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Building The New Gambia: Unfair Allegations of Tribalism against Chief Servant Adama Barrow

By Madi Jobarteh

 

Let’s get to the point. The people claiming that the Barrow Administration is tribalist are in actual fact not tribalist themselves but they are instead being dishonest for a totally different purpose. I will get to that objective soon. I have always argued that tribalism does not exist. What exists is corruption, which is being covered up by what looks like tribalism or nepotism. For example Yaya Jammeh was not a tribalist otherwise how do we explain his close connivance with other individuals from other ethnic groups. During his 22-year carnage, the most prominent exponents of the Babili Mansa Cancer were not primarily Jola men and women, but in fact these were Mandinka, Fula, Wolof, Aku, Serer, Sarahuleh and Manjago men and women. List all the key voices and the powerful pillars of AFPRC/APRC, and the Jola are not among the top ten.

 
Therefore what was happening? On the one hand, Yaya Jammeh consciously misinformed and manipulated his Jola folks to belief in a lie in order to generate support to protect his illegal power and protect his regime. But that was not enough. The purpose of power is to accumulate wealth. Hence on the other hand, he also associated with these other folks from the other tribes for the purpose of wealth accumulation, prestige and privilege, as well as further maintain his power. Thus to keep and maintain both his brutal power and illegal wealth, he used his Jola kinsmen as well as the Mandinka, Wolof, Fula, Sarahuleh, Serer, Manjago and Aku elites to divide and rule. These were intellectuals, religious and traditional leaders, youth and women leaders, and business people.

 
Was Yaya Jammeh tribalist there? No. This is why even when he insulted the Mandinka, one can see these top Mandinka men and women continue to associate with, and defend him because they knew Yaya Jammeh does not hate the Mandinka as a tribe. These elites knew that Yaya and they themselves were merely protecting their diabolical interests, which have nothing to do with tribe. It was all about power, privilege and wealth. Thus on the surface everything looks exactly like tribalism, but the currents underneath were about power, privilege and wealth. After all it was his ministers and party stalwarts who would confide that Yaya Jammeh was a big stupid fool. They knew the man was fake, but all they wanted was the power, privilege and wealth.

 
When we further analyze, one would see that in the list of his victims, proportionately, the Jola as the fourth largest ethnic group accounts for almost the highest number of victims in terms of those summarily dismissed, arrested, detained, jailed, and killed. What love and respect therefore did he have for the Jola? Nothing. We need to understand here what the underlying currents of ‘tribalism’ are otherwise the argument for or against tribalism places both camps at the same level. No one can win the argument. Such arguments divert the issue and only lead to unnecessary conflict.

 
Therefore the folks levying the tribalism card against Adama Barrow are doing so not because they hate the Mandinka, but because they have lost the illegal privileges, status and goodies that they enjoyed under Yaya Jammeh. Otherwise, the simplest response to them would be why were they not equally active against Yaya Jammeh when he gave those same positions and many more to his kinsmen? The fact is that these people never cared about what Yaya Jammeh was doing, as they never saw tribalism in Yaya Jammeh. What they saw were privileges, status and goodies. Now that they have lost those unfair privileges, it is logical, to dishonestly vilify this new regime as such.

 
Africans are not tribalist. This is a misconception perpetuated by primarily Western scholars who were the first to write about the modern political history of Africa based on their own dishonesty and misunderstanding. Then they were joined by a band of miseducated African intellectuals who continue to perpetuate this misnomer. I am ready for any public debate with anyone on the question of tribalism in Africa.

 
What has been happening in Africa is that the elite, particularly the political class, out of dishonesty and corruption have used sectarian ideas in order to propel themselves to power and then maintain themselves there at any cost. Even when you consider the Rwanda genocide one would see that neighbors in a remote village away from Kigali, without even understanding the nature of governance while living in poverty together, were misused by politicians in Kigali to go to their next door neighbors and hack them to death. It is like if Yaya Jammeh had succeeded in getting Jola folks in Batabut Kantora or Bwiam to hack their Mandinka neighbors. On the surface, it would appear as a tribal war, but deep down it was not a tribal war because the Mandinka and Jola have lived together nicely ever since in Bwiam without ever having such evil thoughts about each other. But because of politicians who want to keep power and wealth by all means, they now manipulate ordinary folks knowing that indeed power is with the people. Unfortunately the masses never get the right political awareness to realize how their power is being use against themselves by themselves through the machinations of the corrupt elite and politicians. The cleavages appeared between them when a politician like Yahya Jammeh emerged to make one tribesmen feel hateful towards another tribesmen.

 
The truth therefore is this: the people who are trumpeting tribalism and seeking to label Pres. Barrow as such are indeed people who are fighting a class war. They were a class onto themselves. They were part of the oppressive and exploitative class, which wanted to maintain unsuccessfully their immoral grip on power, wealth and privilege. Having lost that class and status, they now resort to misinformation and manipulation for the purpose of bringing down the people’s government. They are merely dishonest and corrupt individuals who have never ever stood for constitutionality and sovereignty of the Gambian people. If they ever did so, it was by default but not be design.

God Bless the Gambia

 

HOW MANY AMENDMENTS HAS THE 1997 CONSTITUTION OF THE GAMBIA UNDERGONE SINCE IT CAME INTO FORCE?

By Bubacarr Drammeh

 

The Gambia is operating under a unitary government. Under this system, all government powers are concentrated in the central or national government as the only source of authority from which power emanates. Other levels of government therefore derived their validity and relevance from the national or the central government. Thus all powers are concentrated in a simple central government.

Since the Gambia is operating a unitary system of government, it is therefore correct to say it has also adopted a unitary constitution. The constitution of The Gambia is written and rigid. It has a cumbersome or long amendment procedure.

 

Procedure for amending any provision of the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia that is not entrenched

To amend a non-entrenched provision of the 1997 Constitution of the Gambia, the bill of amendment must be published in at least two issues of the Gazette before the first reading. The latest publication must be not less than three months after the first and must be introduced into the National Assemble not earlier than 10 days after the latest publication. The bill of amendment must also be supported by the votes of not less than three quarters of all members of the National Assembly. Section 226(2) of the constitution provides:

Subject to subsection (4), a bill for an Act of the National Assembly under this section shall not passed by the National Assembly or presented to the President for assent unless-

  • (a)  before the first reading of the Bill in the National assembly, the Bill is published in at least two issues of the Gazette, the latest publication being not less than three months after the first, and the Bill is introduced into the National Assembly not earlier than ten days after the latest publication; and 

  • (b)  the Bill is supported on the second and third readings by the votes of not less than three quarters of all the members of the National assembly. 


This is the procedure required for the amendment of a non-entrenched provision of the 1997 Constitution.

 

Procedure for amending an entrenched provision of the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia

The 1997 constitution of the Gambia specifically stated the sections that cannot be amended by the National Assemble. To amend them a referendum must be conducted. Section 226(4) of the constitution provides that:

(4) A Bill for an act of the National Assembly altering any of the provisions referred to in subsection (7) shall not be passed by the National Assembly or presented to the President for assent unless-

  • (a)  the Bill is published and introduced in the manner required by paragraph (a) of 
subsection (2); 

  • (b)  The Bill is supported on the second and third 
readings by the votes of not less than three quarters of all the members of the National Assembly; 

  • (c)  The Bill has been referred by the Speaker to the Independent Electoral Commission and 
the Commission has, within six months of uch reference, held a referendum on the Bill; and


(d) At least fifty per cent of the persons entitled to vote in the referendum have taken part in the referendum and the Bill is supported in the referendum by at least seventy five per cent of those who voted.

Thus, to amend an entrenched provision of the 1997 constitution, parliament must follow the procedures set out in section 226(2)(a) and section 226(4). The entrenched provisions of the constitution are ss. 1, 79(2), 4, 5(1), 6(2), 8, 13(4), 39(1), 42(1), 47(3), 63(1), the first sentence of s. 71(2), the whole of chapter IV, 85 (4), 160 (7), 87,100,120(1) (a), (2), and (3), 121(1), 123, 126, 127, 128, 130, 132, 133, 135(1) and (2), 136, 138(1),(4),(5) and (6), 149(1),151(1),193(1) and 226 – see section 226(7).

From the above it is clear that the procedure for amending the constitution of the 1997 constitution of The Gambia is different from the procedure for enacting and amending ordinary laws.

The National Assembly of The Gambia has amended provision of the 1997 Constitution 49 times in the past 20years. A bulk of the amendments occurred in 2001. Below is a table that shows sections that are amended and the year the amendments were made. You will see that 37 amendments were made in 2001, 3 amendments in 2003, I in 2004, 6 amendments in 2006 and 1 in 2007 and 2009

 

 

AMENDED SECTIONS

 

YEAR AMENDED

Section 1(1) 2001
Section 9 2001
Section 12A 2001
Section 48(3) 2003
Section 48(4) 2003
Section 48(5) 2003
Section 50(3) 2001
Sections 51-57 2001
Section 58(2) 2001
Section 59(2) 2001
Section 60(3) 2001
Section 63(2) 2001 and 2006
Section 68(4)(c) 2006
Section 71(1) 2009
Section 72(4)(c) 2006
Section 88(1)(b) 2001
Section 96(1) 2006
Section 96(2) 2006
Section 98(1)(b) 2001
Section 125(1)(c) 2001
Section 129 (1)(c) 2001
Section 131(2) 2001
Section 134(3) 2001
Section 137(1)(b) 2001
Section 137(5) 2001
Section 137A(5)(b) 2006
Section 137A(7) 2001
Section 139(1) 2001
Section 141(4) 2001
Section 143(3) 2001
Section 145(1)(f) 2001
Section 152(1) 2001
Section 152(1A) 2001
Section 152(2) 2001
Section 152(3A) 2001
Section 178(2) 2001
Section 178(4) 2001
Section 179 2001
Section 180 2001
Section 181 2001
Section 182(2) 2001
Section 184 2001
Section 192 2001
Section 194(g) 2007
Section 195 2001
Section 198 2001
Section 210 2004
Section 6(4) Second Schedule 2001
Section 13(1) Second Schedule 2001

The National Assembly amended section 1(1) without following the procedures laid down in section 226 of the constitution. The amendment was challenged by Kemeseng Jammeh in the Supreme Court of The Gambia on the basis that the National Assembly has no authority to do so therefore the amendment is unconstitutional. The Supreme Court held that the National Assembly acted beyond its powers. Therefore the amendment is unconstitutional thus null and void.

 

President Barrow appeals for patience over slow pace in ministerial picks

Gambia’s President Adama Barrow has called on citizens to exercise patience as he tirelessly works with his team to fill the remaining ministerial positions in the new Cabinet.

He made the call on Monday during a meeting with foreign diplomats accredited to The Gambia.

“We are taking our time to select the best individuals for the jobs. We don’t want to rush. No hesitation” he said.

He recognized the support of Gambian during the campaign, election and transition period saying it was  a difficult two months of political logjam. He said though it was not easy, people were there to give out support throughout the period and that support is well recognized.

He reminded Gambians of the destructive 22 years APRC rule, saying things were very difficult with the people and so many things happened during the period that needs to be regularized.

President Barrow further said he inherited a government that was seriously polluted and needs serious reforms which definitely require support from everybody, every country and every international organizations so that the Gambia can be developed.

“Therefore, I am really appealing to Gambians to really exercise patience while this thing is being work out” he concluded.

Senegal Army Chief visits ECOMIG troops, meets President Barrow

Brigadier General Cheikh Dieye, the Senegal Chief of Defense Staff Tuesday evening met Gambia’s President Adama Barrow at his based at the Kairaba Beach Hotel.

Brigadier General Dieye is in Banjul to visit his troops among the ECOWAS Mission in The Gambia (ECOMIG).

The troops are in the country under ECOWAS mandate since January to flush out former President Yahya Jammeh who lost the December polls to President Adama Barrow and refused to handover power.

Fortunately, there was no military intervention as former President Jammeh during last ditch negotiations, agreed and relinquished power and went into exile in Equatorial Guinea.

Brigadier General Dieye expressed satisfaction with his troops and urged them to comport themselves according to standard and execute their duties and responsibilities accordingly.

Meanwhile, new President Adama Barrow urged the sub-regional bloc to extend the mandate of the mission to six months. It has since been approved by the ECOWAS Commission President Marcel de Souza with advise from the United Nations. During the period, the troops are expected to sanitize the Gambian territory, especially the State House and Jammeh’s home village of Kanilai where heavy arms and ammunition were kept.

As AU leaders adopt strategy to quit ICC, Gambia’s Barrow insists on staying

Gambia’s President Adama Barow insists his country will remain a signatory to the Rome Statue that established the International Criminal Court. He also announced that The Gambia will return as a member of the Commonwealth countries.

He made the declaration on Monday during a meeting with foreign diplomats in The Gambia.

The move is contradicting a recently non-binding strategy adopted at the recently concluded African Union Summit in which African leader called for a collective withdrawal from the war crimes court. It was the latest expression of impatience by African leaders with the ICC, which they say focused too narrowly on Africa while pursuing cases of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Late last year, South Africa, Burundi and The Gambia have all placed letters of intent with the UN secretary general to leave the court, leading to concerns that other states would follow.

Since been elected president, Barrow has been praising the International Criminal Court as an institution that stands for rule of law and good governance. He once said “We came to power on promises of good governance, rule of law and democracy and that is what ICC advocates… I don’t think we should pull out of ICC,” he said.

However, Barrow told told diplomats in Banjul on Monday that Gambia will be part of all international organizations and respect all protocols because these are partners and Gambia cannot be isolation.

“If we are isolated it will be very difficult for us to develop this country. We are calling on all bodies, the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), European Union (EU) etc to support this young democracy” he said.

According to him, if his government is talking about reforms, it will include all aspects ranging from the judiciary, civil service, security, agriculture etc. He said the inherited government system is seriously polluted and needs serious reforms which definitely require support from everybody, every country and every international organizations so that the Gambia can be develop.

He said during the last 22 years of the APRC rule, things were very difficult with the people and many things happened. “Despite a difficult transition period, everything has changed. People made change through the ballot box and everything came to an end” he said.

He thanked the government of Senegal for their hospitality and for hosting him for a period of two-weeks saying they really stood by the Gambia throughout the difficult moment.

Revisiting Yahya Jammeh – REWIND

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Ten years ago, in November 2006, Al Jazeera English was launched. To mark that anniversary, we’ve created REWIND, which updates some of the channel’s most memorable and award-winning documentaries of the past decade. We find out what happened to some of the characters in those films and ask how the stories have developed in the years since our cameras left.

In January 2017, The Gambia’s president, Yahya Jammeh, stepped down after briefly contesting the results of an election which had brought to an end his 22 years in power.

But Jammeh was not a man who would relinquish power easily. It took international condemnation and the threat of armed forces from Senegal, backed by regional governments, before he would step aside in favour of newly elected Adama Barrow.

Back in 2007, Al Jazeera’s Andrew Simmons travelled to The Gambia to meet then-President Yahya Jammeh and found himself spending time with a charismatic leader who believed he could personally cure asthma and even Aids.

To update the film, REWIND spoke to Al Jazeera correspondent Nicolas Haque about the curious staying power of the country’s former dictator.

“This idea that he could heal HIV and Aids, this disease that affects so many people, was seen in Gambia as a way for him to enforce his position of power,” Haque said.

Gambia’s new Justice Minister Tambedou sworn-in

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Gambia’s new Attorney General and Minister of Justice Abubacarr M Tambedou was on Monday sworn-in at a ceremony held at the Kairaba Beach Hotel.

The swearing in ceremony was administered by Madam Adama Ngum-Njie, Secretary to Cabinet and presided over by President Adama Barrow and other members of Cabinet.

Minister Tambedou joins the 10 other ministers earlier sworn-in in the new Cabinet of President Barrow.

Abubacarr M Tambedou alias (Ba Tambedou) a seasoned Gambian lawyer worked at the Office of the UN Prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and former Yugoslavia from 2003-2012 and became Assistant to the Office of the Prosecutor from 2012-2016.

President Adama Barrow commended the newly appointed minister for accepting the new challenge. He saluted him for been very helpful during the transition period and standing by the Coalition team. He described him as a patriot and one who loves The Gambia dearly. He expressed hope that he will fully serve the country to his fullest.

“A justice system is very important in any society and if you have someone who is willing to work with the Gambian people and who is also good at it, therefore, the Gambia will surely have the best judicial system” he said.

Ousainou Darboe, Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Aboard welcomed new Minister Tambedou to the new Cabinet. He described him as honest, hardworking and courageous legal person.

A seasoned Lawyer, Darboe said Minister Tambedou is not new to the judicial system and very versatile in the area that he is assigned to overseen.

In an interview with waiting journalists, new Minister Tambedou thanked President Barrow for the confidence bestowed upon him to serve his country. He assured that he will execute his duties without fear, favour and to the best interest of the Gambia.

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was an international court established in November 1994 by the United Nations Security Council in Resolution 955 in order to judge people responsible for the Rwandan Genocide and other serious violations of international law in Rwanda, or by Rwandan citizens in nearby states, between 1 January and 31 December 1994.

It was located in Arusha, Tanzania 1995, under Resolution 977. (From 2006, Arusha also became the location of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights). In 1998 the operation of the tribunal was expanded in Resolution 1165. Through several resolutions, the Security Council called on the tribunal to complete its investigations by end of 2004, complete all trial activities by end of 2008, and complete all work in 2012.

The tribunal had jurisdiction over genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, which are defined as violations of Common Article Three and Additional Protocol II of the Geneva Conventions (which deals with internal conflicts).

As of 2009, the tribunal had finished 50 trials and convicted 29 accused persons, and another 11 trials were in progress and 14 individuals were awaiting trial in detention.

As of spring 2015, the Residual Mechanism took over much of the operations of the tribunal, and the tribunal announced on February 2, 2015 that it was significantly reducing staff with the goal of wrapping up operations and closing the tribunal by the end of 2015. The Tribunal was officially closed on 31 December 2015.

CDS Badjie’s Security Personnel Arresting A Young Gambian At Kombo Sillah Drive

Here is what we found out upon receiving news that CDS’ security arrested a young Gambian.

 

CDS was invited to Star FM on Kombo Sillah Drive for an interview to talk about the security situation of the country.

 
While he was having the interview, his security personnel arrested a young man who was outside complaining about Gambian soldiers. This according to eyewitnesses, got his men angry and they went after the young man. The man was then arrested and put in a pickup truck outside Star FM.

Is The 1997 Constitution Of The Gambia Yaya Jammeh’s Constitution?

By Bubacarr Drammeh

The Gambia gained its independent from Great Britain on the 18th February 1965. It was not until 1970 that it became a Republic. The first constitution of the country was the 1970 Constitution. The said constitution ceased to exist on 22 July 1994 when the constitutionally elected government was overthrown via a military coup. That led to the suspension of the 1970 Constitution. That marks the end of the First Republic and the 1970 Constitution.

The Gambia was governed by the AFPRC for 2yrs and the laws that were in existence were called military decrees. During that period a constitutional committee was setup to come up with a draft constitution that will be presented to the Gambian people in a referendum. The committee drafted the 1997 constitution and a referendum was conducted in 1996. The AFPRC regime at the time did not want the people of The Gambia to vote yes for the constitution because if the NO votes outweighed the YES, it means the committee will have to work on another constitution which will be presented again for another referendum. This will allow the AFPRC regime to continue ruling the country with their decrees. The people who were eligible to vote at the time voted yes, thus the birth of the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia and the Second Republic.

The preamble of the 1997 Constitution has succinctly affirmed that the 1997 Constitution is the will of the people of The Gambia . It states that

We the people of The Gambia have accomplished a great and historic task. We have had our say on how we should be governed. For this Constitution contains our will and resolve for good governance and a just, secure and prosperous society.

This Constitution provides for us a fundamental Law, which affirms our commitment to freedom, justice, probity and accountability. It also affirms the principle that all power emanate from the sovereign will of the people.

…This Constitution guarantees participatory democracy that reflects the undiluted choice of the people. The functions of the arms of government have been clearly defined, their independence amply secured with adequate checks and balances to ensure that they all work harmoniously together toward our common good.

As we usher in the Second Republic and beyond we give ourselves and generations of Gambians yet unborn this Constitution as a beacon of hope for peace and stability in our society and the good governance of The Gambia for all time…

In addition to the above statement of the preamble, section 1(2) of the 1997 Constitution also stated emphatically that the 1997 constitution is the expressed will of the people on how they should be governed. The said section provides that

The Sovereignty of The Gambia resides in the people of The Gambia from whom all organs of government derive their authority and in whose name and for whose welfare and prosperity the powers of government are to be exercised in accordance with this Constitution

From the above, it is clear that the 1997 Constitution of The Gambia is Gambia’s constitution not Jammeh’s constitution. That is why the 1997 Constitution (see section 5) gives the legal standing to any person (I will interpret this to include anyone resident in The Gambia and not necessarily limited to being a Gambian) who feels that the act of any person (including the President) or authority (including the National Assemble) is inconsistence or contravenes the constitution to file an action before a court of competent jurisdiction. Section 5 of the 1997 Constitution provides that:

A person who alleges that-

(a) any Act of the National Assembly or any thing done under the authority of an Act of the National Assembly, or

(1) any act or omission of any person or authority, is inconsistent with;
or is in contravention of a provision of this constitution, may bring an action in a court of competent jurisdiction for a declaration to that effect.

  • (2)  The court may make orders and give directions as it may considered appropriate for given, to such a declaration and any person to whom any order or direction is addressed shall duly obey and carry out the terms of the order or direction. 

  • (3)  The failure to obey or carry out any order made or direction given under subsection (2) shall constitute the offence of violating the Constitution and
    • (a)  shall, in the case of the President or Vice President, constitute a ground for his or her removal from office in accordance with section 67; and 

    • (b)  any other person who is convicted of that office shall be liable to the penalty prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly. 


This provision (i.e. Section 5) has been adhered to by Gambians in the past. In 1998, Lawyer Darboe and others filed a case against the government of Yaya Jammeh for violating the constitution. The case is called A N M Ousainu Darboe & Anor v Inspector General of Police & Anor. In that case, the first applicant (Lawyer Darboe) who was the leader and secretary general of UDP commenced proceedings in the High Court of The Gambia invoking the powers of the court under section 5 and section 37 of the Constitution. Darboe and others were seeking a declaration that the refusal of the respondents (the government especially IGP) to grant them permits to hold political meetings or to use loud speakers, without giving reasons, was inconsistent with section 17(2) of the Constitution and the constitutional rights to freedom of speech and expression (section 25(a)), freedom of assembly and association (section 25(d) and (e)) and freedom from discrimination on the grounds of political opinion (section 33(3)).

The High Court at first dismissed the application stating that it lacks jurisdiction to preside over the matter. The decision of the High Court was appealed by plaintiffs (Darboe and others) to the Court of Appeal. On appeal, the Court of Appeal held that the High Court has the jurisdiction to preside over the case since the action was commenced under section 5(1) and that the appellants’ allegations are related to the fundamental human rights entrenched in sections 18 to 33 of the Constitution. The case was accordingly referred back to the High court.

The High Court in its judgment held that The respondents’ (the government especially IGP) refusal to issue permits to the applicants to hold political meetings without giving any reason justifiable under the Act (or any other existing laws) is an infringement of the applicants’ rights under sections 17(2), 25 and 33(3).

See also the case of Ousman Sabally v. IGP & 2 ors

The constitution has also given us the right and duty to defend it. Section 6(2) of the constitution provides that:

  • All citizens of The Gambia have the right and the duty at all times to defend this Constitution and, in particular, to resist, to the extent reasonably justifiable in the circumstances, any person or group of persons seeking or attempting by any violent or unlawful means to suspend, overthrow or abrogate this Constitution or any part of it. 


The constitution further provides that a person who resists the overthrow, suspension and abrogation of the constitution did not commit any offence.

  • A person who resists the suspension, overthrow or abrogation of this Constitution as provided in subsection (2), commits no offence.

The above provisions have indicated one vital thing, which is that this constitution is the will of the Gambian people. The provisions of the 1997 Constitution must be adhered to by every person irrespective of your status, political belief, religious belief etc. There is no indication in any provision of the 1997 Constitution that it is Yaya Jammeh’s constitution. This constitution belongs to us and we must defend it at all times.

For the past 22yrs our constitution suffered abuses in the Jammeh regime. In some instances the regime was challenged (as indicated above) and many a times it was not. I acknowledged the fact that Yaya Jammeh’s regime was the worst era in the history of the Gambia. Due to his brutality, he was termed as one of the most brutal dictator to have ever lived in the surface of the planet. On human rights, Jammeh is accused of ensuring that there was no freedom of expression, association, liberty etc. he used the law enforcement agencies to eliminate anyone he perceived as a threat to his regime. Gambians were killed, tortured, imprisoned, forced to leave the country (exiled), and some disappeared. Jammeh will go on to terrorize Gambians. He put fear in the psyche of the average Gambian. He attacked people based on their religion practice, ethnicity and political affiliation. He is also accused of raping and molesting women and girls. He harassed people in public and once threatened to kill mandinkas.

Everything aforementioned is inconsistent with the 1997 Constitution of the Gambia, thus a grave violation of the 1997 Constitution. These amongst other reasons let to the movement or revolution or whatever you want to call it, that ousted Jammeh. Everything we did in ensuring Jammeh leaves office was done under the name of the 1997 Constitutions. From the nomination process, campaigns period, elections, announcement of results, resistance to Jammeh’s U-turn, ECOMIG and the swearing in ceremony of barrow. During this period we not claimed that the constitution is Jammeh’s constitution. In fact Jammeh was condemned by Gambians, non Gambians and institutions (such as UN, EU, AU, ECOWAS etc) for violating the 1997 constitution of the Gambia (when he refused to step down).

It is therefore wrong to say the 1997 Constitution of the Gambia is Jammeh’s Constitution. The 1997 Constitution is the Constitution of the Gambia and the will of the Gambian people.

I understand that the constitution has undergone several amendments (48 amendments to be specific). In my next article I will discuss the amendments and whether they are good or Bad.

 

Youth Minister Gomez visits hospitalized youth involved in Kitty accident

Gambia’s Youth & Sports minister Henry Gomez Monday visits the youth hospitalized at Edward Francis Small Teaching Hospital (EFSTH) in Banjul after their involvement in a car accident.

Minister Gomez conveyed President Barrow’s prayers for speedy recovery of the victims. He assured that government will do all that is necessary to save their lives.

The accident was happened Saturday at Kitty village injuring more than 30 youths when a vehicle ran into them.

Sources say the youth were celebrating the victory of President Barrow and the coalition when a Mercedes Benz taxi with BJL 9212 D from Brikama Nyambai tried to avoid a truck coming from Siffoe and ran on them and seriously injuring over 30 people.

But Police confirmed to local media that the vehicle ran into a jubilant crowd from a football game instead of election victory celebrants.

“The 30-year-old taxi driver lost control of the vehicle and ran into a crowd of football victory celebrants, causing serious injury to 30 persons. Four of the 30 injured were discharged from Brikama Health Centre since their injuries are minor.  Another four are under observation at the health centre, and two were referred to Serekunda General Hospital. The remaining 20, reported to be in a critical condition, were admitted at the Edward Francis Small Teaching Hospital (EFSTH) in Banjul, where they are receiving medical treatment. The taxi driver is under police custody to help in their investigation” Police Public Relations Officer Inspector Foday Conta told local media.

Meanwhile, Minister Gomez was accompanied by the Executive Director of the Gambia National Youth Council (NYC) and General Manager of National Enterprise Development Initiative (NEDI).

‘More unlawfully detained prisoners still languish behind bars’ – Police

Gambia’s police have confirmed that a good number of people unlawfully imprisoned by the former regime are still languishing behind the prison walls waiting to be release despite the number that have already been released.

President Barrow has since declared the release of prisoners that were unlawfully detained without being taken to a competent court of law by the former regime of Yahya Jammeh.

“Many people are released but still some are not because it has to take procedures to get them release,” Police Spokesperson Foday Conta said.

The Police spokesperson said that significant numbers of unlawful detainees were released but could not confirm the exact figure saying he was not with the exact figure at the time.

Conta said the declaration made by the new government to release those unlawfully detained is a gradual process, saying the releasing has to take one after another.

“There are people coming to find their missing families on a daily basis especially the first time the declaration was made,” he pointed out.

Answering to a question regarding the rumored arrest of Yankuba Badjie, former NIA Director who was fired a week ago, PRO Conta said it was not to his knowledge.

Swiss confirms probing Ex-Interior Minister Sonko for possible crimes against humanity

The Office of the Attorney General in Switzerland has confirmed it is investigating The former Gambian Interior Minister Ousman Sonko for possible crimes against humanity, the BBC is reporting.

Mr Sonko, who is seeking asylum in Switzerland, was taken into custody last month after a Geneva-based campaign group, Trial International, filed a criminal complaint accusing him of serious assault, coercion and false imprisonment, relating to his time in office in The Gambia.

The Attorney General’s office said it “would not rule out a suspicion of crimes against humanity”.

Mr Sonko has not commented on the accusations against him.

The former interior minister was one of the longest-serving members of ex-President Yahya Jammeh’s regime. He was also head of police but fell out with his boss in November last year – a month before the presidential election, which Mr Jammeh lost.

Ndey Jammeh Spotted At State House, What’s She Doing There?

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Ndey Jammeh a close relative of former President, Yahya Jammeh who was also responsible for Jammeh’s VIP guests, was seen at the state house this morning, Febuary 6. Staff at the office expressed concern over her presence knowing how close she and her family are to Jammeh

Ndey’s sister, Jimbe Jammeh traveled with Jammeh and his family to Equitorial Guinea where they currently live in exile. Sources say Ndey cried until she fainted the night Jammeh and his delegation departed Banjul.

Security sources say Ndey was in the office this morning asking staff why they want to work with President Barrow, saying she now knows clearly that many supported former President for personal gains. “What is more confusing is the fact that she went straight to the kitchen, met the cooks then went to her former office”   a  source disclosed. “This is serious, only Allah can help President Barrow and his people” the source added.

Ndey Jammeh was dismissed about a year ago but was asked to report back to work in November shortly before The December Presidential elections. She was never officially reinstated, she was asked to report to work without an official letter.

Meanwhile, a group of women, called ‘The Jammeh Kunda Women’ have also resumed work at the state house kitchen Thursday. The women who cook for soldiers and staff there have not reported to work since Jammeh left the country on January 21.”They came on Thursday, cook, dished it out and went home. They are here again today” a source said. The source added that they are worried knowing what some of these women are capable of.

One Awa Jarju an intelligence officer who was attached to the state house was also seen there this morning.

 

Human rights and Justice: A revisit of Pinochet?

By Solomon Demba

To draw plausible conclusions as to whether justice would be served for alleged human rights abuses committed by state officers in the Second Republic, it is necessary for one to revisit the case of Senator Augusto Pinochet as it may allow us to understand the importance international law attaches to the protection of peremptory norms. This will also help us to examine the extent to which international human rights law has evolved to disallow the use of state immunity doctrine to shield perpetrators of deplorable crimes from prosecution.

Augusto Pinochet was significant and a symbolic figure in many ways. In diplomatic sense, it was unprecedented for a state to arrest another sovereign state’s former head at a request of another foreign power. It constituted the end of sates’ cautious approach to interfere in internal affairs of another state. No wonder it had generated ceaseless glare of media attention. The Spanish authorities were not prepared to settle for anything less than a speedy extradition of the General to face criminal trial for alleged human rights abuses   commissioned under his watch. .’It was contended that Chile had a vested right to immunity to the General and that no other State had the right to exercise jurisdiction over his crimes.

Moreover, such protection is in accord with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Protection which provides former heads of state with immunity ratione materiae. It follows that Chile as an independent and sovereign state has the necessary legal capacity to confer such right on its former head of state.The House of Lords rejected this argument by displacing the state immunity doctrine for justice to take its course.

Your lordships took the view that state immunity should not be invoked as facade to cover up international crimes. Certainly, it defies common sense for an abstract state to commit serious crime against the very citizens it has a sovereign duty to protect. In the words of Lord Slyn ‘it is artificial to say that an evil act can be treated as a function of a head of state’. In my view, perpetrators of such crimes represent the controlled mind of the state. Therefore, they should face the full force of the law if found guilty of their crimes. There can be no doubt if international law fails to hold such men responsible for culpable crimes; impunity seems the likely consequence.

It was a known fact that the Senator had a well-established close nexus with the UK’s political establishment. But as a state party to the Torture Convention, the UK has an obligation to make sure that crimes within the scope of the Convention are punishable by national laws. It is also the case that the UK has extradition treaty with Spain which provides that the perpetrators such of offence be extradited within a reasonable time. Undoubtedly, the case affirmed that no head of state has blanket immunity against crimes that have a character of Jus cogen. Importantly, it places the community’s security over individual’s security that is crafted in state immunity doctrine.

Turning to human right abuses allegedly committed by state officers in the Second Republic. Firstly, The Gambia must bring criminal charges against those perpetrators for their role in such distasteful crimes to create the right momentum. Indeed, the perpetrators must be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a competent court. That is an important principle of fair trial. It will be against all principles of justice for defendants to be tried by the public opinion or the media.

Subsequently, the government may choose to seek extradition of the perpetrators provided that there is enforceable extradition treaty between The Gambia and their country of residence. Absent of extradition treaty is likely to stall any proceedings. For instance, In 2004 Equatorial Guinea did not secure the extradition of foreign mercenaries who were allegedly involved in a plot to oust its government because there was no extradition treaty. A deliberate omission designed to insulate a culture of impunity, but sounded death knell for the efforts to bring the perpetrators to justice.It is interesting to note that, there is no extradition treaty agreement Equatorial Guinea and The Gambia. Perhaps, this explains why Equatorial Guinea is seen as a preferred destination for anyone who might be implicated in the alleged human rights abuses that occurred in the Second Republic.

What is more striking is that The Gambia has not yet ratified the Torture Convention. This raises the question whether state officers who were complicit in commission of torture could be brought to justice under the Convention. It is indisputable fact that the both Republics had abysmally failed to give effective to one of the most seminal human rights instrument that accords comprehensive protection to the citizens’ human rights. The Torture Convention has been ratified by majority of states; even Equatorial Guinea has acceded to the Convention in 2002.The inaction of successive Gambia governments suggests, there could be inherent difficult legal challenges ahead to bring any successful prosecution. Nevertheless, if justice is to be delivered the new government must be ready to take bold actions to overcome such challenges.

The 1997 constitution of the Gambia prohibits torture under Section 21. However, it could be argued that it is not precise to make attempts and complicity as criminal offences. If there are no national laws pertaining to such offences, the secret services agents and law enforcement officers may be absolved from certain criminal liabilities under the Convention. The other important point is that the Convention has the necessary ingredients that can compel state party to take training and educational measures, in order to equip relevant state officers with the knowledge and skills on how to relate with the civil populace. That way , they can perform their duty with diligence in respect of citizens’ human rights. Therefore, It is incomprehensible, a government that supposed to have the interest of its people at heart failed to confer much needed protection on citizens. The omission can only be seen as a travesty to the intelligence of Gambians, an absolute failure to govern in good faith. It suggests here that governments were more interested in asserting their grip on power rather than guaranteeing the security of Gambians.

Notwithstanding,the torture Convention categorically prohibits torture and no state can derogate from it because it has become peremptory norms. That been the case there is  a glimpse of hope for justice if Equatorial Guinea and other state parties adhere to their obligation under the Convention, by taking reasonable steps and facilitate proper dispensation of justice.

They could either execute arrest warrant put forward by a requesting state, or they may well assert jurisdiction over the crimes under the ambit of the Convention. This is illustrated in the recent Swiss case where a former government officer was reportedly arrested for crime against humanity. Such decisive action is likely to be lauded by many around the world. Importantly, it would provide an opportunity for state such as Guinea to unmask its perceived ‘rough state image’ and uphold international justice.

While punitive justice seems desirable because of its deterrence effect on the perpetrators, the truth reconciliation process may also deliver justice as well as unify the nation. The story telling of the historical facts can bring closure to the sufferings and pains of those affected by the atrocities as they learn the unambiguous truth about what had happened.  Despite this, there is a danger that the process may be stymied, if tension is allowed to rife between those who want retributive justice as opposed to those who favour reconciliation. Therefore, there is a need for an active political leadership to engage all stakeholders in good faith for the construction of the Commission. Whatever the circumstance, it helps greatly if the perpetrators are remorseful about their crimes.

If the new government managed to reverse the decision of leaving the ICC, it can allow court to have jurisdiction over some cases. However, crimes against humanity must meet the requirement of widespread and systematic to fall under the ambit of the ICC. This requires abduction of creditable evidences that are crucial to the success of any future trial. The Chief Prosecutor could invoke the power of proprio motu power to investigate any relevant crimes if they meet the necessary criteria.  The power has been a subject of selectivity because it has been mostly deployed to investigate African cases.

Although the court has been seen by some African leaders as an instrument of foreign powers that only target Africans, the court is treaty based on state’s consent, depriving its authority from the membership. Bensouda, the Chief Prosecutor, responding to such criticism said this:  ‘‘What offends me most when I hear criticisms about the so-called African bias is how quick we are to focus on the words and propaganda of a few powerful, influential individuals and to forget about the millions of anonymous people that suffer from these crimes.’’ Surely such propaganda’s are designed to undermine the authority of the Court. Let me make it clear, the court has achieved justice for powerless Africans who were brutalised by repressive regimes. I wonder if there is any strength in the ‘African bias argument when in fact these atrocities were committed on African soils by callous Africans for political power.

The case of Augusto Pinochet illustrates the point that international law has fundamentally changed to make it difficult for the perpetrators of international crimes to escape justice by hiding in safe haven. Individual criminal act cannot be attributable to impersonate state for the purpose of absolving one from criminal liability.  It is not only unrealistic but also offensive to all notions of justice if state immunity is employed to cover up serious crimes committed by state officers who have fallen from grace. Therefore, it is incumbent on the new government to take all measures necessary and deliver justice for the victims. This can be achieved through truth and reconciliation mechanism or proper application of the law. From now on wards, the clock starts ticking while the jury is sent out to consider verdict as to whether the government has the tenacity to avoid ‘‘Show Trials’!!

Former Information Minister Seedy Njie Returns Home

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Former Information minister Seedy Njie has returned to Banjul few hours ago on board Royal Air Maroc from Mongomo, Equitorial Guinea. Seedy’s flight landed at The Banjul International Airport in the early hours of Monday, February 6, 2017.

Njie returned to Banjul with one Buba Demba former chief of protocol, who was also part of former President, Yahya Jammeh’s delegation to Equuitorial Guinea where he currently lives in exile.

The two are said to have been isolated and kept in a motel very far away from Jammeh’s residence. They did not have access to him and his family and had limited access to food and other needs. “They followed Jammeh thinking he will give them money, but he never gave them a dime, they seem to be really disappointed with him” a source disclosed to The Fatu Network.

Meanwhile, sources say Jammeh’s mother Aja Asombi Bojang has been complaining to family members back in Gambia that she wants to head home. Former first lady, Zineb is said to be very uncomfortable with the presence of her mother-in law around the house. ‘Do not be surprised if she heads back home soon, she is complaining daily” a source said.

According to internet search, Mongomo is a town in Wele-Nzas Province in mainland Equitorial Guinea, roughly 1km west of Gabon’s Woleu-Ntem Province. The nation’s first president and the current president, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo both originated from there. Mongomo, Jammeh’s new home was named a host city of the 2015 Africa Cup of Nations.

 

Foni Jarol Elders Call For Unity

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The elders of foni Jarrol District residing in the Kombos Sunday, February 5, held a meeting at Masey Njie’s compound in Bundung. Among them were the Alkalo of Abuko, Botto Tamba and Alkali James Gaye who both advised the gathering to unite and become one big family and forget about everything that happened in the past.

SARJO M DARBOE, a strong supporter of the coalition appealed to the people of Foni Jarrol district to come together as one family and work for the betterment of the country, as well as continue to pray for peace and stability for which the country is known for. He prayed for peace to continue in Foni Jarrol District as well as in other districts.

Sarjo further said that Politicians come and go reason why everyone should remain as one family. He finally thanked the elders for their wonderful intervention.

Sakey Sanyang, Lamin Tamba, Lang Camara, Ali Barrax Bah an Alhajie Masane Camara were all present at the gathering. The next meeting is scheduled for Sunday, February 12.

Mahawa Cham and Saul Ndow’s abductors are being rounded up.

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By Ebrima Sillah

Two of the main masterminds who sold Mahawa Cham and Saul Ndow to dictator Jammeh are now arrested and in police custody.

 

So far both police insiders and closed relatives of Mahawa Cham have confirmed that Lawu Jarju from Kaing Nema and Swanding Camara from Brikama have been arrested since Tuesday and are helping the police in their investigations.

 
In fact Lawu Jarju and Mahawa Cham are first cousins from the same village. Both Swanding and Lawu are accomplished mercenaries who fought for Charles Taylor’s rebel movement in Liberia. And both are known for their brutality in the battle front.

 
Lawu Jarju is said to have already confessed his involvement in the planning and execution of the abduction of Mahawa and Saul Ndow.

 
What happened next is too graphic to explain here but it’s not looking good. Currently Mahawa Cham’s relatives are preparing to organize a Muslim prayer for him tomorrow Sunday the 5th to pay their last respect to him.

 
Mahawa Cham and Saul Ndow were abducted in Senegal’s Cassamance province in April of 2013. The duo were setup by Lawu Jarju and Swanding Camara who were agents working for Dictator Jammeh and they lured both Mahawa and Saul to go to Casamance hoping that they could help them get to Gambia to get rid of Yahya.

 
But unknown to Saul and Mahawa was that the very people they were relying on were in fact paid by Yahya to infiltrate their group. Immediately they arrived in Cassamance, they were kidnapped and taken to Gambia in waiting pickups.

 
Allegations are that Elements of Senegalese intelligence who were on Yahya’s payroll were also involved in this. Saul Ndow had a bodyguard while in Dakar provided to him by a private security firm headed by a certain Mr Mbye. He was an ex-police officer.

 
Immediately Saul and Mahawa were kidnapped, that Mbye rushed to the ministry of interior that the duo (Saul and Mahawa) had travelled to Cassamance against his advice and now they could not be reached on their phones. It was meant to absolve himself from any blame.

 
Gambian police are said to be closing in on a number of leads including the involvement of senior officials of the state guards (the dictator’s body guards) in the abduction and subsequent disappearance of Mahawa and Saul Ndow.

 
Some names said to have been involved in this dastardly act have already surfaced including that of one Lt Colonel who has just been released from long term detention.
We are following this story with keen interest. We urge the police to bring to book the perpetrators of this heinous crime soonest.

THE LONG ROAD TO REBUILDING THE GAMBIAN NATION

By Alhagi T. S. Alieun Njie

Introduction
Developments since the crisis triggered by former President Yahya Jammeh’s refusal to relinquish the reins of government to the President-elect Adama Barrow, following the December 1 polls, are known to all and need not be recounted. We are now faced with a long road to travel which will not be an easy walk as it is riddled with obstacles and difficulties that will challenge our collective capacity and wisdom as a nation. What is most urgent and essential is to move on with the business of creating and administering a government that seeks to satisfy the hopes and aspirations of a citizenry that has suffered for 22 years, under an administration that regarded itself as master and not as servant of the people.

The transition time frame of three years which the Coalition has set itself is in contrast with a five years term mandated by the Constitution for an elected President. While the reasoning of the Coalition members can be understandable, one has to point out that three years is too short a time for the transition government to deliver on the aspirations and expectations of the population, as well as create a political environment to permit future elections to be conducted in a free, fair and credible political atmosphere, given the various activities and governmental reforms that MUST be undertaken.

Time for concrete action
The Coalition would not and cannot expect to enjoy a long period of honeymoon as the Gambia public, particularly the youth, down trodden and ignored or deceived for too long are eager for the jobs and empowerment promised by both the erstwhile and incoming governments. Barrow’s administration has to address, and fast enough, the issue of jobs and the creation of a level playing field in the private and para-public sector that would smooth the path to jobs and opportunities creation for the youth and jobless.

To fully appreciate the magnitude of the activities to be undertaken by the new government it should be understood that whatever the case, the machinery of government should be kept in motion, at least in the interim, to provide needed public services, without which society will be chaotic. In addition, there are the results of the Jammeh administration’s mismanagement of the affairs of the state that must be addressed to ensure rule of law and democratic governance.

Institutional and Socio-economic Reforms Needed
For the new administration to function efficiently and effectively, the following actions must be taken immediately or as soon as possible:

• Reforming the civil and public services to ensure a transparent and corruption-free administration of public affairs without political influence in the discharge of official functions.

• Reforming the Constitution to ensure that a better constitution befitting the status of The Gambia as a sovereign, democratic republic is crafted.

• Reforming the Electoral Laws to create a level playing field for all who aspire to elective political office.

• Expunging from our Laws provisions that have stifled decent, such as the Public Order Act which prohibits the gathering without permit of more than five persons, a draconian colonial relic that has no place in a democracy.

• Reforming Press Laws to allow the existence of a free press which will hold the present, and any other Government, accountable to the Gambian public.

• Reforming the Judiciary to make it robust and efficient, and composed of Gambian legal luminaries as judges, especially in the Supreme Court, to guarantee that what obtained under the Jammeh regime is never experienced again in this land.

• Reforming of the Public Enterprises Sector to make it more efficient, viable and accountable and not posing a threat to either private enterprise or creating any distortions in the allocation of resources within the economy.

• Working out social and economic reform programs, preparing policy papers and sensitizing potential donors for a Donors’ Conference before the end of the three year transition, to mobilize the needed resources for the nation’s economic and social transformation.

Managing the Transition
The diverse motivations and aspirations of the coalition parties give rise to inbuilt fragility in the organic structure of the Coalition, which if not carefully managed could lead to its break up as the component parts compete for dominance and control.

Identifying the problem is a lot easier task than proffering solutions. The suggestions proffered are intended to trigger insightful thoughts and discussions such that we can arrive at a consensus which will enable the paving of the way to a peaceful and stable nation.

How we navigate our way out of this seemingly intractable and untenable situation would be a determinant of results that serve to guarantee the best chances for success during the three years transition period. Our best strategy lies in organization structure and management. The type of organization that is put in place to ensure the completion of required reforms (of which there would be many) would determine the efficiency with which targeted activities are executed and objectives attained, given the constraint imposed by the three years transition already set by the Coalition leadership.

Managing the transition requires time and expertise which are not likely to be combined in the same personalities. Therefore, if Coalition leadership decide to take cabinet level appointments, it is unlikely they will have time enough to supervise and adequately participate in the reform processes that should form a major component of the reforms to be undertaken during the transition as a matter of necessity.

To reduce the pecuniary urge by Coalition members to take cabinet level appointments, the President may, under provisions in the 1997 Constitution, create a Reform Council and various other Special Committees headed by key members of the Coalition to be remunerated (salary and benefits) at levels not inferior to those given cabinet level appointees. Granting this arrangement, the day-to-day administration of Government ministries during the three years transition may be devolved to technocrats with relevant expertise and track record to ensure that the social and economic programs elaborated are efficiently executed with periodic monitoring and vetting by an oversight body made up of selected Coalition members.

Once the management structure of the transition program is agreed, there would need to be developed a matrix of implementation outlining, among other things, the tasks to be carried out; the time frame by which target activities have to be completed and by whom; reporting requirements and when reports should be submitted to Cabinet for consideration; a scheduled date for a referendum on the new constitution; and a projected date for the Donors’ Conference and which donors to be invited.

Conclusion
With these tasks properly programmed and executed, the transition would stand a better chance of success than any other ad hoc arrangement tossed around in the guise of a reform policy. “Team Barrow” should allow itself reasonable time to reflect on the issues raised and map out a considered approach that would best address the challenges that lie ahead. No one expects the journey to be easy but with commitment and transparency, The Gambia would have a second chance of creating a democratic society that would be the envy of all.

Bearing in mind that one never has a second chance of making a first impression, any time taken to effectively plan and launch a program of reforms and development would be time well spent.

It is hoped that the activities and findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission President Barrow plans to constitute would make it possible for Gambians to fully reconcile their society in order to forge ahead with the task of rebuilding our nation.

Alhagi T. S. Alieun Njie

Gambia: Washington Embassy Unveils Barrows Portrait

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By Ajong Mbapndah L

After 22 years, a portrait other than that of former President Yaya Jammeh now adorns the walls of the Gambia Embassy in Washington,DC.

At a solemn ceremony at the Embassy on February 2, Ambassador Omar Faye was joined by staff, a few Gambians and friends of Gambia in unveiling a portrait of new President Adama Barrow.

Gambia is back on the rails and it is time for all hands to be put on deck in writing the next chapter of the country’s history, said Ambassador Omar Faye. Gambians are a proud, noble and a dignified people and that the recent political crisis were resolved without a shot or bloodshed speaks volumes to the political maturity of the people Faye said.

Faye said, President Barrow was speedily building up cabinet and called for unity and a common vision as Gambia starts another very important chapter in its history. Ambassador Faye lauded the support from the international community and from all friends who stood by Gambia in the last few months.

In a sign of growing confidence, visa demands to Gambia from the USA have experienced a surge.

“I have hoped and prayed hard for this moment,” said a lady who told this reporter she had not gone to Gambia for the last twenty years.

“We will continue to serve all Gambians and people interested in Gambia without fear or favor,” Ambassador Faye said as he declared the doors of the Embassy very open. From Gambians who need services, to people interested in investment opportunities in the Gambia, the doors of the Embassy are open, Omar Faye said.

Many Gambians and Africans too a sigh of relief with a peaceful transition that was not very obvious. In power for some 22 years, President Yahya Jammeh was surprisingly beaten by little known opposition challenger Adama in elections last year. Yahya who initially conceded and even called to congratulate Barrow for his election, reversed his own decision and created a political crisis in the country with his refusal to handover. It took a combination of international diplomacy and military action led by the Economic Community of West African States(ECOWAS), for Jammeh to leave the country. Initially installed in Senegal, President Barrow made a triumphant return the capital Banjul after Jammeh’s departure.

Shadowboxing lunatic beats Bronx neighbor to death in ‘completely unprovoked’ attack

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An NYU lab technician forgot his wallet in his apartment — and paid for it with his life when an ex-con neighbor yanked him from an elevator and beat him to death, cops said.

Bakary Darboe, 46, was riding the lift in his Bronx building — after returning home to grab his billfold — when he fell victim to the “completely unprovoked” attack, police said.

“To do this to Bakary, to just kill him like that, we cannot forget,” said the victim’s brother Mbemba Darboe, 61. “We can forgive, but we cannot forget.”

Relatives said the father of six was on his way to Mercy College, where he was taking classes, when he realized he forgot his wallet and returned home to grab it just before 5 p.m. Thursday.
Darboe jumped back into the elevator after leaving his ninth-floor apartment. Now carrying his wallet, Darboe made it to the seventh floor of the building on E. 156th St. in Melrose when the elevator doors opened.

A deranged 40-year-old parolee — identified as Junal Jordan — had been shadowboxing in the hallway, sources said. As soon as the elevator doors opened, Jordan launched into a ferocious attack, sources said.

“The guy is shadowboxing in the hallway,” a police source said. “The elevators open up and he pulls the guy out of the elevator and beats him.”

A security camera captured Jordan dragging Darboe out into the hallway and then pummeling the older man, sources said.
“Please get off me … I can’t breathe!” Darboe screamed at one point, sources said.

The video shows Darboe managing to get back to his feet. He started to stagger away — but the suspect then delivered several blows to the bloodied victim’s head until he collapsed.

Darboe was found dead at the scene in a pool of blood, sources said.

One of his knocked-out teeth was found nearby, along with a bloody backpack, two cell phones and a set of keys. Spots of blood stained the hallway walls.
Cops found Jordan a few blocks away and took him into custody.

The suspect, who had blood on his hands and clothing, admitted to getting into a fight “in his girlfriend’s building.” But he wouldn’t say anything else, police sources said.

Jordan, a career criminal with a long rap sheet, was later charged with murder and manslaughter, police said.
The accused killer has been arrested 20 times since 1993 for many crimes including assault, robbery, reckless endangerment and drug possession, cops said.
He was sentenced to nine years in prison following a 1999 conviction for attempted criminal sale of a control substance.

Jordan was released in 2005 and put on parole until 2008, but he couldn’t stay out of trouble.

He was arrested in 2006 after being charged in a series of robberies in Manhattan. Jordan was sentenced to eight years in prison — and walked free in 2014. He was placed on parole until 2019, cops said.

On Friday afternoon, some 30 Darboe relatives were gathered at the family home mourning the Gambian immigrant who arrived in the United States 12 years ago.

In addition to his job and studies, Darboe was an active member of his mosque and the secretary general of the Gambian Islamic Society, relatives said.

“Every time he came home late he would help me with my homework,” said his 8-year-old daughter Jakong.
“He was very busy but he always had time.”

Mustafa Darboe, 14, sat quietly in the corner on a computer, holding back tears as his sister talked.

“He was just a good guy,” he said of his father.

Brother-in-law Demba Sanyang described Darboe as a “highly educated person” who was heavily involved in the Muslim community.

“We are deeply sad,” Sanyang, 58, said

The doomed man’s neighbors were stunned.

“(I) knew him from dropping our kids at the school bus stop,” neighbor Bademba Diallo, 48, said. “He was a very nice man, always great.”

“It’s very heartbreaking,” he said. “I’m shocked about what happened.”

WITH ROSS KEITH

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