimate and wholly unaccountable rule are having an effect and have positively rattled the foundations of his regime. In the meantime, Jammeh and his cohorts may continue to shroud themselves in faux awards and phony accolades all they want.  For it stands to reason that the world is now onto their charade.

How The NIA Framed Alagie Ceesay Using His Own Telephone Number!

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The ongoing trial of Taranga FM radio station Manager, Alagie Ceesay has been roundly condemned by the International Community and Gambian political activists as a sham. If the revelations from the two star witnesses of the State, Fatoumata A Drammeh and Zainab Koneh who absconded because they didn’t want to bear false witness against an innocent man are any indication, the world community after all has good reason to doubt the credibility of this entire case.

Both Fatou and Zainab were Protocol Officers at the State House. With the new discovery by Faturadio Investigative Team of an elaborate scheme by the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), in collaboration with Africell (the Cell Phone company with which Alagie’s phone line is subscribed) and Jimbe Jammeh, a Protocol Officer at the State House who befriended Zainab Koneh, Alhagie’s girlfriend to get information about Alhagie and passed it on to the NIA to frame him, any attempt to send this man to prison for doing his job as a journalist will represent abuse of power at its best.

Alagie Ceesay was first arrested on July 2nd by the NIA. He was held incommunicado for almost 2 weeks during which time he was also severely tortured. On July 13, they dropped him off for dead on the roadside around the Airport. His release was met with a big sigh of relief by family, human rights and journalist groups, and the media who were by now making noise around the world demanding his unconditional release since he hadn’t been charged with any crime.

However, it turned out to look like his well wishers celebrated way too soon, for just when they thought his ordeal was finally over, Alagie was rearrested on the night of July 17. What happened before and after this arrest exposes the true intent of his captors – the system is determined to put this poor guy away for good by hook or crook.

Before being picked up, the NIA went to Africell and duplicated Alagie’s cell phone number and had his whatsapp blocked temporary. Once these were done, the NIA sent via Whatsapp, a picture text image of President Jammeh with a gun and bullet pointing to his head with the heading Sniper 15. Prior to this, the same picture was circulating on the Internet where it was posted by Fatou Camara of Faturadio, who inturn received it from anonymous sources in The Gambia. According to both Zainab and Fatoumata, they both received a call from an NIA agent who would only identify himself as K as soon as they received this text. He informed them of the arrival of the text and instructed them not to delete it. When Faturadio researched who this K could be, the description could fit only one agent called Kebba Secka.

After the arrest of Alagie, Jimbe made a trip to the NIA. As soon as Jimbe left the NIA, both Fatoumata and Zainab were invited to the agency for questioning. Once they arrived, the NIA briefed them as to what was being done and the agency’s desire to lock Alagie up for good acting on a directive from the “top”. Both were told that since they were the ones who were “in touch” with Alagie, they had to cooperate otherwise they both faced jail time. They were asked to write statements which was all dictated to them by the NIA. Fatoumata would later protest to the Prosecutor, S.H Barkum during his attempt to coach her regarding how she would lie in court, but this was met with a stiff warning that she will be sent to prison for 7 years or pay a fine of D50,000 if she refused to do as instructed. Fatoumata has been testifying against Alagie since then, with plans afoot to bring Zainab next as the prosecution witness, when they both decided after some serious soul searching that they couldn’t falsely testify against an innocent person let alone someone near and dear to their hearts.

Meanwhile Alagie’s case is up for another hearing on October 8, 2015 before Justice Azumi Balarabe. It must be noted that Balarabe was recommended to The Gambia Government by S.H Barkum. Observers have expressed optimism that with these new revelations, the State has no other option but to let this innocent man go home to his family, especially in light of the fact that both star prosecution witnesses have absconded with claims of being pressured to lie against Alagie. The world is watching.

In the Spotlight: Jammeh Would Like to Thank The Academy

0

Over the course of the past year, the West African nation of The Gambia has attracted an outsized volume of media attention, including a recent front-page story in the Washington Post. The lion’s share of international scrutiny has rightly focused on the country’s highly erratic and brutal dictator, Yahya Jammeh, who has ruled the country with callous and brazen impunity since a July 1994 military coup. At the time, then interim President Jammeh announcedto the world: “We will never introduce dictatorship in this country.”

More than two decades later, the human rights situation in The Gambia has increasingly deteriorated to the point that the country is now referred to as the North Korea of Africa due to Jammeh’s violent intolerance for dissent and legitimate criticism of his abusive regime.

Unsurprisingly, Yahya Jammeh has registered the newfound and rising interest in his country by noticeably ramping up efforts to counteract the negative, and well-deserved, spotlight. Indeed, in recent weeks Jammeh has beenhonored by African Leadership Magazine – a widely recognized “award mill” that bestows faux honors to undeserving leaders – for his “extraordinary leadership” and for “the love he has for his people and entire humanity in general.” This “award,” which has been shamelessly publicized in Gambian state media, has coincided with a concerted social media campaign led by a shadowy new propaganda outlet called Kora Broadcasting that has been seemingly collaborating with the First Lady of Gambia Zineb Jammeh and a so-called “son of President Jammeh,” Prince Ebrahim— each have become quite active on various social media platforms, espousing the fabricated virtues of their beloved dictator and his myriad “successes.”

What’s more, I’ve been targeted myself – repeatedly – by Jammeh’s propaganda apparatus for helping to raise thelevel of awareness and for serving as a platform for citizens to voice their long-silenced concerns regarding missing and detained family members, as well the ongoing human rights violations that are routinely committed in the country. (As an aside, the outpouring of support from ordinary Gambians, as well as from activists in the diaspora, has been tremendous and will no doubt serve as additional motivation moving forward).

The new public relations campaign by Jammeh should come as no surprise— it is undoubtedly an indication that efforts to expose his illegitimate and wholly unaccountable rule are having an effect and have positively rattled the foundations of his regime. In the meantime, Jammeh and his cohorts may continue to shroud themselves in faux awards and phony accolades all they want.  For it stands to reason that the world is now onto their charade.

How The NIA Framed Alagie Ceesay Using His Own Telephone Number!

0

The ongoing trial of Taranga FM radio station Manager, Alagie Ceesay has been roundly condemned by the International Community and Gambian political activists as a sham. If the revelations from the two star witnesses of the State, Fatoumata A Drammeh and Zainab Koneh who absconded because they didn’t want to bear false witness against an innocent man are any indication, the world community after all has good reason to doubt the credibility of this entire case.

Both Fatou and Zainab were Protocol Officers at the State House. With the new discovery by Faturadio Investigative Team of an elaborate scheme by the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), in collaboration with Africell (the Cell Phone company with which Alagie’s phone line is subscribed) and Jimbe Jammeh, a Protocol Officer at the State House who befriended Zainab Koneh, Alhagie’s girlfriend to get information about Alhagie and passed it on to the NIA to frame him, any attempt to send this man to prison for doing his job as a journalist will represent abuse of power at its best.

Alagie Ceesay was first arrested on July 2nd by the NIA. He was held incommunicado for almost 2 weeks during which time he was also severely tortured. On July 13, they dropped him off for dead on the roadside around the Airport. His release was met with a big sigh of relief by family, human rights and journalist groups, and the media who were by now making noise around the world demanding his unconditional release since he hadn’t been charged with any crime.

However, it turned out to look like his well wishers celebrated way too soon, for just when they thought his ordeal was finally over, Alagie was rearrested on the night of July 17. What happened before and after this arrest exposes the true intent of his captors – the system is determined to put this poor guy away for good by hook or crook.

Before being picked up, the NIA went to Africell and duplicated Alagie’s cell phone number and had his whatsapp blocked temporary. Once these were done, the NIA sent via Whatsapp, a picture text image of President Jammeh with a gun and bullet pointing to his head with the heading Sniper 15. Prior to this, the same picture was circulating on the Internet where it was posted by Fatou Camara of Faturadio, who inturn received it from anonymous sources in The Gambia. According to both Zainab and Fatoumata, they both received a call from an NIA agent who would only identify himself as K as soon as they received this text. He informed them of the arrival of the text and instructed them not to delete it. When Faturadio researched who this K could be, the description could fit only one agent called Kebba Secka.

After the arrest of Alagie, Jimbe made a trip to the NIA. As soon as Jimbe left the NIA, both Fatoumata and Zainab were invited to the agency for questioning. Once they arrived, the NIA briefed them as to what was being done and the agency’s desire to lock Alagie up for good acting on a directive from the “top”. Both were told that since they were the ones who were “in touch” with Alagie, they had to cooperate otherwise they both faced jail time. They were asked to write statements which was all dictated to them by the NIA. Fatoumata would later protest to the Prosecutor, S.H Barkum during his attempt to coach her regarding how she would lie in court, but this was met with a stiff warning that she will be sent to prison for 7 years or pay a fine of D50,000 if she refused to do as instructed. Fatoumata has been testifying against Alagie since then, with plans afoot to bring Zainab next as the prosecution witness, when they both decided after some serious soul searching that they couldn’t falsely testify against an innocent person let alone someone near and dear to their hearts.

Meanwhile Alagie’s case is up for another hearing on October 8, 2015 before Justice Azumi Balarabe. It must be noted that Balarabe was recommended to The Gambia Government by S.H Barkum. Observers have expressed optimism that with these new revelations, the State has no other option but to let this innocent man go home to his family, especially in light of the fact that both star prosecution witnesses have absconded with claims of being pressured to lie against Alagie. The world is watching.

UDP Press Release On The Party Leader’s Non-Participation At The Civil Society Forum 2/10/2015

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Earlier this month UDP received an invitation from Dr. Scattred–Janneh to a meeting called Civil Society Forum on the Gambia being organized to discuss matters relating to the political situation in the Gambia in New York. It was learnt that leaders of other Gambian opposition parties were also invited.

Initially, the UDP Leader accepted the invitation and had planned to attend personally. However, due to unexpected circumstances beyond his control, he couldn’t make the journey to America. The National Executive of the party nominated Honorable Momodou Sanneh as a replacement and communicated this change to the organizers of the meeting in good time, at least 10 days prior to the meeting date. In response, the organizers indicated their inability to fund Honorable Momodou Sanneh’s trip on the grounds that the nomination came “when the organization was already over budgeted”. The party leader and the UDP National Executive found this reason rather strange since there must have been a budget set aside to cover the Party leader’s participation, i.e. air ticket, hotel accommodation etc. Selective and substitutive representation of an organization at such fora is common and understandable practice, and usually accommodated.

Secondly, with the nomination of Honorable Sanneh, the UDP would have been adequately represented, like the other participating parties, by a top official, who would have been endowed with full powers by the Executive and Party Leader to speak for and act on behalf of the United Democratic Party. Thirdly, Honorable Sanneh, it should be noted, is one of the most senior members of the National Executive of the UDP and was the former Minority Leader in the National Assembly. He is therefore, in his own right ,an astute and very knowledgeable politician who would have brought immense knowledge and experience to the proceedings of the New York meeting which would have definitely enriched the discussions and widen its results.

We all know that multi-party democracy and competitive liberal electoral politics can hardly work without organized political parties. They provide the platform for like-minded citizens to participate collectively in a political process that would otherwise be left in the hands of a small elitist group, detached rom the masses of citizenry.

The UDP reiterate its long held willingness and readiness to participate at all times in any forum aimed at discussing ways and means of rescuing our country from the clutches of tyranny and decadence.

The UDP hopes that with this statement, the subject of its non-participation at the New York meeting which has led to certain innuendoes and mischaracterization in the media would be laid to rest.

Finally, we extend our felicitations to the organizers of the Civil Society meeting for organizing this encounter bringing together Gambian stakeholders and friends of the Gambia and others to discuss issues of the Gambia’s present problems and its future.

 

UDP DIASPORA

10/3/2015

As Tajudeen Winds Up Business Activity In The Gambia, Families Fear For Desperate Times Ahead

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It is now official. The Tajudeen Business Empire in the Gambia is finally winding up for an eventual close-down after Gambia’s dictator Yahya Jammeh unceremoniously expelled the business tycoon from the Gambia accusing him of selling expired chicken legs to the unsuspecting populace. According to sources, Tajudeen’s businesses including the famous Kairaba Shopping Centre are now put up for sale by a local bank.

Tajudeen whose Business Empire is named after himself has since been residing in the neighbouring Senegal. The choice of Senegal could not be a better business option for Tajudeen  because since his unceremonious expulsion from the Gambia, Tajudeen has established outlets in Guinea Bissau while he uses Dakar, a strategically located city for commerce in the subregion as his operational base.

The move to finally windup all business operations in the Gambia has been greeted with panic and fear not only among his employees and ordinary people but also among government circles as well. Tajudeen is the biggest tax payer in The Gambia and at the peak of his business activity, he was paying nothing less than D50 million dalasi as tax every month. As the biggest importer of chicken and other food items in The Gambia, he used to import up to 300 containers monthly providing the much needed income to clearing agents, truck drivers and labourers a the Ports Authority.

In a country where unconfirmed unemployment figures show that up to 65 of young people are not in gainful employment, news of Tajudeen closing down operations in the Gambia has sent shockwaves among his employees numbering up to 700. A large number of local business in the informal sector that serve as agents selling his chicken legs around the country are also worried about huge business loses.

In addition, some senior officials at the Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA), the government agency responsible for tax collection, told Fatu Radio that with the closure of Tajudeen’s businesses in the country, it would be difficult now for the GRA to meet monthly tax collection targets.

One GRA official told Fatu Radio “with his monthly tax at D50 million, Tajudeen’s annual tax contribution to the state used to be between 600 – 700 million Dalasis. This is almost a quarter of our entire annual budget.”

Fatu Radio has confirmed that Gambia’s President, dictator Jammeh has made repeated personal pleas for Tajudeen to come back but the business tycoon has refused siting the erratic behaviour of Jammeh and his unpredictability in dealing with not only his perceived enemies but even his friends and business people as well.

There are some concerns however that the erratic Gambian leader whose ego is now permanently bruised by Tajudeen’s refusal to come back to the Gambia, could use his personal ties with the President of Guinea Bissau to create problems for the business tycoon.

For now though ordinary people employed by of Tajudeen and indeed the government itself are paying a heavy price in terms of loss in gainful employment and much needed tax revenue because of President Jammeh’s erratic behaviour and greed.

A Presidency That Baits and Lures Young girls Into Sex Traps

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It started almost a decade ago but only a few closed associates and female relatives of the President were aware of a rather reprehensible moral behaviour involving the Head of State where girls as young as 17 years old are escorted to the State House at the cover of the night for the sexual gratification of the President.

But as years passed by, a once highly secretive erotic activity involving the person of the President, has now become so pervasive that commenters are wondering whether President Jammeh’s right senses are intact.
President Jammeh’s pimp publicly identified
For the past couple of months, Fatu Radio has been documenting serious cases of child defilement at the State House where President Jammeh has created a special unit at the Office of the President whose main responsibility is to pimp for the President. The unit is headed by a certain Ms Jimbee Jammeh 30, from Bakau town which lies just a few kilometres from the capital Banjul.
On paper the official role of Ms Jammeh, a direct relative of President Yahya Jammeh, is a Protocol Officer in the Office of the President. But in reality, Jimbee’s main role is to serve as a pimp as for the President Yahya Jammeh. She usually picks girls for President Jammeh who act as sexual mistresses for the president especially when the First Lady travels.
Currently Jimbee heads a special division of mainly young beautiful fair coloured women at the State House. Many of these young female State House employees including Jimbee herself are housed in a guest house just a few metres away from the President’s official residence. In this guest house the young girls are kept as sexual slaves where they have to be on permanent standby to be called-in anytime but more so at night to have sex with the President. In essence, these young girls are always handy and at the President’s service to satisfy his unusually high sexual appetite.
Escaped girls narrate their ordeal
Fatu Radio has at least documented the case of four of the girls who have escaped the entrapment of President Jammeh’s sexual slavery. Their experiences are as painful as they are pitiful. All the four are now in a safe place outside the Gambia receiving support and counseling.
One of the escaped girls told Fatu radio how Jimbee the pimp, will prey on girls as young 17, by befriending and in most cases escort them to State House for a potential job offer as protocol officers to the President’s Office. “This is the first bait” says one of the girls. “The next thing you know is that you’re offered a room in the guest house at the State House” she said, adding “here anything goes…sexual orgies for the President and in some cases what I called ‘round-in one’ where the President can sleep in one night with as many girls as possible.”
Another victim told Fatu Radio that Jimbee usually get some of the girls to do an HIV/AIDS test after which she forwards the results to the president. She said President Jammeh is mainly interested in virgins girls and would later dump them after he destroys their virginity. The source also added that the President does not use protection when he sleeps with them. Some of the girls are also recruited during the annual beauty contests organized by the President.
Girls are forced to abort their pregnancies
Fatou Radio has independently confirmed that many of the girls became impregnated by the President and later forced to abort the pregnancies. The abortions are confirmed to have been done by the foreign doctors in the country’s national hospitals. Some of the abortions also took place at the office of a local NGO that works with young children, particularly young girls to empower them realise their full potentials in life. The particular NGO, (name withheld for now), is headed by someone who is half-sister to one senior female minister in the Gambia government.
One of the girls who went through a scary, life threatening abortion was said to have been kicked out of State House by Jimbee and had her cell phone confiscated from her after she started bleeding profusely from the abortion. The girl was also threatened by Jimbee to never tell anyone about her ordeal.
Jimbee usually take the girls on a shopping spree and controls their movement. She is said to also advise them on who to add as friends on their Facebook accounts. She usually asks them to take off their clothes while she inspects them before handing them over to the President.
Boy friends of the sex slaves are also targeted
The girls who live at State House are not allowed to have boyfriends and if they do, Jimbee will report their boyfriends to Gambia’s secret police, the NIA who will in turn torture the innocent men to keep them away. A classic case of such brutality directed at the boy friends of the State House girls is the case of journalist Alhagie Abdoulie Ceesay who for the past two months has been languishing in Gambia’s notorious Central Prison of Mile II on charges that he distributed internet pictures to Facebook friends which show a muscular man pointing a gun to the head of the President Yahya Jammeh. Mr Ceesay has still been denied bail in a case which in all decent jurisdictions, is a misdemeanour.
However, Fatu Radio has irrefutably established beyond all doubts that journalist Abdoulie Ceesay’s troubles started when it was discovered that one of the girls at President Jammeh’s service was going out with him.
First Lady to be targeted in the advocacy campaign
Fatu Radio conducted a live radio show on the plight of the girls. The program attracted angry reactions from callers and contributions on our social media site. Many called for serious actions against the President, the pimps and all those aiding and abetting the sexual abuse of our young girls. Many also recommend that serious advocacy be conducted to alert the international community about the alarming irresponsible sexual behaviour of the President.
Others callers and contributors also insisted that the First Lady madam Zaineb Jammeh be included in the advocacy action for her to understand the level of personal and emotional destruction that her husband is inflicting on young innocent girls.
Prominent movie stars and musicians are also victims of President Jammeh’s sexual advances
Fatu Radio has also confirmed that some female musicians in both the Gambia and in the sub region are also among the women who serve as the President’s handy call-girls once the First Lady is out of the country. In fact Fatu Radio has in its position, all the names of such women in the movie world and music who service the President once the First Lady is away. We will however keep their names from public debate for now.

The Military Establishment in Sub-Saharan Africa: Are Citizens Guarding Their Guardians?

In the past decade alone military establishments or units of military establishments in West Africa have either destabilize or threatened the state in many aspects. These units have resisted the peoples demand for change, overturned elections results or used indiscriminate force against citizens demanding more rights and freedoms. They influenced politics and left a legacy in part, which continues to shape the role of the military establishment in political transitions.

In 2008, a military junta led by Captain Moussa Dadis Camara led a coup after the death of long time autocrat Lasana Conteh. Amid growing opposition, the military cracked down on peaceful protests in September 2009, sparking widespread condemnation and increasing Guinea’s international isolation. Captain Moussa Dadis Camara was shot and decapitated two months later, and a military-led transitional government paved the way for a general election in 2010. Professor Alhpa Conde was declared winner after defeating Cellou-Dalein Diallo in a run-of.  In 2010 the electoral victory of opposition candidate Alassane outara was met with resistance by elite republican guard units of president Gbagbo who rejected results of the elections. Both Ouattara and former president Gbagbo took separate oaths of office in December 2010 and remained in a standoff over the presidency until Gbagbo’s capture in 2011.

 On March, 21, 2012, Malian soldiers under the leadership of Captain Amadou Sanogo overthrew the government of Amadou Toumani Toure and formed the National Committee for the Restoration of Democracy and State. Following international condemnation and harsh sanctions by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), The African Union (AU), The European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN) and the United States (US), the military was forced to step down and handed over to a transitional government led by Dioncounda Traore.  In September 2015, the euphoria of the popular protest that ended the 27 year rule of Blaise Campaore was short lived when Elite Presidential Guard (RSP) units led by General Diendere, arrested transitional leaders, and declared a coup. Condemnations by ECOWAS, AU, UN, the US and the European Union, coupled with declaration by the national armed forces and its support for a restoration of the transitional process forced the RSP to step aside.

As the role of the military continually shifted from one part of the pendulum to the other, the issue of civil military relations in both the developed and developing world got considerable scholarly attention. Samuel Huntington (1957) puts civil-military relations as military security policy that is an integral part of national security; it minimizes and neutralizes efforts to weaken or destroy the state by the military. Amos Perlmutter (1977) used the concept of the praetorian state/ praetorian army as “one in which the military tends to intervene in the government and has the potential to dominate the executive”. Perlmutter further breaks the praetorian army into two types: the “arbitrator army” which limits military control and seeks to influence politics from behind the scenes; and the “ruler army” that exercises military rule for long periods. Mehran Kamrava (2000) identified three types of civil-military relations: the “autocratic officer-politician” regimes, these are regimes led by former officers turned civilian politicians; the “tribally independent monarchies,” have their armies drawn mainly from tribal lines and pays allegiance to the monarchy; and the regimes with “dual militaries” mainly regimes with dual military structures or parallel military forces in addition to the army which is based on ideology. Drawing on the experiences from all the armed forces and regime types, and how they responded to given popular political situations, Eva Bellin (2004) developed the concepts of “Institutionalized Military,” and “Patrimonial Military”. Bellin (2004) found institutionalized militaries to be ruled bound and governed by clear sets of rules, have established career paths, strong links with society and promotion based on merit and not allegiance. Institutionalized militaries are willing to disengage from politics and allows political reforms. By contrast, patrimonial military apparatus is not ruled bound, have no established career paths, weak links to society and promotion is based ideological, tribal and political loyalty. With the outbreak of the  Arab Spring, Derek Lutterbeck (2013) further argued that the degree of institutionalization of an armed force and their relationship to society at-large, generally explains the armed forces response to given political situations. Lutterbeck observed the armed forces response to protest movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria.  Therefore it is clear that the puzzle about what constitutes an effective national armed force , to a large extent, lies on ‘what counts’  as Ebo (2005) puts it “the attitude of the military towards the civilian society, the civilian society’s perception of, and attitudes to the military, and the role of the armed forces in relation to the state”. For Naison Ngoma (2006), democratic civil –military relations implies the military‘s adherence to principles of conforming to accountable, legitimate democratic authorities, and the exercise of oversight over the military.

While the military had no doubt taken a forefront in the politics of several African countries, it is evident that the exponential growth of civil society and rising political maturity and consciousness is forcing the African military to be a part of progressive voices of reason and conscience. The abuse of power and the flagrant violation of rights by military governments in many Sub-Saharan African countries left policymakers, academics, researchers and ordinary citizens with skewed views of the military. Society have grown to mistrust the military in all aspects of politics.

Despite the conventional wisdom that military establishments are guardians of the state and her citizens, Sub-Saharan Africa is witnessing a reversal of the trend. It is the people who are “guarding” their very own “guardians”. For decades, the source of state fragility and failure in Sub-Saharan Africa has been attributed to the nature of civil-military relations and the “patrimonial” and “praetorian” nature of the military or the armed forces. When military institutions are formed on the basis of allegiance to a leader or a group, such institutions only protects its interest and not that of the state. It can disrupt and undermine the state when its interest is threatened, since it is well equipped and empowered with resources over other institutions. In Burkina Faso, the action of the Elite presidential guard (RSP) units led by General Diendere to disrupt the transitional process clearly exemplify  its entrenched nature as  both a “patrimonial unit” and a “parallel military force” in addition to the national army. Even in Ivory-Coast, where the opposition candidate emerged victorious, it was an entrenched patrimonial unit of the presidential guard and a parallel unit  (The Young Patriots) comprising of mainly youth from the late president Gbagbo’s ethnic group resisted to the last hour, when the Republican Forces or New Forces supported by French peacekeepers captured  Gbagbo. Amid the simmering tension, it was the voices of reason and conscience that prevail, upholding citizen’s aspirations for political reforms.

To better understand other dimensions of the “patrimonial” and “parallel military units” in Sub Saharan Africa, it is important to closely diagnose the 2008 military coup in Guinea, and the 2012 Coup in Mali. In both cases, it was other units of the armed forces and not the entrenched patrimonial presidential guards unit that seize power. On one hand both coups happen during periods of political uncertainty and polarization. On the other hand, it was a backlash of forming an army within an army, resentment against a well-resourced parallel unit as an elite presidential guard. Arguably, the degree of popular support for both the coups was largely linked to the people’s aspiration for change during those periods of uncertainty. However, when it was clear to the people that the military had different intentions, the “uniting clout and spread” of the coup forced out the military with a stark choice of succumbing to national, regional and transnational forces; the power of civil society. In the end the “Guardians” (the Military) were guarded by its very own people it is supposed to be guarding.

While many skeptics will use the most recent military coups in Burkina Faso, Mali and the Guinea’s as indicators that the “no more coup” norm adopted by ECOWAS and the AU is only a “lip sinking” norm, a new form of political order has emerged across sub-Saharan Africa; a new order that is entrenched in the power of civil society. Perhaps this new order signals the end of the “praetorian”  “patrimonial” and “parallel” military establishments that has destabilized Sub-Saharan African States for so long. In sum, even when other leaders are relying on such military establishments (as in The Gambia, Equatorial Guinea), or amend their constitutions (as in Cameroon, Angola, and Burundi) to prolong their stay in power, a furtive glance at recent events shows that citizens of sub-Saharan Africans are “guarding” their very own “guardians” (The Army).

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