By Madi Jobarteh

In 1909, an American journalist called Joseph Pulitzer exposed a fraudulent payment of $40 million by the United States to the French Panama Canal Company. Immediately the US Government took him to court charging him for criminal libel against Pres. Theodore Roosevelt and the banker J.P. Morgan, among others. But Mr. Pulitzer refused to retreat and his newspaper ‘The World’ persisted in its investigation until the courts eventually dismissed the case. Pulitzer was applauded for a crucial victory on behalf of freedom of the press. Five years earlier, while making a proposal for a school of journalism, this is what he said about the role of the media in America in 1904.

 
“Our Republic and its press will rise or fall together. An able, disinterested, public-spirited press, with trained intelligence to know the right and courage to do it, can preserve that public virtue without which popular government is a sham and a mockery. A cynical, mercenary, demagogic press will produce in time a people as base as itself. The power to mould the future of the Republic will be in the hands of the journalists of future generations.”

 
In 1912, one year after Pulitzer’s death, the Columbia School of Journalism was founded. In 1917 the Pulitzer Prize was founded as one of the most prestigious media and literary awards in the world until today. Since then most of the awards in journalism go to exposure of corruption and abuse of power than to any other subject. No doubt the role and contribution of the media in building and defending democracy in the United States has been exemplary.

 
Fast forward to 100 years later in 2004 in the Gambia, the year Deyda Hydara (1946 – 2004) was murdered. A few days before his assassination, the late Deyda said in an interview with the Independent newspaper that,

 
“Journalism is a profession with its rules and one cannot be a journalist and flout its basic principles. What’s more, the fundamental law of this land guarantees that we make sure that government is accountable to the people for things it does in their name. Here again we didn’t draft the Constitution, which got inspiration from the covenants and other international laid down rules about freedom of expression. Meaning that even if the Constitution failed to empower us to do so we could rely on these instruments that The Gambia as a nation ratified.”

 
What Joseph Pulitzer and Deyda Hydara were saying here in their respective societies and times is that ultimately it is the media that make or break a democracy. Both men were not only absolutely clear about this fact, but they went further to put it into practice by ensuring that they expose corruption, abuse of power and stand up for the defense of human rights and the rule of law. This is why Pulitzer was charged and Deyda was assassinated by those in power who are hell-bent on abusing their power at the detriment of society.

 
Therefore at the dawn of this era of democracy coming hard on the heels of 22 years of dictatorship the Gambian journalist and media must ask themselves what is their role in this new dispensation? Are they going to live to the high ideals of Joseph Pulitzer and Deyda Hydara or will they become the propagandists and sensationalists who are in the business of journalism just for self-aggrandizement? Will they rise up to defend the ideals of democracy and good governance or will they succumb to the powers that be just to perpetuate abuse of power?

 
Already the Gambia Constitution has given a special role to the media in Section 207 subsection 3, which states that,

 
“The press and other information media shall at all times, be free to uphold the principles, provisions and objectives of this Constitution, and the responsibility and accountability of the Government to the people of The Gambia.”

 
Section 208 went further to specify the role of the public media that,
“All state owned newspapers, journals, radio and television shall afford fair opportunities and facilities for the presentation of divergent views and dissenting opinion.”

 
These constitutional provisions clearly show that indeed the people of the Gambia as expressed in this supreme law of the republic intend to have journalists and media who perform like how Joseph Pulitzer and Deyda Hydara performed. Our constitution has placed a solemn duty on the hands of journalists to build and defend democracy in the Gambia.

 
When you pick up any of our newspapers, one sees that message inscribed on the front page that indeed they wish to be like Joseph Pulitzer and Deyda Hydara. For example, this is what you find on the front page of the ‘News and Report Magazine’, “All what is in the public domain: All that is of legitimate public interest.” The Point says on their front page ‘For Freedom and Democracy’. Foroyaa says ‘Educating the People’ with the unforgettable Foroyaa Quote, “Know yourselves. Know your country and know the world then you shall be the architect of your own destiny”. The Daily Observer says, “Forward with the Gambia” on their front page.

 
But for 22 years the media was severely suppressed and hunted down in this country. Many media houses have been burnt down or closed. Many journalists were forced to flee or abandon the trade, while many faced incarcerations and even death. Despite this painful persecution, Gambian journalists indeed held the fort, never relenting. Those who stayed put continued to face the wrath of the tyranny. Those who relocated set up new and many more media houses to continue the fight for democracy. Therefore today more than ever before should be a new beginning for our media houses and journalists in the fight for democracy in the Gambia.

 
Let our media obtain inspiration from our founding fathers especially Edward Francis Small (1891 – 1958) who also became a journalist in his activism for freedom and democracy in the Gambia in the 1920s. It was his media activism that laid the foundations of our independence many decades later. His newspaper ‘The Gambia Outlook and Senegambian Reporter’ used to petition the British Government demanding representative institutions so much so that the colonial office described him as a “self-appointed champion of non-existing grievances felt by an imaginary body of citizens…he seems to find agitation irresistible.” He was particularly known for popularizing the slogan, ‘No taxation without representation’ in calling for the creation of representative institutions and empowerment of the people.
We also had William Dixon Colley (1913 – 2001) was a co-founder of the Gambia Press Union in 1978. Being a staunch defender of free press and against censorship, he once said, “If what one is saying is right and one strongly believes it is, one should go on saying it up to one’s grave.”

 
As founder and editor of Africa Nyaato newspaper, which later became The Nation newspaper, Dixon Colley consistently exposed inefficiency and corruption inside government for which one of such articles entitled ‘Till Doomsday’ landed him in court for seditious publication. His quest for truth, freedom and good governance was uncompromising as he expressed in these words, “we try to be radical and pin down government on its policies”.

 
The story of Sanna Manneh and his newspaper, The Torch represents one of the major highlights of the role and contribution of the media in the promotion of good governance in the Gambia. On 6th October 1988, The Torch published an article, ‘Cabinet Reshuffle Inevitable’ accusing four government ministers of corruption with the then Gambia Cooperative Union in dubious rice dealings, and suggested their sacking. Three of the ministers – Saihou Sabally, Minister of Agriculture, Landing Jallow Sonko, Minister of Local Government and Lands and Dr. Lamin Saho, Minister of Information and Tourism – took the matter to court and Manneh, popularly known as Tiks was charged with libel.

 
Following a court case from November 1988 to April 1989, Tiks was acquitted on the first and third counts and cautioned and discharged on the second. Foroyaa, which provided verbatim coverage of the proceedings, a practice it continues in such cases up to today, described the trial as a “landmark in Gambian political, legal and press history”. While The Torch newspaper did not eventually survive the financial costs of the trial as it closed down a year later, however the issue demonstrated the role and contribution of the media in the fight against corruption by holding the government to account.

 
From these individuals, let our journalists of today therefore not only report about official events such an inaugurations and opening ceremonies. But more importantly let them investigate and report on the issues and concerns of our citizens and communities to bring them out to the open for the government to know. Let our journalists conduct analysis of the events, decisions, actions and policies of the government to give our people a better perspective of the status quo. Let our media give space to our ordinary citizens as well as the experts to voice out alternative views on issues and trends. Above all let our journalists follow the money to combat corruption and abuse of power. We need to know how the government is managing public resources and if such management is fulfilling the needs of our people. It is when the journalists undertake these exercises then will we therefore witness the flourishing of democracy and the rise of the republic.

 
I would therefore dedicate this piece to the Gambian media community for the gallant and steadfast role they have played since the days of colonialism into the first and second republics. To the young journalists, to remind them that they are in a glorious and courageous profession. The traditions of that profession have already been defined and carved out by giants like Edward Francis Small in the 1920s, William Dixon-Colley in the 1960s, Sanna Manneh in the 1980s and finally Deyda Hydara in the 2000s to today. Hence there is enough to inspire and encourage. What is required is to add to that glory by standing firm in the building and defense of democracy in the Gambia.
Our Republic and its Press will Rise or Fall Together!

God Bless The Gambia.

By now you have had first hand experience of the farmers and grassroots pressing needs. Even though, the demands varied from one village to the other, one or two featured prominently in most places: water, electricity and good road networks. It was reassuring to hear that your government has entered a contract with the Chinese to the Basse-Pasamass road and other provincial road networks. Perhaps, I have missed your take on the request for regular and affordable electricity supply. Many are asserting NAWEC generators are old and not fit to be displayed in a meseum while others are resting the annoying power and water cuts on lack of fuel to run the bedridden generators. Whatever the reason, it is an open irrefutable secret that some NAWEC staff enjoy uninterrupted supply of water and electricity free of charge. Mr President please don’t tell me you are not aware of it. Yes, the co-operation has in the past struggled to recovery dues government owes to it but does that excuse the poor management and services? What is your government doing to arrest this deplorable situation?

Aha, Uncle Sidi Sanneh raised a pertinent question: “Can you afford to throw the baby with the bath water?” I don’t think any sane person would enjoy that act more especially a loving and caring parent. My only inference here is how Uncle Sidi felt your government is treating those who stood by and fought with you when the dictator manifested ownership of the Gambia and his unwillingness to handover power. Of course, no particular person or group of people can single handedly claim ownership of the victory against the repressive Jammeh regime except if that person is harvesting apples on an orange tree. Many in the diaspora felt marginalised particularly when they see people who were cosy with the dictator wine and dine with you as if there was no yesterday. Many of those who feel betrayed actually aren’t scavenging for posting but appreciation and recognition. Others a simple “Thank you” is enough which you did whereas a few just want their opinions sought in certain aspects they hold dear in their hearts. I guess that isn’t much to ask for. Naturally whatever is successful will surely have an owner. In other words, some of these cosy with you now claiming closeness and loyalty to you while they were standing afar watching you with disgust when you needed allies most.

The Jammeh farms and zoo in Kanilai. Has your government thought of what to do with them? It would be a disservice to Gambians if the farms, zoo and infrastructure in Kanilai are left to crumble in ruin. I heard the Minister of Agriculture intimating that some of the farms unlawfully acquired by the dictator will be returned to their rightful owners. Bravo. I believe the government and people of the Gambia can benefit greatly if those assets are properly managed by the state. The zoo, for instance, is a good fund generator through tourism and the farms. The can equally be outlets for employment. The buildings can be either used as University campus and/or science lab for agriculture. Kanilai is a gold mine if properly managed.

Hon Omar Jallow said he has no asset to declare because he has given all to his children. He further asserted he never wanted a bank account after his previous was frozen and now one of his children is designated authority for his salaried account. I find that dodgy and a cover up for illegal accumulated wealth. This rekindled the urgent need for the President and his cabinet to come clean in declaring their worth for accountability and transparency. Who knows how many cheques have past under diner and lunch tables. Are they cashed in sibling’s accounts to erase any tracks?

Sulayman Jeng
Birmingham, UK

By Musa Jeng

It is indeed a very strategic move for most political parties to hunker down and try to consolidate power, in order to be able to govern and pursue the very platform of the party. As I continue to discuss this theme with friends, we begin to recognize that consolidation of power can also become a scalpel capable of performing an abortion to a democracy in its early trimester. Interesting analogy I retorted, and maybe we need to flesh out where we are going with this.

 
In the early part of the Jammeh regime, APRC consciously engaged the citizens basically making pronouncements that people wanted to hear, but also understood their initial success could be based on to inherit the legacy of the previous government, notwithstanding what they thought of the PPP. Clearly, the very change that was being sold to the citizen had nothing to do with building democracy but rather to replace the Govt, and its success starts with consolidating power. July twenty second movement became the vehicle that was used, and they started to put in their own Governors, chiefs, Alkalos, village elders and opinion leaders within Yai compins. Interestingly, most of these people were recycles from the PPP and neither side had a problem with their new relationship. The APRC saw them as a means to consolidate power, and to these new hires it was a matter of survival. The only loser was the opportunity to build a viable democracy that could have given the Gambia a new start for better lives of its citizen.

 
Hmn, is history really repeating itself? Are the political parties of the day much more interested in inheriting the APRC structures all over the country as a way of consolidating power? Are they interested in wooing business elites from the APRC regime as a source of funding to consolidate their grip to power? The jury is still out on some of these questions and concerns, but the jockeying and the positioning from some of these parties is beginning to look like the movie we have seen before.

 
Of course, political realities dictate that all political parties will engage in expanding structures and support base, but looking at the journey we have taken, the sacrifice of people and the battle that have been waged, we cannot overlook the raison d’etre of the struggle. Some of these local opinion leaders that are being recruited all over the country, for twenty-two years were the same people very much willing and supporting the killings of their countrymen and neighbors; business and political elites willing to look the other way whilst their countrymen were being killed, maimed, tortured and deprived of their economic survival as a means of punishment.

To the parties I say, as you ponder to come up with strategies to consolidate, I would like you to remember few people: Deyda Hydara did not pay the ultimate price so that you can consolidate; Solo Sandeng did not pay the ultimate price yelling electoral reforms just so that you can consolidate; young school children never had the opportunity to get married or have their your own children, and now you are busy recruiting the very people that supported the ending of their lives so that you can consolidate; and entire civil service with their pensions and families destroyed by sending them to become refugees, and you reaching out to the very people who supported them so that you can consolidate.

In conclusion, anyone who was part of this struggle and really expected to be compensated with the spoils of war, either never understood what this fight was about, or saw this as a means to an end. But on the same token, any political party that conveniently adopted a strategy to recruit people who were very much part of subjugation of our people, just because consolidation is the most important thing, without a doubt ignores the sacrifices of the people. The fight and the sacrifice was always about change, and the opportunity for a new dispensation so that all our citizens can have the opportunity for a better live. It will be a very sad day that all of this come down to taking care of our own, and again to consolidate so that we can continue to take care of our own… I really hope not

By Madi Jobarteh

Indeed sooner than later it will be clear to all and sundry how Yaya Jammeh and APRC took liberty with the lives of Gambians. Humanity will not believe that indeed here is a society in which one minority group of her citizens just decided to rape, beat, torture and kill their fellow citizens for nothing. In contravention of our laws and the sacred norms of our culture and religions these minority citizens blatantly, without conscience or fear of God just wreaked havoc on their families and neighbours as if they are not Gambians.

 
It shall be said how could a person love power and privileges to the point that such a person could be prepared to sacrifice his or her fellow human beings. Yet this was what Yaya Jammeh did and aided and abetted by his cabinet ministers led by Isatou Njie Saidy and NAMs led by Fabakary Tombong Jatta with men like Yankuba Colley among many others over the past 22 bloody years. As they plunder and pillage, there are 30% of fellow Gambians who blindly stood with them as Yaye Compins, youth and women leaders, chiefs, alkalolu and imams in our villages and towns. Not the fear of Allah, not the love of country, not even our family ties and close-knit community and good neighbourliness were enough to restrain them from unleashing carnage on their fellow human beings with whom they share the Gambia.
To imagine that the Gambia would have among its citizens a few who would have the ability without fear or shame to abuse their office to rape a Gambian woman is a story future generations would not believe. To even imagine that a few Gambians would have the audacity to arrest and then kill a fellow Gambian and then throw the body to crocodiles or in abandoned wells or bury them like dogs just to serve one man will be a scar on the conscience of our nation till the end of time.

 
The Gambia is one big family literally. Yet how could we have among us a group which could totally disregard the deep social relationships and cultural connections we share but to inflict such atrocities that even the colonialists did not commit? The British came to dominate and exploit our resources and labour. In that campaign they oppressed with laws and institutions. They stole our money and denied us services with violence. But the British did not just go on the rampage to rape and torture and kill women and children and any adult Gambians for free. Yet even if they did we do not expect anything good from colonialism which is a crime against humanity. We never invited the Europeans to come to the Gambia in the first place and we never voted for them and of course they were no citizens.

 
But Yaya Jammeh and APRC are citizens. Our people welcomed AFPRC in 1994 and never resisted them. Our people voted for Yaya Jammeh and APRC since 1996. Our people gave them support and cooperation. Anytime Yaya Jammeh and APRC called the people answered in their thousands. Yet to imagine that this Yaya Jammeh and APRC will pay back the goodness and hospitality of our people with death and destruction is indeed betrayal of the highest level.

 
Yaya Jammeh did not only steal our money and but also denied us quality services just like the colonialists. This is inexcusable. Unlike the colonialists, Yaya Jammeh and APRC went further to rape and kill Gambian women and children and adults just to stay in power. This is indeed inexcusable, unacceptable, unforgivable and unforgettable.

 
After all this to now see a normal Gambian man or woman claim he or she supports APRC is indeed shameful and disheartening. Yet there are still Gambians who proclaim Yaya Jammeh as a leader who deserves respect and worthy of their affection. How? Why? Is it ignorance or is it dishonesty or is it both?
In Germany, folks are ashamed of Hitler. In Uganda, folks are ashamed of Idi Amin. In Cambodia , folks are ashamed of Pol Pot. Even in Nigeria, folks are ashamed of Abacha. Yet in the Gambia there are folks who are still proud of Yaya Jammeh after having raped and killed and looted and pillaged the Gambia.
They do not care that in this Gambia some mothers have not seen their sons since the NIA arrested them many years ago. They do not care that there are mothers who have been raped and weeping silently to themselves everyday. They do not care that there are wives who lost their husbands at the hands of Yaya Jammeh. They do not care that in this Gambia there are children in wheelchairs because Yaya Jammeh ordered soldiers soldiers to shoot them. They do not care that in this Gambia there are many men who have been made impotent because of torture at the NIA and Mile 2 and other torture centres. They do not care that there are some Gambians who died and were buried abroad because Yaya Jammh refused to allow their body to be buried in their home country. The list goes on….
Yet there are Gambians who support this National Disgrace called APRC.

God Bless The Gambia

Recent pronouncements from President Barrow and the Coalition leaders should be
encouraging to people seeking justice and accountability for the April 10 and 11, 2000
Massacre. Although the new government’s foray in the parliament was disappointing to
me – because I expected them to introduce a motion to strip the former president off his
immunity to stand trial for the Massacre – the government’s ideas about commissions of
inquiries are beginning to take shape. Apparently, the government does not view these
commissions as forums where all the crimes of the Jammeh regime can be resolved
once and for all. Rather, the government seeks to use these commissions to gather
evidence that could be used in future prosecutions. In other words, the commissions
are a means to an end; and not the end themselves.

 
The reason we even have to highlight this subtle difference is because the former
regime sought to use the coroner’s inquest and commission of inquiry that looked into
the April 10 and 11, 2000 Massacre as a ploy to escape criminal liability, by pretending
that those bodies had the last word in the matter. We must not allow the reports from
the coroner’s inquest and commission of inquiry to be the final word in this saga. As I
said before, these reports are a good starting point for any future prosecution. But
because both reports avoided pinning blame on the right culprits and making
recommendations for their prosecutions, the reports’ credibility is questionable.

 
At the very least, we need to know those who are responsible for this heinous crime,
prosecute them appropriately, and redress the victims. That way, no government official
will ever think that they can partake in the cold-blooded murder of innocent children with
impunity.

 
According to President Barrow, the commissions the government plans to set up are
merely for evidence-gathering. I reiterate that the April 10 and 11 Massacre need not go
before another commission. The government already has all it needs to prosecute the
perpetrators of this crime. A perusal of the aforementioned reports should give the
government a roadmap to the relevant witnesses. All it has to do now is to come up
with a legal strategy to successfully prosecute the most culpable person, in my opinion:
former President Jammeh. I am confident that Mr. Abubacarr Tambedou, with his
experience prosecuting human rights abuses, can get the job done.

 
If it takes cutting deals with less culpable actors, so be it. Jammeh must pay. Having
said that, we must remember that Jammeh still enjoys immunity from prosecution by
virtue of the Constitution. If Jammeh were to descend onto us in the Gambia today, the
authorities must make sure that they have all the necessary legal weapons in their
arsenal to deal with him. Otherwise, they will be scrambling, or worse, they will allow
Jammeh to live in the country unscathed and ready to destabilize the government.

 
That is why, from even a purely security posture, this government needs to ensure that
once Jammeh sets foot in the country, he is arrested. As we pointed out, the April 10
and 11, 2000 Massacre is the most heinous among Jammeh’s many crimes. Not only
was this a callous crime against the most vulnerable in our society, it is also clear that
Jammeh’s role in the matter is indefensible. I also believe that not even his stalwarts in
the legislature want to be seen as people who condone mass murder. Therefore, this
crime should form the basis for any strategy to hold Jammeh accountable for his actions
while he was president.

 
As a preliminary matter, the government should introduce a motion in the parliament,
showing that it is in the public interest to remove Jammeh’s immunity so he can stand
trial for this crime. It should not be difficult to make that case. This matter has been
discussed exhaustively in the media and the Jammeh government never attempted to
deny their culpability. Once this motion is passed by a two-thirds majority in parliament,
the government will then be in a position to arrest Jammeh if he sets foot in the country
and bring him before a court of law. The parliamentary resolution will also give the
government the leeway to charge Jammeh, and when the right opportunity presents
itself, call for his extradition or try him in absentia. In my humble opinion, this is the only
way Jammeh can be held accountable for this most heinous crime in the history of the
country.

 
Taking this matter to another commission of inquiry will be a gross waste of time and
resources. Additionally, it is also not clear from my reading of the Constitution if
Jammeh can be brought into a commission against his will. Therefore, if Jammeh does
not appear before a commission, admit his crimes, repent, and seek forgiveness from
his victims, then that defeats the whole purpose of forming a commission to resolve
once and for all the crimes committed on April 10 and 11, 2000.

 
One can understand the Jammeh government, which was interested in
self-preservation, obfuscating on this matter. With the Barrow government, this is their
best opportunity to hold Jammeh accountable and also send a strong message to our
children that we value their lives and their contribution to society. Successfully
prosecuting Jammeh for this crime also conveys to the whole world that we are a
civilized society that will never tolerate the cold-blooded murder of innocent and
defenseless children.

 
Muhamad Sosseh, Esq.
Washington, DC