By Maxs

Gambian people have democratically elected government. What we need now is to implement coalition policies that would advance the country’s democracy, rule of law and economic development. This can be achieved either with or without coalition independent members in the National Assembly. The current political, economic and constitutional reform agenda favors all political parties including APRC because those unconstitutional laws formulated by APRC members during the former regime were designed to favor military dictatorship and its Leadership. There is a shift in the political strategy of APRC that wants to be democratic. This is necessary since the evil dictator is not in the country and does not have political capital and financial freedom to do whatever suits his political needs. This is evidenced by APRC members’ willingness to work with coalition government to repeal the age limit in the constitution.

The formation of the coalition was a political strategy meant to ensure the removal of Military dictatorship. But there was no agreement on how the coalition should contest the National Assembly election. Gambian people must remember that coalition was formed based on compromise, for it was the best strategy at the time . The United Democratic Party ( UDP) has given up its absolute advantage of the party-led coalition and allowed convention which subsequently selected Mr Adama Barrow with overwhelming majority. He became the coalition’s independent flag bearer. UDP’s political capital, pragmatic leadership and democratic values in allowing small political parties to have equal political footing has led to the coalition’s victory. Now that we have independent coalition president, it is time to let political parties to decide what is in their best interest as well as in the best interest of the country. By that we can have vibrant democratic culture and multiple party democracy based on rule of law and participatory democracy.

The split of coalition members on the National Assembly election is because of the following reasons below .

The UDP as a party has been in existence for over 20 years with solid political structure and strategic plans in The Gambia and diaspora. It is the biggest political party with grassroots support in almost all part of the country. The party has suffered more than any political party in the fight to restore democracy and constitutional rule in The Gambia. The party wants to maintain its legacy, political structure and support base throughout the country and in the diaspora . Therefore, it is in the best interest of the party to fill in their National Assembly candidates in the constituencies they will do well in the election. This is the reason why I think UDP wants to go it alone or with tactical alliance . As a pragmatic party , it is in their best interest to maintain their influence and political capital in the next three years during the transition period. Allowing the coalition independent candidates to represent all the constituencies in the National Assembly election will effectively lead to demise of UDP as the biggest political party in the country. We must remember that some of the members of the coalition do not have huge support base or the support base of some small parties are concentrated in one region of the country. The leadership of these small parties do not have much political capital and influence like UDP has at the grassroots. Having coalition independent members in the National Assembly will result to chaos , confusion and disorganization in the National Assembly since there will be no common platform , caucus or leadership for members to follow . Hence coalition independent members will not be answerable to anyone. Every legislative body in any democracy must have leadership structure which formulate , influence and support policies based on the common interest of their political parties or caucus.

I think the reason why small political parties such as PDOIS and PPP in the coalition want to have coalition independent candidates for the National Assembly election is to enhance their political leadership influence, support structure and capital during the transition period. As explained above , we must remember that some of these small opposition parties do not have support base beyond one or two constituencies in the country and their political base/ structure in diaspora is virtually nonexistent. Therefore it is an opportunity for them to build their strategical plans and structures during the transition period so that they can prepare for future presidential and National Assembly elections . Thus they are totally in support of coalition independent candidatures.

There are also independent candidates or private citizens without any affiliation with any political party who are making names for themselves in order to gain political recognition, influence and capital during the transition period. The majority of these people were silenced about human rights violations in the country for the past 22 years. The country’s current democratic environment give them opportunities to build their political base and strategic plans for future elections. Many are political opportunists with new slogans designed to gain support and be recognized. During the course of political impasse, they became prominent with their new slogans. These group of political activists do not align themselves with the political ideology of UDP or any existing political party prior to political impasse.

So what are the consequences of not having coalition independent candidates in National Assembly?

I think there will be minimum consequences that will affect the agenda of President Barrow since all the players in The Gambia’s politics are now embracing democracy and constitutional reforms. Mama Kandeh’s GDC and APRC alliance is a dream that might not work in any time sooner because some APRC members have seen GDC to be responsible for their lost of election. Mama Kandeh’s GDC won only in fula or minority tribes dominated areas in the presidential election. GDC is going to be in competition with NRP in those areas and NRP will have big advantage when we have tactical alliance for its candidates in those areas while UDP might do well in all the constituencies the coalition won in the presidential election. It is in the best interest of GDC to go alone since this is their first ever political contest at the National Assembly level and they are also looking for political structure and support base throughout the country. Some APRC members might maintain their seats in the areas the party won in the presidential election. So there could be a balance National Assembly where we can have legislative debates based on substantive ideas from different political ideology but not from one political perspective whose majority vote on party line . This is good for the country’s democracy. In the case of having overwhelming coalition independent members in the National Assembly, there would be simple majority who will support virtually all agendas of the coalition government whether those agendas are constitutional, better policies or not . We must remember that the number one role of National Assembly members is to serve public interest by ensuring that there is accountability and rule of law in the country. They must also hold executive branch of the government accountable during legislative hearings.

There are concerns expressed in some quarters that there might not be justice for victims of repressive regime when we do not have coalition independent members in the National Assembly. I think such concerns are not factually true because the truth and reconciliation commission will be set up by justice department/ministry. Private citizens can also file criminal complaint against the human rights violators in the former regime. Therefore, I think without coalition independent members we can still have justice for the victims. We can also have majority members in the National Assembly who are affiliated with the coalition government when we have tactical alliance of opposition parties for the National Assembly election.

Politics is a game in which every player has to take account of his or her advantage in order to be successful. I think it is in the best interest of UDP as a party to contest the National Assembly election in areas they will do well based on the reasons outlined above .

Please publish.

Thank you .
Maxs

By Pa Louis

As we all are aware, the Coalition which comprises of (UDP, NRP, PDOIS, PPP, NCP,
GPDP GMC and Isatou Touray and team) was the product of a desperate desire to oust
former president who was increasingly edging closer to declaring a one party state akin to
an Islamic emirate. This was no doubt an unprecedented occurrence in our politics and in
essence, we are on unchartered waters. The aforementioned uniqueness of the political
turf inevitably presents to the Gambian political class a steep incline which no set of
Gambian politicians were ever compelled to manoeuvre.

The failure to address the issue of Parliamentary elections was a grave error in judgement
and I am sure those concerned would approach such an issue of fundamental importance
differently with the benefit of hindsight.

However, now that we are where we are one would have thought that consolidating the
coalition’s power in the National Assembly would take priority over any other party political
interests but a few in the coalition think not. It appears that the compromise reached
(‘tactical alliance’) means that the individual parties will field in candidates subject to deals
struck with other parties; this compromise albeit effective in settling the ‘civil war’ which
ensued, it may not be as effective in achieving the desired aim to win the minimum
required number of seats (39 (75%)) to pass a referendum legislation for the purpose of
amending the entrenched causes of the Constitution. A fair, sensible and equitable
approach could have been fielding coalition candidates using the four (4) hurdle formula
below:

●Hurdle 1: Each party to keep the maximum number of Parliamentary seats won in
the second republic.
●Hurdle 2: Each party keeps % of the votes won in 2011 from the total 53
constituencies but constituencies picked from among the 28 won by the Coalition.
●Hurdle 3: Remaining seats divided by the number of parties (8).
●Hurdle 4: Remaining seats distributed equally between ‘hurdle 1’ parties

Results of such a formula will be fair, reasonable, equitable and appealing to both voters
and individual party supporters as follows:

NB: Selection of constituencies at ‘hurdle 3’ and ‘hurdle 4’ to be through a random ballot /
selection.

If the above formula or something similar is adopted to ensure Coalition candidates are
fielded in instead of individual party candidates, then the Coalition will have a very strong
potential of keeping all 28 constituencies won in December. As well as the aforementioned
there is a good chance they will win over the following constituencies in which the APRC &
GDC won only narrowly or not overwhelmingly:

APRC
Banjul central, Busumbala, Jarra Central, Niani, Niamina Dankunku, Lower Saloum &
Upper Saloum

GDC
Upper Niumi

MOST LIKELY OUTCOME OF A ‘TACTICAL ALLIANCE’

Should the favoured ‘tactical alliance’ create circumstances whereby Coalition party
candidates find themselves competing for the same constituency seats, then the Coalition
votes will inevitably split and going by the available data, out of the 28 constituencies won
by the coalition 12 will be at risk. APRC will be at a position of strength to hold on to at
least 13 of their 20 constituencies won; GDC will easily hold onto 4 out of their 5
constituencies won in December.

With the above said, 12 of the 28 constituencies won by the Coalition; 7 of the 20 won by
APRC and 1 of the 5 won by GDC will be up for grabs. These 20 seats (Jeshwang,
Serekunda west, Bundunka kunda, Latir-kunda Sabiji, Tallinding, Brikima south,
Busumbala, Kiang east, Kiang central, Sami, Basse, Sandu, Banjul central, Old Yundum,
Jarra central, Niani, Niamina Dankunku, Lower Saloum, Upper Saloum & Upper Niumi)
could end up swing to any party or independent candidate.

It is important for the Coalition to rather than consider party interest, work towards
maximizing gains made in December and establish a strong legislative base in anticipation
of the wholesale reforms President Barrow was elected to usher through. Going by the
available evidence, a ‘tactical alliance’ may well deliver ‘victory’ for one or two parties
within the Coalition but spell disaster overall for the Coalition and embolden an already
wounded APRC to reorganize and re-establish themselves as a force to reckon with in
Gambian politics once again.

The Rubicon has still not been crossed on the matter and I hope that moving forward, the
individual parties within the Coalition will consider a formula akin to the above to
consolidate and increase their political gains in December 2016 come April 6th.

By Madi Jobarteh

Since March 1, the members of the UTG Staff Association have been on a sit-down strike in protest against the irresponsible and callous decision of the Senior Management Team to purchase only six vehicles costing up to eight million dalasi. These vehicles were bought not because there exists no vehicles at all for the members of the Senior Management Team. These vehicles were bought not because the university has adequate resources to spend on such luxury. These vehicles were bought not because the conditions of life and teaching are conducive at the UTG. Rather these vehicles were bought at a time when the UTG is probably the most deplorable higher educational institution in the world with the poorest facilities imaginable. How therefore can the UTG SMT defend such a decision?

 
One has to visit the Brikama Camps to realize that this campus demands urgent attention. Practically there are no well functioning services and no well-kept structures in the entire campus. Similarly the Faraba campus remains stagnant in the middle of nowhere without even the necessary perimeter fence. Services such as water, electricity and Internet as well as proper transportation services for students remain utterly poor and erratic. The entire infrastructure at Brikama campus is falling down. Yet this is the university that should produce the technocrats who would produce the ideas that must deliver the Gambia to higher standards of development.

 
The decision by the SMT is completely unbecoming of a leadership that has the interest and the commitment of its institution and its members at heart. Already the members of the SMT enjoy better pay and other incentives. They already have usable vehicles. Yet these people have not only failed to consider and associate themselves with the plight of their own institution, but would go ahead to spend so much money on goods that add absolutely no value to either their own performance or to the conditions of the institution they claim to proudly lead and manage.

 
I wish to join the members of the UTG Staff Association on their sit-down strike until their demands are met in full. I wish to call on all students of the UTG to stand with these lecturers because the position taken by the lecturers is in fact in the best interest of the student. These lecturers are standing for the judicious use of public resources and the wellbeing of students, and therefore all students and Gambians must stand with them that indeed waste of public resources and impunity will not be tolerated anymore in the Gambia.

 
In this same vein, I wish to call on the UTG Governing Council to take urgent steps in support of the Staff Association and ensure efficient and accountable management at UTG. Contrary to the erroneous analysis by Dr. Henry Carroll, the members of the UTG Staff Association have a right to engage in an industrial action which is an international human rights norm sanctioned by the International Labour Organization to which the Gambia is a party. Under our Constitution, Section 25 subsection 1(d) guarantees the right of the Staff Association to demonstrate peaceably. Hence no one can force or threaten the members of the Association with dismissal or reprisals for their action. Rather the Governing Council must explain how they could approve such expenditure when they know the conditions at the UTG.

 
I wish to call on the Minister for Higher Education (MOHERST) to immediately attend to the concerns of the UTGSA and students by addressing these genuine and legitimate concerns. Both the Governing Council and MOHERST must take this matter to the Office of the President, which is the Chancellor of UTG to address this matter. The SMT must be dismantled and a new and competent person appointed as Vice Chancellor. The UTG Senate, responsible for academic affairs must step in to ensure that these concerns are addressed so as to put a halt to the disruption of lectures.

 
Failure of the Senate and the Governing Council as well as MOHERST to address these concerns through the Chancellor who is the President of the Republic tantamount to neglect of duties and abuse of power on their part. This is because this is a legitimate matter which falls within their jurisdiction hence they must respond to the matter with urgency. Any day this sit-down strike goes on, it is entirely the responsibility of the Senate, the Governing Council and MOHERST, which is also a direct violation of the rights of the students.

 
All Gambians must call on the two Vice Chancellors and members of the SMT to resign and account for the use of such huge amount of money for their own self-aggrandizement. They must be held to account to justify the decision to purchase these vehicles at such exorbitant price when their university is beset with basic survival needs. One has no choice but to feel ashamed and disheartened when one visits the UTG campuses especially in Brikama. The toilets alone are an insult to one’s humanity! Therefore let the SMT resign now and account for this terrible decision. Eight million dalasi is more than enough resources that could have upgraded UTG facilities and services to acceptable international standards. Hence it beats one’s imagination that the SMT would not find pride in investing in their own university to bring it that standard but to seek to satisfy their own selfish interests.

 
With such money, they could have entered into a contract with any Internet service provider in the country to make the entire UTG a Wi-Fi-free zone for students to improve their research opportunities. Alternatively they could invest in the UTG’s own ICT facilities to provide Internet for itself. This is what one finds in places that call themselves universities around the world. With that amount of money, the SMT could have provided excellent landscaping of the Brikama campus conducive for teaching and learning. With that amount of money, the SMT could have set up student business centres such as photocopying services, groceries and bookstores or stationery supplies among other income generating services to address student needs. With that amount of money, the SMT could have provided entertainment and sporting facilities and other social services with a standby generator necessary to enhance student life.

 
Eighteen years ago I finished my studies at the University of Ghana in Accra. My campus had reasonably well-kept and excellent sporting facilities, minimarkets, radio stations, bars and restaurants, nightclubs, banks, decent hostels, conducive classrooms and beautifully lush landscape among others. Today when I visit Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar, I see such facilities and services. But when I visit UTG campus, I am disheartened that my daughter has to contend with such non-existent or poor facilities in 2017! The issue is not that the resources are not available at the UTG. Rather the resources are available, just that some educated adults in the SMT think that these kids do not deserve these same facilities they themselves enjoyed ages ago when they were in university. How could these SMT folks therefore deny our children these basic facilities only to divert the resources to satisfy their own greed? This is criminal.
SMT Resign Now.
God Bless The Gambia.

By Madi Jobarteh – Minister of Justice Aboubacarr Tambadou deserves commendation for owning up to a mistake by the government on a matter that is entirely within his competence and capacity. The constitutional and electoral amendment bills presented to the parliament on February 28 were wrong, and to have the government now acknowledge that error is in the right direction. The Minister also spoke of adhering to the values and standards of good governance and gave reassuring statements that this government will listen and engage citizens in building a new Gambia. Indeed commendable. This is a best practice and we hope such humility and honesty will continue to be the hallmark of the Barrow Administration.

 
Having said that let me say upfront that this mistake is very expensive, unacceptable and avoidable. The mistake raises the question as to what is the quality and level of engagement within this government to ensure that decisions are based on evidence, consultation and legitimate public interest. Already the Government has caused the National Assembly to approve a bill only to now say that the action was wrong. The Barrow Administration has to realize that these kinds of mistakes cost a government credibility and legitimacy, which the Gambia cannot afford at this time.

 
This mistake also reflects on the capacity of our National Assembly as to how could they fail to realize that the right constitutional provisions were not invoked. When the bills were presented, there was no objection or abstention in parliament, hence the bill obtained a unanimous vote. This raises the question as to what interests was the National Assembly considering in allowing these bad bills to pass through. The action of the National Assembly clearly shows that they did not protect national interest and therefore have wasted valuable public resources in taking an action that they should have know was a wrong action. This is utterly a case of abuse of power and waste of public resources and it is unacceptable. They need to respond.

 
Hence when we get to this stage, it is important for us to impress on the Government that they need to do their job well. How could the decision to table these erroneous bills before the National Assembly escape the scrutiny of the Cabinet, and then it had to take one week before it is acknowledged? It is an understatement to say that indeed a government has enough resources and technical capacity to know the right and do the right. How then did they come to take this decision and what was the level of consultation within and outside the government to ensure that the right advice was obtained. A government is not a village association in the 1940s in Baddibu hence a modern government in the 21st century is not expected to make uninformed mistakes.

 
When the Gambia decided on December 1, we decided for building a new modern democratic state. In such a dispensation, there is more than enough expertise and resources, in and out of the country that are available to the government to utilize. Thus the government must utilize the full arsenal of its resources to ensure that it takes quality, informed and relevant decisions for the country. Our Cabinet has to understand that government decisions and actions are life and death issues. Hence whatever decision the government takes must be thoroughly calculated because these issues directly hinge on national security and the future of the country.

 
While commending the Minister of Justice as well as raising these concerns, I wish to impress on Minster Tambadou that he has a singular role to play to ensure that the rule of law is respected and upheld at all times. We cannot ever again allow arbitrariness in public policy and legislative processes characteristic of Yaya Jammeh and APRC Tyranny. Thus currently we have unfolding legal issues regarding the proposed names for the NIA and the Gambia Police Force. We also have the unresolved issue of the Vice President. We hope Tambadou will give the right advice to Pres. Barrow to address these issues in accordance with the law.

 
Similarly we have the case of journalist Kebba Jeffang who was heckled and assaulted by a rowdy crowd at the joint UDP/NRP/GMC press conference on March 5. It is pertinent that the Minister of Justice advises the Cabinet to realize that the heart of democracy is freedom of expression, which includes freedom of the media. Hence when Cabinet ministers and political party leaders engage with the press they must ensure that journalists enjoy unfettered freedom and security.

 
There is also the ongoing case of Fatou Badgie who is charged with sedition for insulting the president and another lady. The Coalition Manifesto has stated that one of the objectives of their government is to repeal laws that damage human rights and democracy among which they listed sedition, which is a colonial law. Hence if a citizen is now charged with sedition, one would expect that such a government will seek to drop such charges. Hence it is important that Minister Tambadou look into this matter for we must not entertain insult laws in our books in the 21st century. Fatou Badgie must be freed and attempts be made to remove all such provisions such as sedition, false news or giving false information to a public officer from our laws. No Gambian must be arrested or charged on these laws after 22 years of APRC Tyranny.

 
Let me also emphasize that Gambians are looking up to the creation of Truth and Justice Commission in order to address the blatant human rights abuses and atrocities of the APRC Tyranny. While the country can learn lot of lessons from many countries that had such bodies, however it is important that this is done urgently. As a lawyer himself, the Minister of Justice knows that justice delayed is justice denied. Hence it is important that the necessary legal foundations and processes are sought and considered to ensure a truly transparent, participatory and legitimate commission is created sooner than later.

 
Finally, the lesson we must learn as citizens is to bear in mind that we need competent individuals to serve as National Assembly Members so that they can play their oversight function effectively. What this APRC dominated parliament has demonstrated under Yaya Jammeh and now under Barrow so far is that they lack the capacity to serve the national interest otherwise these bad bills could not have escaped them. Hence as we look forward to the parliamentary elections, let the Coalition identify competent individuals and let the people vote for competent individuals who would hold the president and his cabinet to account and ensure that the government is efficient, accountable and responsive to the needs of the people. Only a strong parliament can produce a strong democracy and ensure an effective and efficient government. A weak parliament only produces dictatorship.

 
I wish to commend Minister Tambadou once more for generating public confidence and encouragement when he said the government welcomes citizens to scrutinize them. Rest assured we will be blunt, direct and helpful. We also hope that Chief Servant Barrow and his Cabinet will also listen to, and seriously consider the advice of his Minister of Justice on pertinent national issues devoid of any political considerations.

God Bless The Gambia.

By Lamin Darboe

The political intolerance and vilification being displayed in our politics in the past couple of days is shameful and needs to stop immediately. As civilized people, we can disagree and agree without insulting or vilifying each other. And we must tolerate divergent views and dissenting opinions without being mean or disrespectful to each other. After all, democracy is about transparency, accountability, rule of law, human rights and tolerating divergent views and dissenting opinions.

People have a right to speak their mind and politicians are not immune from criticism. If you don’t want to be criticized , then don’t get into politics. Journalist are partners in democracy not enemies of democracy. Therefore their rights as fellow citizens and journalist must be respected.

We have to appreciate and recognize the contribution of each and everyone in the struggle to change the Gambia for the better. You cannot hailed someone as a Hero in the struggle to change Gambia and now vilify him or her when you disagree with them. That is dishonest and hypocritical.

Such is the case of Fatou Camara of the Fatou Network. The smear campaign and vilification against her in other to discredit her is dishonest and preposterous. It doesn’t matter how long she has been in the struggle.What is important here is the difference she made in the struggle. But to labeled her as partisan, tribalist or someone encouraging tribal sentiments is very dishonest and laughable.

For some,she is an easy target to get cheap or easy popularity. But attacking anyone especially a woman is not the way to show manhood.Instead it is the contrary, it shows your weakness and disrespect for the womb that brought you into this world.

I was very disturbed and disappointed when is listened to an audio recorded from a political rally in The Gambia. In that audio recording, you can hear some members of the coalition from the diaspora who are supporters of one of the political parties going after some coalition senior members including Dr Isatou Touray. That is a political misjudgment, lack of political maturity and wisdom.

At the end of the day,it looks like the president has prevailed in resolving the political differences between the stakeholders. What is important here is that we are all Gambians and Gambia belongs to all of us.So my fellow Gambians, let us give credit where credit is due and stop being dishonest.

Fatou Camara put her heart and soul into this fight like so many other Gambians and that is an undeniable fact. A single mother who put country first before her own family deserves better than what she is getting at the moment.

But one thing that doesn’t surprise me is that even God mentioned the ungratefulness of human beings in the holy Quraan. So fellow Gambians let us be tolerant and work for the interest of our dear motherland The Gambia.