The Gambia is a land of Pristine beauty neatly carved into two for a zigzagging river pouring in crystal clear water from the Atlantic Ocean. Meanwhile, across London on a whirlwind Sunday afternoon with friends lazied up to “attaya” serving up ‘Eastern promises’, one was hardly, if at all, prepared for another stunning story concerning Gambia. But then again – It is Africa, and a region constantly unearthing great mineral discoveries where vested interest are found mingling under the radar dissing out dark money spinning in a conceitful motion.

As for the tiny West African state of The Gambia, a cloud of mystery still shroud the country’s oil industry with conspiracy theories dissipating sound discourse & reasoning. According to recent reports monitored on #FinancialTimes, two Gambian blocks combine for an estimated 1 billion barrels of unrisked oil and in close proximity to FAR’s SNE oil field offshore Senegal – considered the largest oil find ever made when announced in 2014.  For the record & clarity purposes – the oil blocks sold and being resold in Gambian waters are machinations orchestrated under the Jammeh regime. These were very bad deals the proceeds of which still remain mysterious, nor the whereabouts of mineral extractions in Gunjur, and Kartong and elsewhere in the country. It is extremely vital for government to revisit all exploitative deals signed under dictatorship – including oil and gas import license schemes designed behind closed door between Jammeh, Amadou Samba, Tajudeen, Bazzi, and their cohorts raking in millions. I understand the administration is looking to unpack such clog & monopoly within the business environment and to reissue import licenses where necessary – but the same criminals still occupy centre-stage in business-ville Mr Officer. We had also discussed the issue of rice importation and for natural-born Gambians to be awarded its import license, although no one in government is saying much on that topic: I repeat, the price of a bag of rice for the average Gambian is unacceptable, and rice importation must cease in a span of five (5) years. I, however, trust the Presidency through the Justice Ministry to take bold steps in redressing this anomaly given an issue of national interest concern.

Analysing African politics – one better expect-the-unexpected whenever there is a coming-together of money, and politics, and mineral resources esp. oil. Across the continent, the collision and sometimes collusion of special interest and big money has corrupted the political class in major ways. In almost every case-study on Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, DRC, and elsewhere, ordinary folks are being short-changed for dodgy-deals & Swiss-bank-accounts or much worst. And I wonder if history will prove pivotal for Gambia’s new leaders to escape that curse, and thrive.

The onus falls on government to reassure its citizens that the country’s natural resources are in good hands, and that ‘… all proceeds will be deposited in a sovereign Funds account at the Central Bank (Honourable Sallah, 2016).’ My take on the ‘oil thing’ is for its line ministry to conduct an extensive audit of every drip of oil and contractual obligation sold under dictatorial rule for the perusal of Cabinet and Parliamentary review respectively. And in an era of constant news flow & information swirling on the worldwide web, our smartphones, the papers and social media, it would be wise for the oil ministry to call a press conference & shed light on the issue. Honourable Baa Tambedou earned such credibility and trust simply by informing and updating the Gambian people what the Justice ministry was up to. Simple truth delivered in plain language. The monthly press conference announced by the Information Minister, on the side-lines of weekly briefings by the State House Press Team is a welcome boost in media-relations, for accountability, and for democracy.

For the Gambia Bureau of Statistics GBoS, Parliament should look to grant the agency autonomous status in furtherance of its credible measuring remit. GBoS should be expertly and strategically staffed having capacity to showcase The Gambia’s socio-economic realities, and potential thereby forecasting economic trends & Africa-wide projections. This is necessary for two reasons: First, it will ensure credible data access for media practitioners, academia, the government and its development partner institutions. Secondly, it helps postulate credibility within the system serving as reference point with readily accessible data bank and estimates to foreign investors seeking a look-in. On a look-up on the agency, I am however impressed by its recent findings & work within the beltway & contributions in the overall direction of statecraft. If one may withdraw the obsolete word used to described GBoS last year, but the management very well know internal changes and better produced results are expected of them. Being constituted by an act of parliament is no mean feat. Its equivalent in the United Kingdom is the Institute of Fiscal Studies. As custodians of national statistics, macro-economic and budgetary allocations are dependent on your projections. In the case of The Gambia diaspora, this constituency abroad continues to add to the economy in profound remittances sic than one. But we could do more, and should do more invest within our communities because – Home is where the heart is.

P.S. – In the coming days – I intend to take a critical look at ways in reshaping Gambia’s foreign policy through various lenses and methodologies; and the ethical dimension to it.

For measure – amidst the crisis engulfing perennial partners in the Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC) in recent weeks – huge credit goes to the President and Foreign Minister Darboe in siding with Qatar against Saudi’s uncompromising demands. Surprisingly, Senegal chose to ally with Riyad for monetary favour raising questions about ethics. So, anyone peddling fiction that Senegal controls Gambia, that is your answer – History shall show Banjul took the right policy decision – stood neutral.

Gibril Saine, LONDON

Waqtu Ala! Waatoo Te Jee! Wahtu Amut!

I have repeatedly written about these things, but I will not tire of doing so until I see tangible steps. For twenty two long years we waited to offer our little advice in the way we are governed and did not have the opportunity. Thus you can understand the zeal and enthusiasm some of us feel to have the right, ability, and courage to put pen on paper and give our unsolicited advice and suggestion. So bear with us!

When on December 1 2016, the results showed that you had been elected into office, we were overjoyed. We were full of hope. We were full of enthusiasm and thought: Here comes the chance for us to make rapid progress and be counted among the comity of nations! We prayed, sang, hoped and cried out of overflowing exuberance. Alas! Some people are beginning to lose that glimmer of hope.

Firstly, let me start with the issue of the Vice President. You appointed the good lady Madam Fatoumatta Jallow Tambajang and concerns were raised over her being over aged according to the Constitution. True to your nature of being a democrat, you rescinded the decision and appointed her as minister for Women’s Affairs and overseer of the Vice Presidency. This in itself was wrong because the vice presidency, being higher than the minister, it is hardly possible for her to oversee that position. But we bore it as we had seen that at least you are listening to the voices of the people. But then, on the 25^th of June when you addressed the religious elders, you referred to her as ‘my vice president’. This is somehow reneging on your own word.

The youth need jobs. We expected to have a plan to solve the unemployment problem. The youth need jobs to sustain themselves and feed their families. We expected that by now there would be a development blueprint which will map out ways of giving them jobs. We are waiting for this development blueprint, Mr President.

Then comes the issue of the Constitutional review – and this is somehow pertinent to the issue of the vice president – one would have thought that by now the Constitutional review would be in high gear and underway. But things are quiet. Or is it that something is happening that we do not know about? What is the problem? Why aren’t we hearing anything about that?

Then comes the issue of Term Limits. We want to hear a clear and unequivocal pronouncement on the issue of term limits. This is important because we know that many a time in Africa, leaders have been known to ‘wakh wakheet’ on this issue.

There was talk since the time of the campaign and even later, of a Think Tank. We waited eagerly for this, thinking that that is how we are going to get the ideas to transform Gambia into a modern, advanced and democratic country. When therefore we heard the announcement that it will start or will be launched on a particular Monday, we were elated. That Monday has come and gone; meanwhile, we are yet to see anything Think Tank.

I think one of the things that should be addressed with utmost urgency is the issue of Constitutional reform. Every other thing will gradually fall into place if that problem is addressed. It is the substratum of all actions of the government and the citizens. Please, do something about that!

Have a Good Day Mr President….

Tha Scribbler Bah

A Concerned Citizen

While Muslim around the world celebrate Eid, I would like to take this opportunity to thank Allah for the life and the opportunity to witness another Eid and I am wishing Eid Mubarak to all Gambians at home and abroad.

While wishing The president and the entire country a happy Eid, I would like to remind the President that The appointment of the Vice President is long Overdue, we are now over six months along the line and yet your cabinet is still incomplete, I call on you to look into this matter and do the right thing. I can’t speak for everyone, but I think that keeping quiet on issues that require your attention and response is not helping at all. In addition to this, there are a few points that I will like to suggest for a progressive Gambia.

1. Establish a research and Development Center/Department that will be responsible for research on policy issues, this way our development policies will be backed by evidence base research that are feasible, otherwise we will be living in a vacuum, we will not have any sense of direction because we will only rely on research done else where. This research will affect policy change and will lead to development.

2. Established a monitoring and Evaluation department, this department will be responsible for tracking and tracing Government development projects and will be able to ascertain whether the projects have met their objective or not and can make cases on why they have not met their objective. If we only have the PAC/PEC committee of the national Assembly who only look at how Government money is utilize and do not verify where they are utilize, we will still be dreaming to be like Singapore. when we got our independent 3 months before them.

3. Invest in Human resource (Knowledge development)
Knowledge is the basis for any development and failure to invest in it, is plan to fail.

4. Reform the Agricultural sector-

Mr. President, The Ministry of Agriculture and its departments have more Phd holders than any of the Ministries, however the degrees only stop at the meetings, conferences and workshops, they do not apply at the rice fields, farms.

The Gambia was more food sufficient when we did not have Phd holders or had very minimal number of them, but now with the number of Phd holders, an average family that grows rice cannot sustain the family for 3 months. look into this matter

Mr. President these are my humble suggestions and I am putting it forward to you for your consideration. These are some of the key issues I will look at, if I become President in near future (INSHAALLAH).

Yours in National Development

Mr. Lamin Sonko
Youth Activist / Advocate

For the first time in the political life of Gambians, change of government through elections took place on 1 December 2016. Until then the governance system of the country was a mere façade of democracy during the 1^st Republic to be followed by an outright dictatorship in the 2^nd Republic. Hence when Gambians decided on December 1, the cry was for a system change. The ruling Coalition today that was in opposition then had also said their objective, as stated in their MoU and Manifesto was aimed at a system change. But what is a system change?

Governance is a system. This system is founded on and run by the combined functioning of laws, institutions, processes, practices and people. The system concerns power and decision-making and the participation of the citizenry to determine the management of public resources and national affairs. When that system or structure responds to the protection of human rights and satisfaction of human needs, then the system is said to be good governance, otherwise what will prevail is bad governance hence dictatorship.

For 22 years the Gambia was under Dictatorship. Dictatorship is a political system in which the rule of law is subverted as state institutions are weakened while legal and official processes are circumvented for the benefit of the dictator and his accomplices. Dictatorship kills human rights and disempowers citizens so that the Dictator is beyond accountability. Dictatorship therefore is the personalization of state power and resources by one person. Dictatorship systematically abuses laws, institutions, processes, practices and people to maintain the system of oppression.

Therefore the goal of our decision on December 1 is to bring about that structural change in the laws, institutions, processes, practices and personnel of the state machinery in the overall management and governance of the Gambia. That is to ensure a complete overthrow of dictatorship and the ushering in of a democratic system of governance. Hence December 1 was not just about regime change.

In that regard, the transformation from dictatorship to democracy requires, first of all changes in the laws of the Gambia. The country needs a new constitution as well as amendments or repeal or creation of other laws. For example, we need to amend the Criminal Procedure Code to remove bad provisions such as ‘giving false information to a public officer’ that limit fundamental freedoms such as the right to petition. We need to repeal the Public Order Act to protect freedom of association, assembly, demonstration and expression. We need to also create a Freedom of Information Act to ensure that citizens get true, relevant and timely information from public institutions hence make the government open, honest and accountable. We also need a National Bill of Rights in order to further protect human rights at all times.

In our institutions, we need to review their functions to make them more responsive, efficient and accountable. For example, we need to review the NIA to bring it under parliamentary scrutiny to prevent abuse and waste of resources. In terms of practices, we need to stop public institutions from buying newspaper pages just to send a season’s greetings to the president. Such practices are a waste of resources that also perpetuate personality cult and dictatorship. We need to adopt new practices that strengthen transparency and accountability such as a weekly press conference and timely release of public information. Public officers must declare their assets and continue to do so every two years as required by the constitution. GRTS needs to create programs to amplify the voices of all Gambians.

There are some institutions we can also create such as a National Human Rights Commission, a National Anti-Corruption Commission as well as National Commission for the Prevention of Torture. We also need a National Media Commission to promote professionalism, accountability and the development of the media. There are many existing institutions that need strengthening in all ways.

There is need to also reform some institutions such as the Ombudsman, the Labour Office, Women’s Bureau as well as the Department of Social Welfare to expand and strengthen their mandate to further protect rights of workers as well as children, girls and women in all sectors of the economy and society.

One of the most crucial institutions to bring about not just system change but also nurture a culture of democracy in our society is the National Council for Civic Education. They need immense support in all ways in order to lead a robust civic awareness and empowerment campaign across the country. We need a law to make GRTS and all private and community radio stations to dedicate an amount of airtime to NCCE daily or weekly to sensitize the population.

In other words, we need to do a review of the entire state structure so that we reposition, restructure, separate or close down existing institutions or create new ones. For example, I would have abolished the Ministry of Information altogether and transform it into a Media Commission. I would have also separated the Department of Social Welfare from the Ministry of Health. In that way we can better focus, make better use of resources and directly address the needs of the citizens.

In terms of processes, we need to make the police realize that not every incident requires arrest or detention or bail. They must employ innovative means of addressing crime such as the use of community policing techniques among others. Police and military checkpoints everyday and everywhere must be abolished while we equip and train the police better to combat crime. We must also ease or simplify the various processes in registering businesses or obtaining various public services such as utility or accessing justice among others. When processes are long and cumbersome, they become more expensive which means bribery also becomes a part of them. This kills efficiency and accountability.

In terms of personnel, we need to institute and enforce checks and balances within the public sector. The civil service must be based on meritocracy and stop politicizing it. We also need to strengthen performance appraisals in public institutions in order to link promotions, incentives, training and other benefits to performance. Sycophancy, patronage and favoritism must be fought tooth and nail in order to create an efficient civil service without which the country cannot move forward.

For that matter, we do not expect that Barrow will bring back those prominent individuals who aided and abetted Dictatorship inside his government. We must not convince ourselves that the Gambia has a reconciliation issue. We do not. We face a truth and justice issue. Citizens who deliberately entrenched Dictatorship on our people cannot and must not be brought back to run our society again. They had a choice like everyone else and they decided to support tyranny against our people. On what justification should we therefore engage them?

In that regard, it is also not enough to just appoint new people. Rather we need individuals with progressive minds and vision. If we bring in individuals who still harbour the same backward conservative ideas then we will still be in the old system. We need Gambians with critical thinking who wish to see real change in our society. Thus Barrow needs to make sure before he appoints a new person to ask that person to tell him what is his or her vision to transform the system in that institution and the Gambia as a whole. This should form part of the performance appraisal of that person. For example there are still scores of top public and security officers who do not believe in human rights or who have no idea about how to bring about systemic change or who do not even believe in transparency and accountability. Such people pull us back.

On 1 December 2016 our verdict was to change the system of governance so that the sanctity of citizenship stands supreme for the sovereignty of the Gambia resides in no one except We the People. Therefore Barrow has a legal, political and moral duty to ensure that all the laws, institutions, processes, practices and personnel of the State are geared towards expanding, satisfying and protecting the rights, needs and dignity of the Gambian citizen.

Without a system change, then it would mean we only changed one government for another but maintaining the same system. Let Barrow not allow partisan interests and political ambitions make him delay or derail the process of system change. It will come back to haunt him sooner or later.

Those who support Barrow and those who work with him must advise, guide, support, and insist that he threads on the path of system change. That is his legacy for which if he succeeds, Gambians of today and generations yet unborn shall speak glowingly of a great president we once had called Adama Barrow.

But if Barrow fails to effect system change, or stifles our efforts for a system change or does a half-hearted system change, let him know that Gambians of today and generations yet unborn shall also come to say one day that indeed there was once a very useless and bad president called Adama Barrow. He will then become the symbol of bad example only to join the league of such bad men as Yaya Jammeh, Idi Amin or Mobutu and many others.

History is recording.

God Bless The Gambia.

By Famara Fofana

The rains are here again and the famerfolk are naturally brimming with optimism like a poised to receive manna from heaven. For them, this marks the commencement of serious business with pre-planting activities almost out of sight in most parts of our agrarian country. The rest becomes hard work, hard work and hard work to an extent some strange farmers are tempted to throw in the towel due to the sheer load of work they do. After all, no one wants to pay anyone in return for a less impressive job. That reminds me of the story of the strange farmer who went AWOL in Jokaland few years ago in the height of the weeding stage after he felt overwhelmed by the sight of the all-troublesome weed called “Jaajeh kalabaa”.That crawling plant is one of the most stubborn grasses to combat for any farmer.

Just as the rainy season brings renewed optimism for all of us indirectly or directly, it can, on the other hand, be a very frustrating time for most pedestrians here in “Tubab Kunda”(metropolitan Gambia). For whatever reason, this is when most motorists seem to be deriving pleasure in spattering dirty muddy water on poor ones like myself .The stock in trade of most drivers, it would appear, is driving pass individuals walking by a pool of water at break-neck speed to a point one’s face is splashed with stagnant water.

The end game in such situations is unending altercation that sometimes lead to the exchange of blows.How do you expect someone dressed in his or her best attire enroute to a very important function or work only to be forced to return home and change clothes because some money hungry driver painted his or garments and body with poto poto like a graffiti on a wall.

Pedestrians in such instances cannot help but yell ‘”hai driver lu la jot yow” (what has become of you driver?) or uncontrollably lashed at them by way of saying “danga doff hana'”(are you insane?). And instead of apologizing courteously, the usually impatient, middle-aged cab driver could be heard responding “mane doholal sohla suma waaji nga mai ma suma jama” which translates take care of your business and give me peace. Knowing that they would never alight from the car, let alone fight, they can say anything they deemed fit even after plastering one with stinky water. “Tass”! “bang”! “fatt”! they would veer off, playing victim when they in fact are the offenders.

Having being at the receiving end of a similar situation somewhere around Nema Junction two years ago, a helpless me said to myself that I would never ever give a helping hand to any driver especially those in the commercial sector should I chance upon one stuck in a pool “poto-poto” struggling to manoeuvre his way out.

Now that the heavens have started to open up, it would become commonplace to find driver and pedestrian at loggerheads with one demanding answers after feeling incensed by the manner in which his or her plain white “garambubu” was dirtied beyond recognition. For the other person in control of the steering wheel, it is business as usual – all part of the daily rigmarole of life in urban Gambia. Huh, the mere thought of flooding alone in certain flood-prone localities in the Greater Banjul area is even more scary. But after all, this is seen as the period of “neemoo” or blessings.

May Allah give us abundant yields and save us from the perils that come with this period.

Alagi Yorro Jallow

President Adama Barrow and his government must be ready to push the boundaries of transparency and accountability, even and especially with ourselves. We must be ready to embody and model the values that give meaning to and legitimize the important and necessary work of shining light on dark places, holding others to account.

I believe that public officers should publicly declare their assets. The Directorate of Asset Declaration should be empowered to verify the claims made on declaration forms to ensure that public officers do not over-declare their assets in anticipation of using public office to corruptly enrich themselves.

Asset Declarations of ministers and senior government officials are not meant to be a perfunctory exercise in box-ticking. They are primarily instruments of transparency and accountability, potentially powerful mechanisms of sunshine that could help, in very practical ways, to limit the incidence of corruption, one of the major challenges of our country. However, the potency of this tool is gravely diminished, in my view, by the fact that asset declarations are made a secret affair, with the public, on behalf of whom people are elected or appointed to hold public office, not given a viable role in the verification of the assets declared and denied the fundamental right to know. This is another case of the “missing public” that needs fixing.

Therefore, as we rightly seek new beginnings for our country, we need to reinsert and reassert the public into this process of transparency and accountability by lifting the veil of secrecy from the declared assets of our public officers. This I believe: all public officers should be required to declare their assets publicly. Otherwise, the impact of the asset declaration exercise is successfully neutered.

I believe that President Barrow’s Executive Order authorizing his ministers to declare their assets is just not a rubber stamp there to hoodwink people because no one has access to the records and there is no mechanism for enforcement.

Universally accepted standards of Asset Declaration stipulate that the President and members of his cabinet disclose all assets, liabilities and business interests—as well as those of their spouses or any assets that are held on their behalf—upon election or appointment. Such a declaration is supposed to be made in writing to the Speaker of the National Assembly within three months of their election or appointment.

But despite the very unclear Executive Order of President Barrow and the importance that government officials be publicly accountable to the citizenry, it has proven very difficult to implement practically binding principles observed by those in high office. Indeed, it has become a thorny issue among politicians in The Gambia, as nobody wants to detail their (often unexplained) property or wealth.

To make matters worse, even when a senior public figure makes a declaration, it is extremely difficult for the media or any other interested parties in civil society to access the documents. If you read carefully, what the media publishes is just the fact that there has been a “declaration of assets,” not the actual contents of the declaration. Does the media have access to enough documents to scrutinize all the declared assets?

What mechanism for verification is put in place to ensure a true account of the inventory of assets declared? One viable mechanism is physical verification, which involves comparing the data on the forms with data held at various public agencies and private entities to check for authenticity, veracity and accuracy. The exercise will involve visiting physical sites for inspection and assessment of declared movable and immovable properties. Wherever necessary, professional experts will be used in the process at the expense of the Directorate.

Institutions declaring their assets include the Ministry of Local Government and Lands, Financial Institutions local and abroad and the Gambia Revenue Authority, among others.

The declared assets of public officers would undergo the verification exercise to prove if indeed their forms were truthfully completed. Their initial declaration would be followed by an annual declaration update to be filed within thirty days after the start of each fiscal year.

Unsurprisingly, the lack of verification leads to widespread doubts about whether leaders really declare their assets. This also proves the entire point of declaring assets: to be more transparent and accountable and to help tackle corruption. In the current situation, the president, cabinet ministers and senior government officials know that if they have handed in a “declaration of assets,” no one can question their wealth. On top of this, there is no prescribed penalty for failure to declare assets! Talk about a toothless regulation.

Such a lack of transparency can lead to a sense of impunity and to allegations of corruption. Publicly declaring assets tackles these problems, giving citizens more faith in their elected and appointed representatives. Clearly, however, senior government figures in The Gambia are not worried about that. Or, rather: they are more worried about publicly declaring what they own. I wonder why? If it is legally accrued wealth, then why not declare it?

In other countries, the media might be able to use other routes to get around the Speaker’s non-disclosure by using an access-to-information law. Regrettably, we in The Gambia have the colonial Official Secret Law instead of legislation requiring access to information, such as a Freedom of Information law, leaving Gambian citizens in the dark on many critical issues.

Dear Editor,

This rejoiner follows on the footsteps of an interview Omar Batchilly, a former executive member of GDC political party had with an online publication pertaining to his time, role and financial activities of its leader, Mama Kandeh. If those reports are found to be credible and true, it is incumbent upon the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to investigate and establish if financial malpractice took place. In its legal framework under the provisions of Gambian law, the statute clearly (or it should) spell out not just the role of political parties and how they go about articulating and aggregating electoral support – but their financial conduct too. Clear rules and regulations and monitoring mechanisms should have been in place whereby post elections all political parties must publish their financial reports to the IEC – For instance, how much money they had raised, from what source(s) and how they went about spending those funds during campaign season – producing receipts as evidence. In addition to this, all registered political parties in the country are to publish such accounts on an annual basis in an elaborate push to maximise and consolidate democracy gains.

According to Mr Batchilly, Kandeh lacks leadership transparency, further bemoaning the absence of transparency in terms of GDC finances. He also claimed to have hand-delivered cash amounting to several thousands to the party leader collected from donations. But the issue which irritates most and of course extremely concerning was the fact that amidst the millions from unknown sources – GDC never had a bank account. And since all collections are deposited in the hands of the party leader – that is a redflag demanding clarity. Questions will be asked, what is Kandeh’s main source of income since he has no professional job, nor a rich man. How is he managing to sustain a fairly luxurious lifestyle maintaining three (3) wives and children for an unemployed politician. What are the other sources of money claimed to be over half a million (D500,000) worth of projects he is said to have donated to his support base in the provinces.

From a personal standpoint, I never trust the man since his ascension on the scene. Because, questions soon emerged about his connections to the then Yaya Jammeh and APRC machinations sic. The object of my disaffection was further compounded when GDC copied and Plagiarise a Politico-economic blueprint I had authored in their manifesto without consent prior to the 2016 general election. That was intellectually dishonest but one let it go. For measure – Kandeh never raised voice about the dead bodies being exhumed and such barbaric crimes under APRC, yet found time blaming the government on the Kanilai and Foni criminals still living the past. My view is for President Barrow to keep distance further away from him. And to ignore the noise – sharing a stage with Kandeh will only make him look presidential, further milking the spotlight. The diaspora never warmed up to the man either – a smart constituency abroad seeing right into the actions and intentions of domestic politicians through a collection of methods and reasoning.

Folks, do not misconstrue this assignment as negative, rather a plus, in that if our desire is to instil legitimacy and transparency in our politics, the aspirants to such noble offices ought to be seen with clean hands, and be open to institutional & media scrutiny. The IEC has got to set up clearer rules on foreign entities and businessmen donating to political parties. Serious questions remain if the IEC had done this and if in fact the electoral body is fulfilling its oversight duties pertaining to campaign finance propriety. And as the constitution goes about the amendment process – I urge parliament to set a limit and bar on all political parties in that – Presidential electoral campaigns are to be staged no more than four (4) week, and each contesting party is to spend no more than three million dalasis (D3,000,000) during this heightened period in advertising, promotions, and such good electioneering aggregation tactics. Parliamentary polls are to be staged simultaneously in order to save tax payers money. Local government and mayoral elections to be staged a further two years down the line in a deliberate drive creating leverage in our politics further down the chain. However, this calls for an overhaul of the entire local government super-structure & the devolution powers Act for a smooth and effective delivery of services at the city, town and village levels in local communities.

Gibril Saine, LONDON.

The former Commissioner of Prosecution and Legal Affairs of the Gambia Police Force (GPF) Landing Kinteh has been appointed as the new Inspector General of Police (IGP) of the Gambia Police Force.
He replaces the longest serving IGP, Yankuba Sonko, who has been redeployed to the Foreign Service.
The newly appointed IGP Kinteh holds an LLB in Law from the University of Dan Fodio in Northern Nigeria and a Master’s Degree, LLM in Human Rights and Criminal Justice from the University of Essex in Uk. He is also a Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of The Gambia.

Landing Kinteh grew up in Serrekunda, London Corner. He studied in Dan Fodio University in northern Nigeria where he bagged his LLB Degree in Law. He attended this same University in Nigeria together with Lawyer Mboge but Mboge graduated before him.

Employment Record

Shortly before his appointment to the police top job, Landing Kinteh who was on an international appointment at the UN came back to The Gambia almost two months ago and was appointed as Commissioner of the Police Training School in Yundum.

Upon his return to The Gambia sometime in 2005/2006, he was recommended by Tamsir Jasseh, former Director General of The Gambia Immigration Department (GID) through the Personnel Management Office (PMO) to serve as a Prosecutor and Legal Adviser at the Prosecution Unit of the Gambia Police Force.

Burama Dibba was Officer Commanding the Prosecution Unit during this period but the GPF badly needed a Legal Adviser at the time.

In 2011-2012, the new IGP Landing Kinteh did his Bar at the Gambia Law School and was called to the Bar on January 18th, 2013. During this period, Kinteh was employed at the Attorney General’s Chambers under the Ministry of Justice, to head the ‘Anti-Trafficking In Persons’ Unit. By this time he was also at the GPF as a Legal Adviser. Kinteh served at the Anti-Trafficking Unit until he got his UN job.

While heading the ‘Anti-Trafficking in Persons’ Unit, two former security officers; namely, one ex-NIA officer alias ‘Mandas’ and Cadet Ousman Colley, who was dismissed from the police force in 2007 by former President Yahya Jammeh, both worked under Landing Kinteh.

Kinteh has also worked with veteran police officer Pa Amady Jallow, former CMC of the GPF, who is now on a UN job in Darfur, Sudan. They worked together at the Police Headquarters in Banjul and in Sudan as well. He served two tours of duties in Darfur, Sudan; first with the African Union and second as an International Staff serving as the Reform and Restructuring Coordinator for the UN Police Component.

Challenges

Despite his vast knowledge in Legal Affairs and police job, one major challenge that the newly appointed IGP has is his lack of knowledge on ‘Basic police training’ such as Police Duties, Foot Drill and Weapon Training.

Landing Kinteh was supposed to go to the Police Training School together with three (3) other Cadet Officers, namely; Cadet Sulayman Jeng who is now in UK, Cadet Ebrima Bah and Cadet Ousman Colley, who is currently in Darfur. These Cadet Officers were at the Training School but Kinteh did not go to the Training School for basic Police Training such as police duties, foot drill and weapon training, etc. Therefore one can say that he is not a seasoned police officer.

Kinteh needs the support of all members of the senior management to be able transform the police force as expected to get a more professional and world class Gambian force.
Congratulations and good luck to IGP Kinteh.

About the immediate-past IGP, Yankuba Sonko

Yankuba Sonko is the immediate-past IGP of the Gambia Police Force. He is the longest IGP to have served in that position for the past 22 years under former President Yahya Jammeh. He is now replaced by Landing Kinteh and redeployed to the Foreign Service.

His Career

Yankuba Sonko joined the Gambia Police Force in 1982 and was promoted to the rank of Corporal in 1984, and to Cadet Officer in 1988. He studied at the Nigerian Police Training School in 1990 and upon his return in 1991, he helped to found the Police Intervention Unit (PIU) and was posted to Barra Police Station in the North Bank Region. He was appointed as the Gambia Police Force’s first Public Relations Officer (PRO) in 1993 and was posted to Kanifing Division as second-in-command in 1994. In 1995, he became the officer commanding Kanifing Division.

In 1998, Sonko became the Officer Commanding Fraud Squad Unit, and the following year he was appointed as Crime Management Coordinator (CMC) at the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP). In 1999, he was also deployed on a United Nations Mission in East Timor, where he was Regional Commander of one of the Mission’s 13 Regions. He returned in 2000 and became the Commanding Officer of the PIU.

In 2001, he was reassigned as Officer Commanding Kanifing Division. In 2002, he left The Gambia to study law in the UK and returned in 2007. He was posted as the acting Commissioner of the PIU, and then became Officer Commanding in the Prosecution Unit of the GPF. In 2008, he was appointed as the Crime Management Coordinator again.

On 18th December 2009, Yankuba Sonko was promoted to Deputy Inspector General of Police. He served as Inspector General of Police from March 2010 to 2014. He was replaced by Benjamin Wilson but was reinstated, in turn, to replace Ben Wilson on 13th July 2015.

GOD BLESS THE GAMBIA.

Written by Assan Sallah