‘’Differences between self and others are normatively irrelevant and that what counts is that they are both selves entitled to equality’’.

The verdict is still out on the effects of tribal politics on minorities’ political representation in the Gambia. On one hand, there is a view that tribal politics is inimical to equal political representation. On the other hand, it is an acceptable fact that most political parties in the Gambia are built on tribal alignments that are necessary in a democratic society. That is to say, tribal politics can hardly be eliminated in Gambians politics, what seems crucial is to get the right measures necessary to promote minorities’ participation in public decision making process as well as politics.

Historically’ major political parties in Gambia had successfully deployed tribal card to gain political advantage over their opponents. For instance, at inception, the PPP’s strategic defence of Mandinka custom was designed to build consensus in the rural areas, so as to bolster its support base. The party smartly embedded itself in the hierarchies of local power by working closely with prominent residents and local authorities who were either Mandinkas or first settlers.

In this way, it gained the trust of the people as well as their votes to sustain   ‘popular enthusiasm.’ While  the UP  was endorsed by the  Fulas and the Serrahuls  in Fullado,   it’s machinery could not  withstand the formidable  forces of PPP’s patronages  that  were  constructed on  social alignments of Mandinkas and  Wollofs. This, in part had contributed to the demise of the UP. It was in complete disarray to galvanize support after heavy elections defeats.

NCP, a by-product of PPP’s fragmentation never managed to position itself as a serious contender given its limited resources to mobilise any significant support. In the case of APRC, a party overwhelmingly supported by the Jolas, it also built coalition of supporters from other tribes. However, this line of support was more sporadic than consistent in one tribe. Its election defeat was undoubtedly self-inflicted as its leadership paid total disregards to basic principle of governance; that might have served as a ‘turn off’ for the millennial voters. While I accept the point that PPP was a successful political actor, its approach to reinvigorate its support base can be seen tribally biased, because it was targeted to specific groups. Despite this, its governments were relative representative of the community they served given their ethnic mix. But there can be no doubt its strategy to attain political power had caused rifts in some communities. Yet, it cannot be said if these divisions were so entrenched to fuel any ethnic conflicts because we continue to live in harmony. Perhaps, our inter-connection is partly responsible for our smiling coast character that nurtures patience and tolerance.

 As The Gambia is constituted of different tribes with their distinct cultural and values, naturally there are bound to be minority and majority tribe that are expected to co-exist for collective good. At times there will be conflicts of competing interests resulting from groups’ attempt to pursue individual objective in order to maintain their cultural identity. In my judgement, government should adopt pluralistic approach with good-faith negations to resolve conflicts of competing interests. Pluralism is an extension of Kant’s moral and political thought which requires finding a plausible and legitimate way to reconcile and harmonise unity and diversity’’.

It articulates a notion that different cultural groups can co-exist by recognising each other distinctiveness, at the same time work together for ‘collective goods’. In this sense it is seen as systems of values that are not necessary hostile to each other. Pluralistic democracy allows individuals to be best encouraged to develop and pursue a plan of their own life. This is the path the new government is envisioned to take in order to embrace inclusive democracy. It may be self-defeating if we failed to recognise our distinct cultures and provide conducive environment that imbue tolerance and broad mindedness for all citizens to pursue their aspiration on equal footing.

 What is also imperative is the proponents of competing interests be politically empowered to participate equally in the decision making process of the government. This may be achieved by proportionate allocation of power within government’s institution such as the executive and judiciary to minorities. Substantive democracy is more than mere holding of periodical elections; it entails a balance distribution of power within the public institutions.

Let me make a point here, the new government appointments so far reflect the diversity of the Gambian society. So the notion that these appointments are tribally biased is a flimsy argument. Our democracy is at infantry stage it requires time and resources to attain full proportional representation. It is important that, those appointed to key public offices have the required competencies and the integrity to perform such function in order to propel the ‘virtually bankrupt Gambia’ to prosperity.

It is worth noting that under- representation is prevalence even in well-established western democracies such as US and UK given that there is a prerequisite requirement for candidacy for certain public offices. What needs to be done is to deploy special legislative measures that promote proportional representation so as to cure the under-representation of minorities as well as women. For example, the government could legislate for percentage allocation of cabinet positions in respect of all ethnic groups. Reasonable electoral threshold could also be deployed to make the legislature proportionally representative of all parties. These measures are more likely to promote pluralistic democracy if implementation is not politicised.

Obviously, there is a danger of tokenism when government try to tackle entrenched inequalities by appointing minorities in key political positions. Such approach seems likely to benefit the political elites who may be out of touch with the reality of living local. Rightly so, there must be concerted efforts that are targeted to improve social mobility in deprived communities with involvement of civil society and NGOs to bring out real change. This might effectively mitigate the historic inequalities that have been endured by these communities for decades.

It is contrary to the principle of equality to allow majoritarian rule to abrogate minorities’ political participation. Democracy does not necessary mean majority views must always prevail. Moreover, states are under international obligation to take active measures in order to cure the democratic deficit in accordance with universal suffrage. With this in mind, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; in its Plan of Action: Protection and Empowerment of Minorities has highlighted the need for states to tackle ‘democratic deficits’, by promoting effective participation of minorities in the political process so as to correct the power imbalances within states.

Major political parties could also do more to increase representation of minorities in their respective parties, by introducing measures such as quotas and positive discrimination in order to promote diversity of the political community. Such measures are in line with international law as long as they are objective and reasonable.

Decentralisation of power from central has been effective in promoting the political participation of minorities in decision-making process. For example, the devolved powers in Scotland and Wales have been instrumental in empowering the national minorities in UK. This model seems ideal for the Gambia given the way in which the tribes are dispersed tend to correspond with the geography of a defined divisional administrative area. In this way, the power decentralised to the divisional authorities will undoubtedly enhance the political participation of the local population.

Indeed, mirror representation seems the best way forward for now. But for better community relations, we must create a political culture in which everyone is able and willing to represent one another regardless of one’s ethnicity. ‘Individual ought to treat one another as ends in themselves not as means’.

Therefore, minorities’ political participation must be enhanced constitutionally to cure the under-representation of the political community. Such is in line with ideals of liberalism. There can be no democracy without pluralism; equality and proportionality are important moral and political value that may guide the new government in its efforts to meet the aspirations of all citizens. The government is on the right path as it stands.

Forward with the New Gambia!!

Written by Solo S Demba

Major funding commitment to help ‘virtually bankrupt’ country shake off legacy of dictatorship, as President Adama Barrow promises better life for Gambians
The EU has pledged its support to the new leaders of the Gambia with hundreds of millions of euros, shoring up a country that is “virtually bankrupt” after two decades of Yahya Jammeh’s rule.

Aid to the Gambia dried up under Jammeh, whose record of human rights violations, along with his habit of pulling out of international institutions and throwing out diplomats, alienated donors.

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Now, after promises from the new government to defend human rights, protect media freedom and rejoin the international criminal court and the Commonwealth, the EU has become the first to commit major funding to what has become known as “the new Gambia”.

After a rollercoaster transition period during which Jammeh accepted electoral defeat before performing a U-turn – he refused to leave State House, and finally conceded only under pressure from a phalanx of African presidents – there will be no respite for the country’s new president.

Having beaten the eccentric autocrat despite the odds, largely on a promise of a better life for Gambians, Adama Barrow now faces the challenge of living up to his people’s hopes.

The EU has pledged €75m (£64m) in immediate funding and €150m in the longer term to help “make sure that the new Gambian state can deliver as it should … that it can stand up to the high expectations of the population”, said Neven Mimica, the commissioner for international cooperation and development, who met Barrow on Thursday. “There is no time to lose.”

The former estate agent-turned-coalition leader told Mimica that his country was “in need of immediate rescue”, particularly emergency budget support.

“We have just assumed the task of governing the country after decades of dictatorship and self-imposed isolation,” Barrow said.

Jammeh expelled the EU’s charge d’affaires in 2015, giving her 72 hours to leave Banjul, with no explanation. “We had a dictatorship that thrived on bad governance, human rights abuses, bad policy choices, and violation of the rule of law. A dictatorship that cost us our friends. A dictatorship whose conduct deprived us of our development and aid. A dictatorship that was brutal toward its citizens,” said Barrow.

People thought to be from Nigeria, the Gambia and Senegal wait rescue from a boat in the Mediterranean, north of Libya
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People thought to be from Nigeria, the Gambia and Senegal await rescue from a boat in the Mediterranean, north of Libya. Barrow hopes that improved economic opportunities will stem the flow of people leaving the country for Europe. Photograph: Sima Diab/AP
“As a new government, what we have inherited is an economy that is virtually bankrupt and in need of immediate rescue. This sad reality was brought about through a mismanagement of our finances.”

Donor money is sorely needed in a country whose economy has grown little in recent decades, prompting many Gambians to take the perilous “back way” to Europe – crossing the Mediterranean from Libya to Italy – in search of a livelihood. The Gambia has public debt of more than 100% of annual GDP and youth unemployment of just under 40%.

The US is planning to send an assessment team to the country shortly after Barrow’s official inauguration on 18 February. Barrow was sworn in as president in neighbouring Senegal last month, as Jammeh clung to power. After all-night negotiations by regional presidents, who finally succeeded in persuading Jammeh to go, Barrow returned to his country and was greeted by thousands of celebrating supporters.

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In a final blow, however, Jammeh withdrew more than $11.4m (£9.2m) from the country’s banks in the fortnight before getting on the plane to Equatorial Guinea, according to the interior minister, who said the coffers were “virtually empty”.

Despite the cash flow problems, Barrow and his team have ambitious plans.

The country’s new foreign minister, Ousainou Darboe, said he wanted to make the Gambia the “human rights capital of Africa”. This would be a dramatic turnaround from life under Jammeh, when journalists, political opposition members and people arrested at peaceful protests, whether they were protesting or not, were thrown in jail, often without trial or on trumped-up charges. Darboe was a political prisoner until his release in December, which drew thousands of people to his modest house in Banjul, flooding in to offer their congratulations.

“We already have the institutions that give the Gambia the qualification to be the human rights capital of Africa,” said Darboe. “We have the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights here in Banjul. The only institution we don’t have is the African court of human rights. We are going to champion the establishment of that institution and its location in the Gambia.

Customers shop at the market of Serekunda in Banjul, Gambia, 22 Junuary 2017.
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Customers shop at a market in Banjul in January 2017. Photograph: Legnan Koula/EPA
“Also, our own practice of human rights and protection of human rights will be a model.”

Barrow has said his administration will prioritise rebuilding the economy, and a national development plan is in the works. He is also creating a thinktank of advisers on agriculture, health, the environment and other areas, to identify the needs in each sector.

The country’s justice system, which Jammeh used to further his own agenda, will be overhauled, and the constitution amended, in particular to remove age limits for positions in government.

Barrow’s first move as president, making Fatoumatah Jallow-Tambajang his vice-president, was unconstitutional, as an age limit of 65 had been set under the youthful Jammeh, who was 29 when he took power and 51 when he left.

Most of the EU’s €75m is for projects tackling malnutrition, food security and unemployment. Drought and climate change have made farming difficult for Gambia in recent years, and a tenth of the population suffers from acute malnutrition. Mimica also said he was aware of the need to support “stability and reconstruction of the Gambian state” and would dispatch a team to Banjul to help decide what the other €150m should be spent on.

Along with the freedoms that Barrow’s government have promised, new economic opportunities could help stem the flow of migration to Europe, and even attract people back to the country.