Monday, April 28, 2025
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THE DREAM: THE GAMBIAN DREAM or LACK THEREOF

Study hard, whatever you do make sure your WASSCE results show FIVE credits including MATH and ENGLISH”.

Those were the words of my favorite Aunt when I was in high school. Those words meant you had to be more than a good student or just passing exams.  Those words were the difference between achieving the Gambian Dream as I know it and just being another neighborhood kid wondering the streets of Jollof. The Gambian Dream was very clear to me and everyone like me back in high school. Go to school, get good grades (including Math and English), apply for a British/American VISA, and get the heck out of the country as soon as you can. Any extra day/night spent in Jollof after high school was considered overstaying. 10 years later the dream is still the same, if anything else it is more real today than ever.

Not everyone can show a hefty bank statement to the consulates at the UK and US embassies.  Not everyone can afford to travel to the UK/US, nor is everyone going to have a good grade in high school including MATH and ENGLISH.  A VISA is a privilege, not a RIGHT, meaning some people just going to get denied point blank period just because. May be you are not convincing enough to the consulates, may be they can see through your BS and they know very well that your trifling behind is not going to study, may be you are just unattractive looking to the consulates, or may be the consulates had too much caffeine that morning and were in a not so happy mood. Whatsoever the case may be, you got my point, not everyone is going to make it to the UK/US….Then what…?

Too many of those rejected VISA’s or who don’t stand a chance to secure a VISA, for them not achieving the Gambian Dream was not an option. They will either experience it or die trying even if they will have to do it The HARD way also known as the BACK way. It is easy for me to just chill in my favorite coffee shop in the US and just type #SayNoToTheBackWay. The one question that left me stoic is that what would I have done if getting out of the Gambia wasn’t an option? Do I have the moral sincerity to question those who are willing to experience this Gambian Dream even if they have to pay the ultimate price? I honestly don’t know….!

In the early 90’s brothers used to sneak in to Cargo ships (dodge ship) voyaging back to Western countries and many Gambians lost their lives during these journeys. Then in the 2000’s brothers get on boats (similar to canoes) trying to sail their way to Spain, few got lucky and many not so much. Recently they are taking the HARD way (Back way) and everyday news of Gambians dying on their way to seeking greener pastures keeps filling my timeline on social media. My point is, shot one door and people will seek for other ways in pursuit of this vague dream. When people are hungry they will do whatever it takes to eat.

Let me divert your attention here for a minute. Visit any American strip club and I am convinced that you will find a person throwing one dollar bills at a naked lady and screaming that he is living the “American Dream”. America define a simple straight forward dream which states that “All men are created equal” and that they are “Endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights” including “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” This dream is well defined and understood by all the people of the United States of America. This philosophical definition of the American Dream is the traditional social Ideal of the US, where every citizen is guaranteed equality, democracy, and material prosperity as long as they remain law abiding and hardworking.

But in the Gambia we don’t have a dream like that. We don’t have a country that is spoiled with opportunities for the youthful population to take advantage of. Not everyone is going to make it by simply been hardworking or law abiding citizens. Success and poverty is like a monarchy in the Gambia, it is passed down through bloodlines. We don’t have a defined Gambian Dream that majority of the people believe in. What we have instead is “Babylon” by all means “Necessary”.

In his annual 2014 humanitarian letter, Uncle Bill Gates predicted that there will be almost no poor countries by 2035. I thought either he is losing it due to old age or he has never been to Africa. That’s not the kind of dream I am talking about, that dream is too farfetched. What we need is just a simple basic dream. We need a dream that does not depend on the mass exodus of our citizenry out of our country in search of GREENER Pastures.

Fellow citizens I think it is time for us to outline a more realistic DREAM for ourselves. I am not speaking of a fairy tale VISION2020 that even the visionary people who envision it do not believe in.  We need a dream that will be the national ethos of the Gambia in which freedom includes the opportunity for prosperity and success, and an upward social mobility achieved through hard work. What we need is just a simple dream. A dream that will see children getting quality education and healthcare and college graduates getting jobs and earning a decent salary rather than using their college degrees as a tool to make their VISA applications look more attractive. A dream that if a person spends the better part of his/her life working he or she should get a good retirement package that will see them well off to their grave. A dream that will make available a sustainable medical delivery with trained doctors, and infrastructures, to keep people healthy and working. A dream that will improve the people’s lives socioeconomically and politically. And a dream that will PLEASE include NAWEC giving us 24 hours water and electricity supply. Is having such a dream for the Gambia too much to ask?

Some may argue that Gambia “Du Dem”, fair enough and I can sympathize with their frustrations. Maybe we will get there maybe we won’t. But until we have a DREAM of our own, a dream guided by attainable goals that every hardworking citizen can achieve if they remain committed and consistent, a Gambian Dream, we will continue in the situation we are in today (Babylon by Force). With a Gambian Dream, we can align our system towards the attainment of this dream, only then will everything fall into place.

We all need to go to sleep and dream, not wake up until we can all clearly see this dream. A dream that can unite us, one we can all work together to achieve. Once that dream is set, then we can work hard to put it into reality.  I know I need one, how many of you are with me on this one?
Gambia Dafa Dem by Force Even if We Gonna Push it Com Motor Bu Paan.

UDP LEADER’S ENTOURAGE INTERCEPTED BY POLICE

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Reports reaching Faturadio indicate that the entourage of the main opposition party UDP’s leader Lawyer Ousainou Darboe is currently stuck in an impasse with Jammeh’s police in Nuimi, The Gambia. The group left Banjul this morning on a nationwide tour, that has been marred with controversy following the police’s refusal to issue them with a permit to use a public address system (PA). The UDP (United Democratic Party) decided to disregard the non issuance of a permit to use a PA system and go ahead with their constitutional right to conduct their tour.

The UDP entourage speaking to Fatu Camara live on the Faturadio, informed listeners that “after crossing the ferry and taking the Nuimi Road, they were intercepted by the Police who used their cars to block the road and demand that they return to Banjul as they do not have a permit”. Lawyer Ousainou Darboe also speaking to Fatu, said that their entourage “has been refused passage” and they are currently refused in a standoff with police. Lawyer Darboe reiterated his “resolve together with party members to proceed with their tour and will not return unless physically removed”

This latest political impasse and violence against the opposition is another manifestation of the Jammeh regime’s continuous attacks against the opposition and it’s efforts to further repress any form of political dissent. Gambian civil society groups and the diaspora have expressed concern following the latest situation to deny the opposition their basic constitutional rights to freedom of assembly and expression as stipulated in the Gambian constitution. Amnesty International and other Human rights groups are being contacted to monitor the situation is Gambia.

As we report, the UDP entourage is still being blocked at Nuimi, with authorities refusing to let them continue on their journey to commence their Nationwide Tour. Faturadio will continue to monitor the situation in Gambia. Many callers expressed solidarity with the UDP leadership and appeal to the general populace to let go of their fear of Jammeh’s brutal service personnel and reinforce the ranks of the UDP entourage currently being intimidated and threatened by service personnel in Gambia.

UDP LEADER UNLOCKS THE DANGEROUS LINKS BETWEEN CORRUPTION AND PERVASIVE HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE TO THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF INSECURITY ON POLITICS IN WEST

The leader of the United Democratic Party (UDP) Lawyer Ousainou Darboe has warned West African leaders to curb corruption and pervasive human rights abuse if they are to be successful in combating the growing insecurity in West Africa.

The UDP leader was speaking at a well-attended international confab of the Socialist International in the Malian capital of Bamako on April 10th 2015 where he presented a paper on: The growing influence of insecurity on politics in West Africa: Unlocking the dangerous links between insecurity and transnational crime, corruption, lack of respect for human rights and democratic governance in the region.

The UDP leader’s speech which was constantly interrupted by clapping and standing ovation, covered in detail, the underlining factors that promote insecurity in the region.

  Insecurity fuelled by State sanctioned repression and rights abuses

Lawyer Darboe said in order to understand why there has been a rise in insecurity in West Africa, people have to look at the interconnectedness of other opportunistic factors that breed insecurity leading to their pervasive impact on politics generally.

He said “in many West African countries, there is hardly a distinction between the State and the ruling party. Quite often, ruling parties in their quest to remain in power, put in place deliberate policies in guise of protecting national security to systematically suppress dissent; muzzle freedom of expression and of the media; and deny citizens their basic and fundamental rights

“In some countries, a mere attempt by the opposition to organize political rallies at the very least, receive puzzle response from the authorities. In more severe cases, heavy handed security tactics are used to clamp down on the opposition as a deliberate ploy to distance the opposition from its constituent supporters” the UDP leader said.

He added that rule of law is also hardly respected characterized by a persistent disregard for the due process. “Electoral reforms that could bring about credible, transparent, free and fair elections are always frowned upon. Where they are put under pressure, ruling parties accept reforms that are only but cosmetic” Mr Darboe said attracting loud applause from the audience.

“In such situations distinguish ladies and gentlemen, resentments against the established order are strong that normally translates into violent conflict and confrontation” Mr Darboe said.

 The twin evils of poverty and corruption

The UDP leader also dwelled on what he called “the twin evils of poverty and corruption” that contribute greatly to insecurity in West Africa, thereby affecting peaceful political conduct. Lawyer Darboe said: “Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, behind the competition for political dominance in the countries of West Africa, reveals some deep seated cowardly facades by the political class particularly those in charge of the nations’ coffers to perpetually keep the messes in poverty.

“Deliberately, some governments will even deny development programmes to their own citizens because they are deemed to be opposition supporters. In most of these communities, unemployment is unbearably high and they also lack the basic of opportunities. In addition, national resources are plundered and State coffers looted.”

 He added that in a situation where people lack hope and opportunities, and are deliberately downtrodden, they resort to measures that could have profound consequence on peace and security talk less of peaceful politicking.

Thus, Lawyer said, “the twin evils of poverty and corruption that our governments continue to perpetuate, are important factors that we should not ignore when we discuss politics and insecurity in West Africa.”

Conference delegates praised the UDP leader for well researched paper and they called on governments in the region and across Africa to take note of the issues raised in presentation in order to effectively tackle insecurity while at the same time guaranteeing political freedoms.

BELOW IS LAWYER OUSAINOU DARBOE’S FULL STATEMEMENT DELIVERED AT THE MEETING

Protocol: Mr Chairman, party leaders present here, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen. I stand on existing protocols.

West Africa is witnessing a rebirth in the quest to establish sustainable democratic systems across the region.

From Senegal to Ghana; Ivory Coast to Benin and most recently Nigeria, tremendous successes are being registered where power changed hands through the ballot box. In some of these cases, opposition parties turned the tide by wresting power from ruling parties through keenly contested general elections. This goes to show that when the playing field is levelled, and the due process respected, victory can go either way. The recent electoral successes in Nigeria by the opposition All Progressive Congress is pointer to this. And let me take this opportunity to profoundly thank the people of Nigeria and indeed the APC party on their success in the just concluded general elections.

Mr Chairman, I am tasked to present a paper on “the influence of insecurity on the politics of West Africa.” I have tried as much to go beyond the academic exercise of this issue by bringing out the interconnectedness of other opportunistic factors that have direct bearing or shall I say that breed insecurity leading to pervasive impact on politics generally. They include:

The influence of State repression and lack of respect for due process and their attendant consequences on peaceful politics in the region: 

In many West African countries, there is hardly a distinction between the State and the ruling party. Quite often, ruling parties in their quest to remain in power, put in place deliberate policies in guise of protecting national security to systematically suppress dissent; muzzle freedom of expression and of the media; and deny citizens their basic and fundamental rights.

In some countries, a mere attempt by the opposition to organize political rallies at the very least, receive puzzle response from the authorities. In more severe cases, heavy handed security tactics are used to clamp down on the opposition as a deliberate ploy to distance the opposition from its constituent supporters.

Independent journalism is also crushed and in some countries where even a free media flourishes, underhand tactics are deployed to starve the media of the much needed income to stay vibrant. This is always a deliberate attempt to suppress and keep the unsuspecting populace in the dark.

Rule of law is also hardy respected characterised by a persistent disregard for the due process. Electoral reforms that could bring about credible, transparent, free and fair elections are always frowned upon. Where they are put under pressure, ruling parties accept reforms that are only but cosmetic.

In such situations distinguish ladies and gentlemen, resentments against the established order are strong that normally translates into violent conflict and confrontation.

The twin evils of poverty and corruption:

Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, behind the competition for political dominance in the countries of West Africa, reveals some deep seated cowardly facades by the political class particularly those in charge of the nations’ coffers to perpetually keep the messes in poverty.

Deliberately, some governments will even deny development programmes to their own citizens because they are deemed to be opposition supporters. In most of these communities, unemployment is unbearably high and they also lack the basic of opportunities.

In addition, national resources are plundered and State coffers looted. In a situation where people lack hope and opportunities, and are deliberately downtrodden, they resort to measures that could have profound consequence on peace and security talk less of peaceful politicking.

 hus, the twin evils of poverty and corruption that our governments continue to perpetuate, are important factors that we should not ignore when we discuss politics and insecurity in West Africa.

Terrorism: A new shockwave that should serve as a wakeup call

Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, West Africa, like other parts of the continent, is grappling with a new cancer that is feeding on the fallout from the unrestrained public corruption, poverty and state repression. From Mali to Niger, Mauritania to Nigeria, tragic as it were, Islamist insurgents are using our fault lines of ethnicity and religion as well as resentment against repressive regimes to recruit and turn our young people into potential jihadists and martyrs.

Terrorist networks and sleeper cells are capitalizing on our governments’ repressive and flourished corrupt practices as magnets to recruit our children who are consumed by hopelessness and lack of opportunities.

In some of the countries where our education systems especially Islamic education are left at the mercy of foreign benevolence, our children are being fed with new ideologies that are inimical to peaceful coexistence. The broken education systems caused by neglect and official corruption are becoming the new feeding points for recruitment.

In a situation where minimal state supervision and funding is provided to religious schools, their survival entirely deponent on outside funding by mainly charitable NGOs from countries whose curriculum is very much oriented on radical teachings.

And this is where the problem lies as far as the influence of terrorism among young people is concerned because from the very beginning, the children are brainwashed and taught certain principles that make them see the society differently.

Where young people are taught to despise the very political institutions and systems from the very beginning, they will certainly grow up to be handfuls.

Surviving on organized crimes.

Organized crime is another serious concern in West Africa that is pushing new boundaries. Because of endemic corruption and weak governance prevalent in the region, organized criminal cartels are increasingly targeting West Africa for their illicit activities. And these cartels have found willing and unholy alliances among our security forces, judiciary, financial institutions and more scarily among our young people.

West Africa, being a region synonymous to civil wars and proxy military coups fuelled mainly by bad governance, Organized Criminal networks are asserting their influence and control of the region. For example in Guinea Bissau from 2007 to 2011 at the height of the drug trade engineered by Latin American cartels, the street value of the monthly export of cocaine trade to mainly European countries was estimated to worth more than the yearly international aid to that country.

In 2010, an estimated two tons cocaine mule was discovered in the Gambia worth over $1 billion. The alleged owners of the drug being Latin American and some European nationals were apparently prosecuted and jail for more than 50 years.

Over the last three years, in Senegal, Ghana, and Sierra Leone, cargo ships were intercepted on which huge amount of drugs were found. In the desert region of the border between Mali and Niger, a passenger plane was found abandoned and disabled after it was apparently used to smuggle drugs from the desert regions of the Sahara to Northern Europe.

The effects of arms trafficking through Organized Crime has been having its toll on West Africa with often devastating consequences of deaths and untold destruction. Most of these arms are used in the conflicts in the region. In the past two decades alone, West Africa had endured three brutal civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast with a combine death toll of more than 250 000 people. The current conflict in Northern Nigeria is mainly fuelled thanks to proceeds from organized criminal activities which are particularly used to buy weapons for the Islamists insurgents linked to Al-Qaida.  All these have profound effects on peaceful and democratic politicking in our Sub region..

In conclusion Mr Chairman, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, what is happening in our region regarding insecurity should serve as a wakeup call for all of us. If West Africa and indeed the entire continent is to is to be successful in countering the influence of insecurity on our body politics, the States and indeed “WE” should develop strong interest in establishing just societies, fight corruption in all its forms and manifestations, respect the rule of law,human rights and put in place programmes that will bring about sustainable development and poverty reduction..The alternatives, ladies and gentlemen would  continue to be  costly for the  sub region in terms 0f  not only the lost of human life but also of property.

Thank you for your kind attention.

IF 2016 ELECTION IS THE ONLY WAY; NTCG HAS THIS IN MIND

Political parties and Group Leaders both at home and in The Diaspora, in 2016 the

Republic of The Gambia will conduct her elections. And I think we all have seen

enough of :

  • Looting of our national coffers ;
  • Corruption ;
  • Murder ;
  • People disappearing without trace ;
  • Blatantly stirring of the tribal card;
  • Pimping of our women especially the young ones ;
  • Control and gagging of the media outlets;
  • Unlawful Arrests ;
  • Illegal detentions ; excetera.

The list is too long for me to enumerate. All of the above and more are committed by

no other person than Dictator Yaya Jammeh.

Fellow Strugglers!

We are politically back at it again. And in the good old days, PPP could always be

depended upon the provision of at least a fairly-balanced political campaign for all

the participatory parties. But Dictator Yaya Jammeh is used to playing games and a

whole new set of rules and procedures against the opposition. And the upcoming

election is not going to go without his usual political gimmicks just to win and stay on

to continue to give Gambians endless nightmares.

Strugglers!

Dictator Yaya Jammeh seems to have won the hearts and minds of many Gambians.

Yet, I want to tell you that this is not a complete reality. Because most of his political

gains going 21 years were achieved through the instillation of fear into our people.

Gambians!

The Dictator has forced upon us for 2 years as Junta Chairman and 4 terms of his

callous regime which practices dictatorship against Gambians instead of lifting up

their hopes for meaningful development.

Therefore, what we should do to the dictator is clear to all of us.

He cannot be elected for a fifth time because it is not the opportunity.

For us at the NTCG, if the 2016 is the only way to end dictator yaya’s madness, we

wish to launch a campaign to select one candidate to oppose dictator Jammeh.

The main idea will be to give us an international dimension and credibility in preparations

for the upcoming Presidential election. Despite all we have to build for the Gambian

opposition, the best probability could also come through this election provided that

this is what we all want.

But first we must invite the biggest opposition party which I think is the UDP whose

Leader might not be allowed to stand, collectively build upon its premise and agenda

by electing a candidate in a proposed primary election where all the competing

opposition candidates would be allowed to present their manifestos to our

supporters. By this way, I strongly believe that we would be able to elect a popular

candidate with the most public appeal to lead and who will also be able to go

toe-to-toe with the Dictator in Banjul in order to combat the latter.

Astute Politicians, Fellow group Leaders;

Let us select the man for the task. This is the reality we must all have to accept it

because a divided opposition can never stand. The Gambia must stand tall and we

cannot allow Dictator Yaya Jammeh to collapse her.  Dictator Jammeh has been lying

to Gambians this whole time and he tries to play smart with all of us. So let us

candidly work together to end any plan he has in this election.

We all want power and glory, but The Gambia supersedes all of us which means we

need to come to the table to renegotiate our politics. Is a tough call but this is the

truth. We shall say no to tribalism and blind leadership.

The future is here and it is left to us to create it. There will be no room for error

because all dissidents or opposition stand but a common foe to the Dictator. No hand

should stand idle and we should give it our all. As we can no longer afford to play

poker with our country’s future.

This is the thought I have come upon and since we all have fought long for a free

Gambia I saw that I should share it.

“Waa-to Seeta! Wahtou Bii Jout naah..!

I thank you all for your solidarity and God bless the Republic of The Gambia.

SHEIKH SIDIA BAYO

Ntcg leader

DICTATOR JAMMEH DENIES BANNING SENEGALESE MUSICIANS

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Readers will recall that in January, three days before NAWEC Staff Association launched it fundraising show with Assan Ndiaye, an executive directive from the President’s Office was issued ordering an immediate ban on using Senegalese musicians on Gambian soil. Interestingly, President Jammeh unashamedly denied ever giving an executive directive against hiring Senegalese musicians to perform in The Gambia.

The executive order from the President caused huge finance losses to NAWEC.The staff association had not only already paid 50% of the fee charged by Assan Ndiaye but had to reimburse all monies generated from gala dinner tickets already sold to companies and individuals. Monies paid on advertisements and to auxiliary staff tasked with organizing the shows were all wasted.A disgruntled NAWEC staff lamented, “Jammeh pokes his nose into everything.

The event is organized by the NAWEC Staff Association, not NAWEC as a company. We are fed up with this Jammeh and his meddling”. Another added that, “we had to return all checks and donations towards the Assan Ndiaye show. We were forced to hire Jaliba Kuyateh to save face, so imagine our shock seeing the President in front of his senegalese guest denying that he ordered us not to stage the show with Assan Ndiaye because he no longer wants to see Senegalese artist on Gambian soil”.

 Another company that was affected by the executive directives is GAMTEL/GAMCELL. The company was forced to abort its plan for a three day musical concert with Titi and Pape Thiopet. GAMTEL has been contracting annually and hiring senegalese mega stars such as Youssou Ndour and uses some of its proceeds to sponsor charities such as the First Lady’s Operation Save a Baby Initiative.Many observers said that the reason Youssou Ndour did not perform in Febuary during the golden jubilee was due to the ban issued by the President and that ban was the reason he snubbed senegalese artist and invited Nollywood stars instead to grace the occasion.

A source also said that “Jammeh’s flip flopping is affecting every sector of Gambian life, he issues random bans and executive decrees then later blatantly lies about his actions and blames others for the consequences of his irresponsible actions”  
Many believe the directive was issued to blackmail and pressure President Macky Sall for what Jammeh alleges was the Senegalese government’s support of Gambian dissidents seeking refuge in Senegal.

Following the aftermath of the foiled December 2014 coup, some of the plotters fled to Senegal. Jammeh also believes that Senegal aided the plotters to uproot his regime. “Jammeh was misguided into believing that by banning Senegalese artist who make a lot of money from shows in Gambia, the artist will turn their frustrations to President Macky Sall for ruining their source of income in Gambia and they will influence negative public opinion against Sall”, however when he did not get a reaction from the artist norPresident Sall, Jammeh reversed his decision and decided to get the senegalese artist to come back and shower them with gifts and cash, then get them to further his propaganda in Senegal against Gambian dissidents and President Sall.

President Jammeh continues to epitomise his lies and betrayal with more flip flops. An example of Jammeh lying through his teeth was when he told Fatou Camara, his onetime Press Secretary, at the glasshouse in State House that, “I don’t watch Senegalese TV because they don’t like Gambians.” Amazingly, when Kouthia accompanied Eumeu Sene, a Senegalese wrestler to meet the Dictator in his comfort zone in Banjul, he shamelessly told Kouthia, “I never miss your show”. This is the same President who has on his CV under hobbies “browsing the internet” displayed on the state house website, yet after the December 30th 2014 attacks, he was on national TV saying that he “never surfs the internet and has no social media account”

TOO SMALL TO CARE IN GAMBIA? BANJUL’S HIDDEN HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS

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In the past few months, the West African nation of Gambia, not much bigger than Connecticut, has received an unusual amount of international media coverage. After an alleged coup attempt in December against President Yahya Jammeh, several Gambian Americans were charged in the United States under the Neutrality Act, an eighteenth-century law that makes it illegal for U.S. citizens to participate in an attack against a “peaceful country.”

The Neutrality Act was last applied successfully in 1981, when nine men were sentenced to three years in prison for planning to overthrow the government of Dominica. These may be uncommon charges, but the Gambian Americans can expect a fair and transparent hearing: they are assured due process and, under the Neutrality Act, a maximum penalty of three years in prison and a fine of $3,000.

Meanwhile, on March 30, a secret military court in Gambia handed down death sentences to three Gambian soldiers accused of participating in the coup attempt. The sentences are of particular concern given that the Jammeh government has, in the past, swiftly and secretly executed prisoners on death row without giving them a chance to appeal. In August 2012, for example, nine death row inmates were executed in one overnight session.

Since the attempted coup in December, six Gambian soldiers, including the three sentenced to death, have been held in solitary confinement and denied contact with family members and proper access to lawyers. Credible Gambian sources have alleged that the soldiers have been tortured and abused in detention. At least 30 other people have been arrested and detained without charge, many of them relatives of the alleged coup plotters. Several reports indicate that one detainee is as old as 84 and another as young as 13.

Under Jammeh, forced disappearances, arbitrary detention, and torture have been the norm.

These reports are just the most recent reminder of the horrendous human rights situation in Gambia. Attempting to overthrow a government is illegal, but that’s no justification for the violation of basic human rights to due process and a fair trial. Unfortunately, forced disappearances, arbitrary detention, torture, and a brazen denial of the most basic human rights have been the norm under Jammeh, who came to power in a military coup in 1994.

Gambian nongovernmental organizations and international human rights groups have both documented a laundry list of serious and systemic human rights abuses in the country. Gambian authorities have routinely targeted voices of dissent, including independent journalists, human rights defenders, and political opponents and critics, as well as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people.

Since November, for example, at least 16 men and women have been arrested on suspicion of homosexuality, following a widely condemned amendment to the country’s criminal code in October that gives a life sentence to anyone who commits “aggravated homosexuality.” Three remain behind bars today, where, again, credible reports indicate that torture is prevalent and routine. Freedom of expression has also been systematically eroded with the introduction of increasingly repressive laws, including one that threatens up to 15 years in prison for crimes such as spreading “false news or information” about the government.

Even though such human rights abuses have been well documented, Gambian authorities have long managed to stay in the good graces of the international community. In August 2014, for example, Jammeh—along with 47 other African heads of state—was treated to a red carpet reception in Washington, D.C., during the first ever U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. Meanwhile, Jammeh’s security guards physically assaulted peaceful protesters outside his five-star hotel, sending several of them to the hospital.

The tide, however, has gradually begun to turn. In November 2014, two UN special rapporteurs gained access to the country for the first time and issued a damning report, finding that torture is a consistent practice carried out by authorities and that detainees face “inhumane conditions.” In December, Gambia was dropped from the African Growth and Opportunity Act—a duty-free trade program for African imports to the United States—joining Swaziland and South Sudan, the only other countries to have been kicked out after repeatedly failing to make progress on basic human rights benchmarks.

Also in December, the European Union suspended nearly $200 million in development aid to the government, citing particular concern over the 2014 anti-gay law that legislators essentially cut and pasted from Uganda’s “aggravated homosexuality” bill, which precipitated a major, and still ongoing, crackdown on Gambia’s LGBT community.

The recent spotlight on Gambia has refocused attention on some of the government’s abuses, but in the absence of concrete action from the international community, there is no reason to believe rights violations will lessen. The prosecutions in the United States have featured prominently in Gambian state media, serving as expedient fodder for Jammeh to claim that the United States stands behind him and his heavy-handed response to the coup.

The U.S. government should make it clear that it does not support human rights abuses in Gambia by calling on authorities to immediately commute the coup-related death sentences and provide all six men with a new trial that meets international fair trial standards.

Ahead of next year’s presidential election in Gambia, almost certain to result in Jammeh’s fifth five-year term, it is more important than ever for the United States to ensure that it backs up its rhetoric on human rights with concrete action. The United States needs to hold Gambian authorities to account for the regular abuses committed against Gambians of all backgrounds who have dared to ask that their rights, and their basic human dignity, be respected.

THE EUMEU SENE SAGA- ANOTHER HUMILIATION FOR GAMBIANS

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Once again, Gambians have been subjected to yet another humiliating embarrassment by no less a person than our own head of state. It is indeed hard to see any justification for President Yahya Jammeh to apparently stoop so low by not only inviting an ordinary Senegalese wrestler and giving him red carpet treatment like a foreign head of state, but also showering him and his wife with very expensive gifts; two brand new four-wheel drive vehicles and apparently a large cash donation to both him and other members of his large entourage. There is no doubt that those vehicles must have cost a fortune. If this is not yet another clear indication of an apparent lack of respect and insensitivity to the plight of Gambians, most of whom are experiencing the worst economic down-turn this country had ever passed through, then one would wonder what else it could be.

We all know that Eumeu Sene is a multi-millionaire who just raked more than 60 million CFA francs from his recent bout with Balla Gaye. Therefore, it is hard to see how anyone can justify making such expensive gifts and cash donation to him and his large delegation to Banjul as if President Jammeh has more than enough money to dish out.

Of course any Gambian, who listens to the various comments being made by the Senegalese on the matter, would no doubt be quite embarrassed, because like all normal human beings, it is hard to understand why President Jammeh would spend Gambia’s hard-earned money on a non-Gambian wrestler with absolutely nothing in return for the country and its people. They are making all sorts of unsavory remarks against President Jammeh and he seems to be losing the few supporters and sympathizers he ever had amongst the Senegalese.

Indeed, if his objective was to win admiration from both Gambians and Senegalese, he seems to have achieved the opposite because hearing some of the comments attributed to him whilst addressing his guests, some of Senegalese see it as merely another pretext for him to vent out his anger at President Macky Sall and his regime for harbouring Gambian dissidents in Senegal.

As for a majority of Gambians, they feel not only let down by the action, but some of them also see it as the height of insensitivity to their plight.

Apart from the daily economic hardships that most Gambians are faced with, including reports that some municipal workers have not received their wages and salaries for March, apparently because most of the area councils are broke, Gambians are also faced with daily power cuts and water shortages which last several hours and in some areas for the whole day. How can therefore anyone justify wasting such large sums of money on someone who has not in any way contributed to the welfare and advancement of the lives of ordinary Gambians?

It is certainly not hard to imagine how Gambian public employees would feel when it is now more than 10 years they have not received any salary increment and their take home pay is well below the rate of inflation, and yet they see their own head of state making such generous cash donations to a foreign wrestler. Upon all that most of these public employees are also being compelled to go and do some manual labour on his farms as if Gambians are still living in the dark ages.

However, as it is said, people deserve the leader they get, and as such, one can say that Gambians deserve President Jammeh who had been taking them for a ride for so long and yet a majority of them would still vote for him during every election.  Of course if he continues to treat Gambians anyhow he likes and they still continue to vote for him, then they have no cause to complain about some of his unjustifiable antics.

Also, whether by coincident or deliberate, President Jammeh’s wining and dining with Eumeu Sene and his entourage took place on the 15th anniversary of the student demonstrations in 2000 when more than 14 of them were shot and killed in cold blood by the security forces simply for insisting on going ahead with their peaceful march to highlight certain grievances.

There were also those students who were maimed by live bullets fired by the security forces and some of them are still either bed-ridden or handicapped and they are left to their own plight without any assistance from the state while the ones who shot them and those who gave the orders were indemnified by the government.

Therefore, any sensible person would have thought that if President Jammeh has enough money to dish out, those young men who have been handicapped by his security forces deserve it more than anyone else so that they can use it to seek further medical attention to ameliorate their plight.

Jammeh presenting gifts to Eumeu Sene

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Yaya Jammeh mystifying himself and Eumeu Sene now openly doing propaganda for Jammeh

JAMMEH’S KILLERS INDEMNIFIED WITH TROUBLED CONSCIENCE!

It’s that time of the year again. Never gets old. 15 years on, the pain and agonyof one of the darkest days of our nation’s history remains fresh in our minds. The massacre that went unpunished, persistent ache and sadness of the families and nation with no closure. We pray and mourn.Like every recurring April and year, we’ll continue to hold Jammeh and his administration accountable. They’ve slaughtered Gambians and drive over the blood and spirits of innocent Gambians in those Kanifing streets EVERYDAY like nothing ever happened.

 

Yaya loses no sleep over it yet we’re having Gambians continue to play politics with the Gambian predicament with nonsense talks of ‘peaceful’ and ‘reconciliation’ chess match.

I penned this piece last year and I’m republishing it as it still represents my feelings and position today. While you are at it, here is what President Jammeh said on April 16, 2000 as he addressed the nation, after he refused to cut short his visit to Cuba. Allegedly, he’d ordered the security forces to ‘kill the bastards’. Upon return, he’d promised full investigations only to reject the Commission and the Coroner’s Reports respectively, and indemnified the killers.

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INDEMNITY? HOW ABOUT YOUR CONSCIENCE? 

On December 15, 2012, a former Bad Boy Rapper G-Dep walked into a Harlem Precinct, turned himself in after confessing to a cold case murder. G-Dep owned up to killing a young man on a botched robbery on October 19, 1993.

Twenty-three summers and winters ago this year, a New Jersey man, Steven Goff, turned himself to the police for the stabbing to death of a teenager in 1990. A body that would be found 6 months later in December, 1991. It was so badly decomposed that the cause of death could not be established.

What do these two scenarios have in common? Two people who have taken innocent lives with no witnesses at the time. The perpetrators could have gone to their graves with the crimes bosomed in their chests but their consciences were never to let them be in peace. They have wronged God, the victims and their family. As a matter of fact, their souls that had lived all those years were being eaten up excruciatingly gradually, that were forced to come plain.

WHERE ARE THE PEOPLE WHO ORDERED THE BRUTAL KILLING OF UNARMED GAMBIAN SCHOOL CHILDREN? 13 YEARS ON, WHERE ARE THOSE ON THE GROUND WHO PULLED THE TRIGGERS OR WITNESSED IT? They cannot possibly be of an undisturbed conscience all these years. Who is going to do the right thing and tell the truth?

Conscience is that one faculty that however dangerous and/or evil a man is, could hardly succeed in cheating. You may attempt drinking, smoking or praying them away but the horrendous wrongs you commit would haunt and torment your conscience till the day you die. Now whether that haunting would push you enough to free your conscience of the burden by confessing may depend on the degree of the wrong. The case of April 10/11 in the Gambia is not any different.

On Monday, April 10, 2000, one after another, students dropped. Some took their last breath in those virgin streets of Kanifing others in ambulances and chaotic rooms of Hospitals and Clinics. The smell of Gambian blood blended with tears of unbelief and despair muddied our clouds. Innocent unarmed students were slain in broad daylight. Within a very close proximity, heartless uniformed men masturbated their weapons discharging live ammunition into crowds of children. Their only crime was peacefully assembling in protest for justice for two of their colleagues; a male student allegedly tortured to death my firefighters and a girl allegedly raped from a Junior School in Brikama-Ba. The sameness in these two cases was SCHOOL CHILDREN and MEN IN UNIFORM paid to protect and serve State and People. A Calculated and a very responsible student body, GAMSU, exercising due diligence, had been in consultation with the necessary authorities to have the accused be brought to justice. Realizing that the Government was stalling on any efforts to do what was right, GAMSU applied for a permit to stage a peaceful congregation to show solidarity with their own. A permit request that the Ministry of Interior denied. Determined, that peacefully concocted assembly of students in Kanifing (NOT even Banjul) was to go ahead. The rest was/is a sad history.

14 years on, NOBODY with a conscience would own up to what happened on that day. From the Head of State to the private soldier or police constable on those Kanifing streets that pulled the trigger. 14 years on, they replay the events of the chaotic moments of seeing our brothers falling down from the bullets that escaped their AK-47s. 14 years on, some or most of them have kissed their children goodbye to school/work and welcome them home daily, knowing that they had robbed other parents the joy of parenthood and denied the country of potential resources.

Meanwhile, Mariam and Muhammed Jammeh are ‘enjoying’ 24-hour days of armed protection as children of the first family. Some of the ministers and top Government officials have whisked their children out of the Gambia to study, live and work abroad. What is even more hurtful is that, never have the Government in these long, hurtful and agonizing years showed remorse. There was never any State candle vigils, no public holidays or national prayer days in honor of the murdered children. In fact, the last time there was ever any reference to these events from the State after the bogus findings with all blames thrust at the students for being unruly, rebellious and suicidal, was when they INDEMNIFIED the security officers. I remembered holding onto The POINT and FOROYAA Newspaper editions detailing the irrational reasoning by the Government in not only failing to let justice take its course, but protecting the criminal(s) who ordered the shooting and those who pulled triggers. Indeed shameful.

14 years on, the unchallenged audacity, the preposterous arrogance and machete callousness of an executive to have the Head of Government continue to say that the children killed themselves is scary. Late last year, the Vice President was exonerating herself when she said she was not on the ground, didn’t know what happened but only went on National TV to “say what I had been asked to say”. This was before any investigations could have been done. Well she was the #2 and her boss was out of town. A few weeks ago, the President was having audiences with WAEC officials and said because they have chosen to do away with corporal punishment, students grew unruly and indiscipline. So who is standing up for our school children when the government is putting them in the line of fire?

The Gambia Government is not one of ample testosterone to assume responsibility of its shortcomings. This Government is that 14th Century egomaniac African Man who sees accepting wrongs or inabilities as a weakness and signs of impotence. That is why they find it easier to always apportion blame – thus the constant firing and recycling of low and high-ranking public servants while the heads of affairs remain eunuchoid.

President Jammeh and his regime cannot be any hypocritical than their dealings with the Gambian students. Much of his regime’s infidelity had been towards the students because he is aware and afraid of the insurmountable capabilities of a learned and educated group. Anti-Democratic agents operate that way. So it wasn’t a surprise when they set out for the systematic demise of a vibrant body that clenched its fist in defending their comrades. Venomously they poisoned and annihilated GAMSU by christening NAPSA. The financial inducements and scholarships principally to mute one of the strongest civic bodies into being a closet so bare as a pet cemetery. Our students have been legally prostituted and politicized. Handouts given with the right hand while the left snatched their ostensible innocence. Something, among other things, I’d tried campaigning on when I ran for the University of Gambia Students’ Union Presidency in 2002. An election I’d come to lose.

In retrospect, that massacre of the children in school uniform was the virginal try of this administration at testing the Gambian people’s level of tolerance and resolve for it was the first open assault on a non militant or political group with brute force. When nothing came out of that from any quarters, random outrageous acts followed suit. The culmination of the little ‘justs’ that we brushed off, gave birth of the various magnanimous alleged state-sponsored crimes up to Imam Baba Leigh’s abduction.

Sooner than later, however, those enjoying the blanket amnesty with the so-called Indemnity Clause, ought to know that they haven’t eluded the wrath of requisite justice. Not in the sense of witch-hunting, but for fairness and justice for our murdered children that thus far went unpunished. UNTIL THAT TIME, WE POUR OUR HEARTFELT SPIRITUAL LIBATIONS FOR THE DEPARTED SOULS AS THEY REST IN PEACE. And for their families to continue garner the strength to carry on as this time of the year snails by yearly.

Continue To Rest In Peace!

GAMBIA 15 YEARS AFTER 14 STUDENTS ARE KILLED BY SECURITY AGENTS; IMPUNITY CONTINUES

Gambia marks its 50 yearsof independence this year but 15 years ago, when the country was 35, some ofher children paid a heavy prize when they stood up on April 10th-11th to say noto impunity. I wrote the piece below in 2013. It took me 13 years to put that fateful day in writing.

Gambia 2000-2015: “With REPRESSION established as a standard feature, FEAR has become my shadow,” AiDa.

“It ended with a Commissionof Inquiry, with the state culprits given a blanket amnesty. It ended there, the last roars of innocent and angry children, dead, maimed, sexually abused……it ended…..with a sickening silence for some, an appeasement for others, a lingering suspicion for many …15 years on…..we still remember:”

Read full below (I added info from Gainako.com on cause of death):

“Gambia: April 10, 2000- I remember…15 years on”

“It ended with a Commission of Inquiry, with the state culprits given a blanket amnesty. It ended there, the last roars of angry and innocent children, dead, maimed, sexually abused……it ended…..with a sickening silence for some, an appeasement for others, a lingering suspicion for many …13 years on…..we still remember.”

It started at GTTI around 8am.

I was wearing a long beige dress with white dots. I carried four heavy English books, heading to GTTI for my morning English class. We were stopped at Westfield and no car could proceed. Students wearing uniforms got off the GPTC public buses as traffic came to a halt around GTTI as protesting students shouted and punctured the air with their angry protest slogans.

Despite the hiccups, I was still determined to get to GTTI, I wanted to get there and I did not know why. Maybe it was all down to curiosity. The Westfield to GTTI highway was peopled by swarming hordes of students and they were in no charitable mood. They screamed their anger, bellowed out insults directed at the authorities. Their bone of contention was justice for two students, a boy named Ebrima Barry who died after being tortured by Gambian firefighters, the other a young girl raped by security officer.

As I walked slowly towards my intended destination, some students who had worked themselves into a frenzy, began attacking GPTC buses as they reacted to a determination by the security forces to clear the streets of marauding youths. In fact news had reached us early on that Vice President Isatou Njie Saidy as the stand-in leader in the absence of the president who was abroad had ordered security officers to head to the GTTI flashpoint and restrain the students from staging what was intended as a peaceful protest. The police had earlier refused the students a permit to hold their peaceful march.

I did not see any fear in their eyes. They had simply lost it to anger and frustration. A boy donning Gambia High School uniforms underlined this newfound release from the clutches of anxiety by an inscription on the tarred road which read “We are ready to DIE”.

I never reached GTTI. The farthest I went was the Musa Njie&Sons Gas shop. By then, things had worsened as the violence culminated in running battles between the anti-riot police and the marauding youths. The latter had organised themselves into small groups to confront the jackboots of the state with rocks before retreating to muster more rage, numbers and missiles.

The faceoff was an uneven battle with students armed with only stones on one side and security forces using what the government version of events claimed were rubber bullets (the official account claimed students were armed with guns) on the other. It was a scene reminiscent of a distant but all too familiar scene of the Palestinian intifada I have been horrified to watch on TV over and over again. It was a stop-start affair until heavily armed soldiers descended on them without any sense of restraint and unleashed terror on any uniformed being on sight and within reach.

In their desperation to deal with a situation they were ill-prepared to handle, anybody wearing anything resembling a uniform and carrying anything close to a schoolbag were rounded up with brute force.

Some among the students able to scamper to the relative safety of the few residential homes around the GTTI trouble spot, at the heart of the industrial zone had to change into ordinary clothes. But even this did not stop the charge on them.

How security agents came to know that the students were changing from their uniforms to ordinary garbs fuelled suspicion that some intelligence operatives may have infiltrated their’ ranks and betrayed them to their armed pursuers.

Around 10-11am, some disgruntled Gambians who had little to do with the reasons for the students’ show of outrage joined the fray. That’s when things started to turn really nasty as looting and burning aggravated an already serious atmosphere of carnage.

All along, my hands were laboring under the weight of my heavy books, my movements hampered by my ill-timed choice of clothing, a long dress and high heels. My determination suddenly buckled under the heart-rending sight of the carnage as guns clashed with stones and left flesh and blood strewn on the streets. The human instinct in me revolted by the spectacle, forced me to head back to Westfield as I began hot-footing it home. Just halfway through, I spent more than 30 minutes around the vicinity of the Red Cross headquarters. There men and boys on one side threw stones while security officers (I refer to them as security because I cannot recall if they were soldiers or paramilitary although I could tell they were dressed in plain green) were few meters from me firing teargas canisters and “rubber” bullets.

What angered me was not only that the security forces were handling the protesters with unrestrained brutality. I was riled by the fact that one of them was filming the skirmishes, as a movie director would, taking one-sided shots showing the opposite side and never once brought his camera to focus on the activities of the soldiers.

People were busy throwing stones and disappearing in nearby houses around Westfield. When the stone-throwers got tired of this, soldiers moved towards the Serrekunda market in hot pursuit. There some kind of stability had prevailed as I continued my walk. I walked past the small Gamtel outpost straddling the Westfield junction on Kairaba Avenue. It was spared the fury of the skirmish and wasn’t torched yet. I saw students in almost all the streets I passed, with curious onlookers watching the disorderly scenes as they unfolded in their eyes.

As I walked along Kairaba Avenue, the protest took a violent turn for the worst as information got round that some people had been killed in cold blood. When I reached the GRTS offices, scenes of looting were already overwhelming the Kanifing post office. A paramilitary hapless enough to be left behind by his comrade got the beating of his life. I felt sorry for him, despite the angry feeling towards those of his kind. I was angry that thir response was totally out of proportion to the protest and no one to talk sense into them. There was an element of inevitability about the whole situation.

There were broken glasses all along the avenue and I avoided this chaotic littering by walking in the middle, ( I had no idea why) and not on the pathway reserved for pedestrians. Nonetheless I could not get away from the destruction. My long dress got caught by small pieces of broken glasses. But I kept walking even though my legs were left bruised by the experience. Holding the long dress up, I still carried the heavy books, and hand bag and negotiated the road with my high heel shoes. They were all an assortment of burdensome things, inappropriate to carry on so ill-fated a day.

I felt so tired, the sun being very hot and quickly sapped the energy out of me as the environment around me taxed the emotions out of me. I was left regretting why I had to carry those books.

I knew the turn of events that day was going to be “bloody”. Then student leader Omar Joof, was in that English class I was to attend. Maybe I wanted to test fate.

Waking up that morning I had entertained some thoughts encouraging me to stay in the safety of my home but I didn’t. I chose to go but didn’t dress appropriately. While having my breakfast, I knew something amiss was about to happen, although I wouldn’t in my wildest suspicion feel it was degenerate to blood and tears. I had to live by mum’s rule which was that no one should ever leave the house without eating breakfast.

When I reached Radio One FM, the owner Uncle George Christensen (he was my mum’s good childhood friend) was standing in front of his house with some relatives and friends watching events unfold. An army truck was parked not far from where the Africell building is now located. It was crammed with young men, boys and even girls arrested. Uncle George and a woman he was standing with protested that the soldiers should not take away the girls, one of whom came to grief, crying and shaking like a leaf after she was thrown aboard the vehicle like a useless bundle. The soldiers it must be said were the picture of ruthless inhumanity. They betrayed no sympathetic emotions. They didn’t give a hoot. However, the clamouring for the girls release came to a head as more people joined in the protestation, demanding the girls to be released to avoid them risking sexual abuse.

Few years previously, some girls were reportedly abused sexually while under arrest after the government had forbidden “beach parties” after inter-house school sporting events. The incidents had occurred after troops had raided the beach arresting many, some of them girls.

Back to the present! I continued walking. It was calmer after Radio One, although evidence of earlier scenes connected to the protests like shattered glasses on roadsides, spent stones, cement, sand, were everywhere.

As I took the final bend and walked slowly home, I felt my chest heave up with anger that such carnage could happen in The Gambia of all countries. At that point I let my dress down. There was no need to pull it up. I no longer thought about it. I was now completely away from the scenes of desolation and despair. It was like my spirit watching my body walk, suffering under the oppressive heat of the scorching Gambian sun – my legs bruised and wobbly. I was like a robot, I moved but felt lifeless. By then I no longer felt the heaviness of the books and the long walk I took from GTTI to Fajara.

When I got home, there was an uneasy quiet about my neighborhood I did not like. It was eerily connected to the bloody struggles I had witnessed between students who felt genuinely aggrieved and the security personnel blind in the execution of their orders from above.

I didn’t hear the birds sing under the big trees along the avenue. Everything was silent, everyone was locked up in their homes. Going past the gate, the first thing I recognized was the sign of profound relief on my mother’s face. She had spent the whole morning on frayed nerves, anxiously waiting for news and living proofs of her children returning to her in peace of body and mind.

I thought about those mums and families that waited in vain that day, not knowing where their children were or whether they were even dead or alive. I cried in my brothers’ arms. In fact I could not help my screaming insults at those I held responsible for the incident. I was pained, in fact devastated that the security officers who are meant to protect us youths could be so ruthless and uncaring to our plight.

As long as I could remember in my life, that was the first time I understood what the meaning of despair was. I asked myself how people could let this happen and how God in all his merciful tolerance watched things unfold the way they did that day.

It was time to follow happenings on the radio and so we gathered around the radio. It was Radio One FM, which was airing a show about what happened. A government official came to the radio to lambaste the students saying “they had killed each other”. I was burning with a sense of hate for those who would do anything to crucify the students for everything that had happened, even their own deaths.

The following day, the protest reached the countryside, where students launched their own protests which were also repressed with the same brute force. That day parents whose children did not come back home did the round of police stations and mortuaries. I remember parents camping outside Fajara police station (Kombo station) to see if their children were holed up there. I heard warning shots being fired for some reason. I was angry they didn’t muster the courage to fight for their children. There was something wrong with letting the students fight for justice themselves.

It was just six years under President Jammeh’s rule and many had started feeling the burden of repression and restrictive climate. All of a sudden the new government’s prescriptive TPA mantra “Transparency, Accountability and Probity” were no longer finding any echo. They were fading whispers. That was how frustrated I felt.

Later “Ousman Sonko, Therese Ndong Jatta and Isatou Njie Saidy blamed the students for their indiscipline and for the deaths.” For years I thought that I hated these three for that statement, I only saw negative connotations in whatever they did. Now, I am no longer consumed by hate. It has drained me emotionally while it lasted. I have lost that. But I haven’t forgotten. I have been civil around them except for the VP who I have never met.

To this day I have the feeling that I sailed through what came to be known as April10. It seemed like a dream, walking around and not being seen by anyone – not stopped by anyone. I never really talked about it, but my heart remains heavy whenever I remember. However small this experience is, i was there and I witnessed what happened.

It ended with a Commission of Inquiry, with the state culprits given a blanket amnesty. It ended there, the last roars of innocent and angry children, dead, maimed, sexually abused……it ended…..with a sickening silence for some, an appeasement for others, a lingering suspicion for many …15 years on…..we still remember:

Abdoulie Sanyang, of Old Jeshwang died from a stampede and his death was an accident

Bubacarr Badjie, a student, aged 10, died of gunshot wounds from a high-velocity weapon

Wuyeh Fode Mansally, a student of Talinding Islamic Institute, died of gunshot wounds

Momodou Lamin Njie, a GTTI student, died of gunshot wounds

Calisco Prera, a resident of New Jeshwang, died of gunshot wounds

Karamo Barrow, a former student of the Institute for Continuing Education, died of gunshot wounds.

Reginald Carrol, a student of La Fourmi Institute, Kanifing, died of gunshot wounds

Omar Barrow, journalist and Gambia Red Cross volunteer, died of gunshot wounds

Momodou Lamin Chune, student of Latrikunda Middle School, died of gunshot wounds

Lamin A. Bojang, student of Nusrat Senior Secondary School, died of gunshot wounds

Ousman Sabally, student of Brikamaba Upper Basic School, died of gunshot wounds

Ousman Sembene, died of gunshot wounds

Bakary Njie, died of gunshot wounds

Sainey Nyabally, died of gunshot wounds

PS: The only person I knew out of the lot was Omar Barrow, a Red Cross Volunteer and journalist with Sud

FM radio in Banjul.

DECEMBER 30 CONVICTS FILE APPEAL

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The six soldiers recently convicted for their roles in the failed 30th December 2014 insurgency to oust President Yahya Jammeh from power, Wednesday filed an appeal against their sentences that ranged from life in prison to death sentences. This followed their conviction at the secret court martial held at the Fajara barracks in Gambia. Many observers expressed concerns over procedures that the court followed, especially as the government press release revealed that the six defendants were provided only three lawyers from NALA (National Agency for Legal Aid), many saying that considering the gravity of the charges, each should have been provided a lawyer to thoroughly defend them.

 Security sources have hinted that Lawyer Judith Ngozi Gbuji, a legal officer and head of the Legal Department at the National Agency for Legal Aid (NALA) is stepping in to take over the appeal case for the military officers recently convicted by the kangaroo court martial that conducted proceeding in secrecy, instead of public trial as required under The Gambia’s Constitution. Public confidence in NALA taking over a high-profile life-and-death appeal case is at its lowest ebb.  The agency, like the national assembly and other arms of the Government of The Gambia, is viewed as another tool of Dictator Jammeh founded to entrench his power by providing deceptive legal representation for distressed citizens who have been robbed of their rights to choose competent lawyers to represent them in courts.

 Established in September 2010, NALA is under the Ministry of Justice tasked with responding to challenges faced by the poor and vulnerable persons in accessing justice due to lack of funds. NALA’s activities and availability in The Gambia is not known to many Gambian citizens until the secret court martial ended, when it was revealed that they were tasked with defending the accused soldiers. NALA came about after international outcry over many accused persons in The Gambia’s criminal justice system not having access to legal representation during trials. Sources however state that “NALA’s purpose has been hijacked to serve the interest of the Gambian despot Yaya Jammeh”, whose brutal regime has come under close observation and criticism due to human rights abuses, lack of respect for good governance and the rule of Law.

Meanwhile a press statement from The Gambia Television last week stated that, Justice Emmanuel Amadi, a Nigerian hired by the Yaya Jammeh to serve as judge on the Gambian bench, was appointed as judge advocate during the secret court martial. Director of Public Prosecution S.H. Barkun, another Nigerian, led the team of prosecutors that comprised of two state counsels, a lawyer and legal officer at the Gambia Armed Forces.

 The six convicts who began serving prison terms at the Mile II Central Prison were said to be bearing visible and gruesome torture marks on their bodies. Modou Njie, a former private soldier in the Gambia Armed Forces, reportedly captured at the scene of December 30 attack had torture marks on his back and chest as well as a broken right hand, all these injuries were sustained during horrific torture sessions, sources intimated.

Family members including mums, dads, friends and the 13 year old son of one of the accused insurgents are still under detention at the notorious National Intelligence Agency (NIA) denied access to family members and lawyers since 1st January 2015, in blatant violation of their constitutional rights which states that no one should be held for more than 72hrs without being brought before a court of law and charged. A source in the Gambia said the “International community are watching a human catastrophe happening in Gambia, especially the treatment of prisoners”, he said that “the world should demand access to those serving life and death sentences in Gambia, because many have already been secretly executed by Yaya Jammeh and will not be accounted for”.

THE UDP/PPP POLITICAL CONUNDRUM WE CANNOT AFFORD

The PPP rally in Brikama, seen by many as the re-launching of the party, finally forced out what is seen as the inevitable UDP/PPP political conundrum. For all practical purposes these two parties are one of the same. The UDP came into being back in 1994, at the death bed of the PPP when the new players in town, the Junta made a deliberate calculated decision to ban the PPP and other parties that were seen as stumbling blocks in their desire to take over the country through the political route. The APRC after taking the reins of power through the barrel of the gun, all the established political parties were sent on a political holiday, and most notably was the PPP.

The entire PPP party structure, from “Yayi Compins”, youth groups and sponsors repackaged and created the UDP. The new party, UDP was fathered by the PPP and some members of the NCP elite party players. To sanitize the new structure from the negativity that the PPP was suffering from, a non-political lawyer who was also perceived at that time as someone who could not be tagged with the PPP label, or even a supporter of the party was brought in to lead. Again, it is a fact that during that period the PPP currency was at its lowest value, and no serious political counter to the Junta can be done without distancing from the PPP. The creation of the UDP was a direct tactical counter to deny the Junta’s their plan to monopolize the political space in the new Gambia.

After thirty years of the PPP, the Gambian people wanted something different, and with the wind of change blowing in every corner of the country, the Junta was able to capitalize on this yearn for change among Gambians and lay out every promises to create hope. The final nail on the coffin was the redrawing of the political terrain, and tagging the UDP as the new PPP, basically calling it same wine in a new bottle. During the twenty years of its existence, the UDP still maintains the party structure players of the PPP and the NCP. Even when the ban was lifted and the PPP was reinstated, some of its Yayi Compins and grassroots supporters have moved on and considered the UDP as their new home.

 The July coup has really left the mighty PPP in total disarray, some of its party leaders have retired from politics, a good number have already become comfortable in the new UDP party hierarchy, even the Maestro himself, Sir Dawda Jawara, the ex-president was invited back to the country and retired from politics. The little flicker of hope for the comeback of the PPP was in the hands of none other than Omar Amadou Jallow, the ex Agricultural Minister, who refused to bury the legacy of the PPP. After the lifting of the ban, a despondent party reluctantly made OJ the Interim party leader. OJ initially recognized the difficulty for the re- launching of the PPP as a fully fledge party, instead settled for throwing the party support to the leader of the UDP, Alh. Ousainou Darboe. OJ is regarded by most Gambians, one of the shrewdest politicians the Gambia has ever seen, and understood that the only way to effectively take the fight to the APRC is through alliances with other opposition parties.

 The APRC has not only become very powerful, but ruthless to anyone who dare challenge or pose a threat to their existence. In his attempt to take the fight to Jammeh and the APRC, OJ has been tortured, sent to the notorious Mile 2 prison several times, but he refused to be silenced. From the outset, OJ understood that to effectively continue his fight against the APRC, he recognized the unpopularity of the PPP among Gambian people who were still riding the change agenda, so he joined forces by supporting the UDP in their quest to run against the APRC. On paper, the PPP still existed as a registered party with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), but after their leader for thirty years, Sir Dadwa came back from exile and retired from politics, and the rest of the leaders do not seem to have the will to fight for the recreation of the PPP; OJ settled for the title of Interim leader and continued his partnership with opposition parties, especially the UDP. However, OJ never gave up the legacy of the PPP , and even as he continues to work with opposition parties through building of alliances, he maintains the independence of the PPP that frankly did not have an elaborate executive, and the party structure of yester year was all gone – absorbed by the UDP.

 Over the years. most of the PPP campaigns are being waged through interviews and attending UDP rallies. In opposition circles, especially in the Diaspora, OJ has built a reputation of a fearless leader, and as the APRC begin to show its true colors as the worst government within the Africans continent, and whatever semblance of democracy the country ever had was all gone, the thirty year PPP rule was beginning to be seen as not that bad after all. The Diaspora that was the constituency that was adamant in their support to the new APRC back in the early days of the coup in 1994, and believed that the county has enough of the PPP, have begun to revisit the PPP legacy and were convinced that Gambia under the PPP was by far better than what we have now under the APRC.

 The Gambia has become a dangerous place for most Gambians: a good number have been sent packing and became dissidents, others sent to the notorious Mile 2 prison, a good number were either killed or gone missing. The human rights record of the APRC has become one of the worst in the entire world, and to majority of dissidents in the Diaspora, at least during the PPP Government; the Gambia was seen as one of the few countries in Africa with the reputation of having a culture of good governance.

As for the economy, what use to cost Gambians D8.00 to import goods from the outside world is now costing close to D45.00, and the entire Gambian economy is now under the tutelage of the autocratic leader. With this kind of transformation of the political dynamics, it became obvious for Omar Amadou Jallowa and his few PPP leaders that the political realities have shifted on the ground and the PPP legacy has become lot more palatable. Not so fast, you will hear from circles, and the reality is that the PPP party structure has been dysfunctional for the past twenty years and re-launching the PPP will no doubt brings rumblings within other parties, especially the UDP.

 Trying to bring back the hey days of the PPP basically means having to start poaching, and getting the Yayi Compins and grassroots supporters back in the fold from parties like the UDP to come back home. This exercise has not been easy and could even get lot worst. There is accusation of insincerity, untrustworthy, selfish and a whole lots of bad feelings that have begun to emerge among the party leadership of both parties.

 These two parties are in reality one of the same, basically relying on the same constituency, and in a real democratic environment this should be welcomed and very good for the country. But, with the political dispensation in the Gambia, and a possibility of the country becoming a failed state, the country cannot afford the UDP/PPP political conundrum. The country’s political reality is for a united front to take our country back, and build a new democracy that all political parties can compete to win the trust of the Gambian people. The PPP and the UDP should come to the realization that their only way forward is to form a merger of the two parties and come up with a new executive. This of course will be a temporary arrangement, that will make it easy for some of their supporters that are caught in this web and remove the distraction and focus on the APRC and Jammeh. With a new merger, selection of the executive and even selecting of a leader will jump start the first step of a needed alliance, and much easier for the formation of an alliance with the other parties. It is in the interest of both parties to make the move, and it will be in the interest of all Gambians to demand this move from the leadership of both parties. In the absence of that, we will continue to see what happen in Brikama to repeat in every corner of the Gambia. You can bet your bottom dollar that will be the ticket for a landslide victory for Jammeh and the APRC, in fact, Gambians in their numbers will not only boycott 2016 but the opposition parties as a whole.

DEAR SENEGAL, MY NEIGHBOR

As a neighbor it is only right that I congratulate you on your 54th independence anniversary from French colonial rule. Nothing is more worthy of celebrating to me (The Gambia) in April more than 04/04, not April fool day, not world autism awareness day, not world health day, not earth day, and not even world malaria day, but April 4th, the day my dear neighbor attained self rule I will also like to congratulate you for your breakthrough in March 2000 from a pseudo-democracy to a electoral democracy that produces a surprisingly free and fair election and the defeat of the ruling Socialist Party after 40 years in power.

 As your best buddy from childhood, we have shared the same food, culture, lifestyle, and sometimes even the same family. I am so proud of you like a father feels towards an archiving son.

But something seems ironical my dear neighbor, there are overwhelming evidence of correlation between the economic development and democracy in Senegal and the lack there of in the Gambia. It seems like the more troubling and backward I become the more prosperous and progressive you become.

Is this a coincidence or what? Please do not take this personal, I am not jealous nor envious of you at all, ok that’s a lie, I am envious of you just a little bit, but no hard feelings it is all in good faith. You and I are practically one, you are me and I am you, sort of, right? Meaning my struggle is your struggle and your success is my success, right? Now you see why I may be confused by our current state in time.

 I am struggling, and you are progressing and neither of us is feeling the residual effects of the other party’s situation. But like I said, no hard feelings, I am very much happy for you. I heard that you and your family are having a BBQ to celebrate your independence and freedom but I didn’t get an invitation. I can even smell the delicious food and the flavor drinks. I think it is because you may have missed typed my address and the mail man sent my invitation to the wrong address…Right? That is it, or maybe the mail man stole my invitation, I never trusted that fool, I don’t like the way he looks at my younger daughter.

Either way I don’t believe that you will intentionally leave me out of your guest list especially during these times of difficulty in my household. Which reminds me, my house has been attacked by arm rubbers and they set it on fire 20 years ago and the smokes/flames are still burning. Amnesty International and her children even stopped by to assist. And UN also sent her oldest son to come and check on me. But you my dear neighbor, I didn’t see you.

I thought to myself maybe you didn’t know about it or saw the smoke. I am just giving you a heads up that one of the patios in your big mansion (Casamance) also caught some of the fire. I have a feeling that you are too busy with your own household problems that you barely notice what is happening on my end. But this is not about me; this is about you and how far you have come since childhood. You inspire me every day I wake up in the morning and look over to your house.

I am very proud of how your musicians, wrestlers, entertainers, religious leaders and political prostitutes are always granted invitations to my back yard by the same gang leader who holds me and my family at gun point for 20 years. They receive gifts (both material and financial) worth lots of money from Babili Mansa. Do you remember that chic with the big loppy juice? I think her name is Ndey Gaye, yep that is her name, she reported some time ago that her and her colleagues were given lots of millions for shaking it for the gang leader. I think that requires a special recognition because I and my children are starving.

 Our medical system is a failure. Our educational system is a shame. Our energy company is a disgrace. Our religious leaders are getting jailed. Our oppositions are getting intimidated. Our economy depends on western union. But for some reason, you my dear friend and your family have successfully manage to come to my back yard and collect money in lump sums all the time.

Your tourism industry seems to be booming as more western countries label my house as a dictatorial household and avoid it for security reasons. Many businesses are leaving my house and coming to establish their businesses in your house. Major NGO’s and donor institutions are now choosing Senegal over the Gambia. All this things left me wondering if I were you, will I ever be interested in the development of my household? Hmmmmm…scary thought. But again, no hard feelings, it is not your fault that I cannot put my house in order. It is simply opportunity cost. You are such a good neighbor after all.

“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends”. In this case I will very much remember the parties and the booty shaking competitions taking place in my own house that I am not invited to, but you my dear neighbor and your family are always listed on the VIP list. That deserve an honorable mention and once again congrats.

If my neighbor’s house is on fire I should not just sit around and say it is not my problem, my neighbors have to put out his/ her fire. A good neighbor will pick up his/her garden hose, plug it to his/her hydrant and help put out the fire. But he/she will not used the opportunity of a neighbor’s house on fire to BBQ and Grill his/her chicken wings and prime ribs. There is a saying that one man’s meat is another man’s poison. No truer statement describes our current relationship right now.

 I am not asking you to put out the fire in my house for me, I am only asking you to borrow me your garden hose and may be lend a hand. And if you cannot do any of that, please I am begging you for the sake of my young children do not grill your meat from the flames flying out of my house. That is not neighborly at all. And I repeat, I am not asking you to put off the fire for me nor am I saying that it is your obligation to lend a hand. What I am asking you to do is that if you cannot help put out the fire in my house and get rid of the arm rubbers, please do not come to my house to grill your meat with the gangsters who set my house on fire.

While you and your children are enjoying your chicken legs and lamp ribs, I and my children will be starving here and busy working to put out the fire. Once again, happy Independence Day and may God continue to bless Senegal and her children.

Sincerely Your Neighbor

The Gambia.

ABOUT 30 BUSINESSES CLOSE IN THE GAMBIA SINCE JANUARY

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Tens of businesses have been closing shop in the Gambia since the introduction of new tax system in January this year. This follows Jammeh’s refusal to reduce the cost of fuel in Gambia, following the decrease in worldwide oil prices that has seen responsible governments reducing the prices of fuel to pass on the saving to their citizens. According to confirmed reports, businesses numbering up to thirty have closed shop already, most of them complaining about high taxes, lack of electricity, competing with President Jammeh’s various businesses run by the army and green youths as well as high operational cost.

 While Senegal is reducing taxes and eliminating tourist visas to attract tourist and investors, The Jammeh regime in Gambia is busy increasing taxes to payoff loans both domestic and International. Observers stated that with raising food prices, transport cost etc, many would rather eat and find a way to make it to work than spend money buying clothes and other non essentials, meaning that those operating such businesses including hair salons whose businesses are seasonal are forced to close.

A businessman we spoke to confirmed that the unbearable high taxes plus hostile environment is driving businesses to close shop as they either running at losses or trying to avoid collapse altogether. Government interference by imposing regulations bad for competition and free enterprise is also adding up to this.

An example of these regulations, is the government banning private traders from importing flour, one of the most consumed food commodity in the Gambia besides rice, meaning that Kanilai Group has been the sole distributor. The price of flour that used to cost D750 per bag is being sold at D1,550 per bag. According to sources, the price of bread is expected to increase soon due to the rise in the cost of flour, a business woman said.

 A tailor who was forced to close his business cited high taxes levied against them by the government, the added VAT payments, area council taxes and lack of electricity to complete orders as the reason he closed his shop at the Banjul market. He said that for many of his former clients, their priority is no longer what to wear but what to eat, meaning that clients no longer come as often as they use to.

COURT ISSUES ARREST WARRANT FOR NINE GAMBIANS INVOLVED IN DECEMBER 30 ATTACKS ON STATE HOUSE

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The Banjul High Court presided over by Justice Abi yesterday issued an arrest warrant for nine Gambians allegedly involved in the December 30 (2014) attack on the State House in Banjul.The accused persons are Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal, Alhajie Saidy Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe, Musa Sarr, Landing Sonko, Lamin Njie and Aisha Jallow.They were indicted on eight counts ranging from treason, concealment of treason, offences related to mutiny, mutiny, and aiding and abetting mutiny.

 When the case was called, DPP SH Barkhum applied for an arrest warrant to be issued by the court for the accused to appear in court.

In his ruling, the trial judge said in view of the application made by the DPP, the order is hereby made directing the IGP, Interpol and any other relevant authorities or personnel to arrest the accused persons or any of them wherever they may be and produce them before the court to answer charges against them.

He said the order should be served as a warrant for any person who may come in contact with any of the accused persons to arrest them and hand them over to the court or authorities for prosecution.

 The case was adjourned to 13 May 2015.

According to the indictment filed in court in count one, the accused persons Cherno Njie, Mustapha Faal, Alhajie Saidy Barrow, Papa Faal, Baboucarr Bai Lowe, Musa Sarr, Landing Sonko, Lamin Njie and Aisha Jallow and others, on 30 December 2014, at Banjul and other places in The Gambia and within the jurisdiction of the court, prepared or endeavoured to overthrow the democratically-elected Government of The Gambia by unlawful means to wit coup d’ etat and thereby committed an offence.

 Count two stated that the accused persons and others, on the same date and place, conspired together to overthrow the democratically-elected Government of The Gambia by unlawful means to wit coup d’etat and thereby committed an offence.

Count three stated that the accused persons and others at large on the same date and places, assisted Major Lamin Sanneh (deceased) and others to invade The Gambia with armed forces and subjected The Gambia to an attack with intent to overthrow the democratically-elected Government of The Gambia by unlawful means to wit coup d’ etat and thereby committed an offence.

 Count four stated that Lamin Njie, on the same date and places, knowing that former Major Lamin Sanneh (deceased) and others intended to commit treason failed to give information within all reasonable dispatch to a minister, magistrate, a police officer or a member of the armed forces and thereby committed an offence.

 Count five stated that Lamin Njie, on the same date and places and abroad, knowing that former Major Lamin Sanneh (deceased) and others intended to commit treason failed to use reasonable endeavour to prevent the commission of the offence and thereby committed an offence.

Count six stated that all the accused persons on the same date and places, conspired with former Major Lamin Sanneh and others at large to overthrow the lawful authority in the Gambia armed forces to wit the President and the commander-in-chief of the Gambia Armed Forces by coup d’etat and thereby committed an offence.

 Count seven stated that the accused persons on the same date and places in The Gambia endeavoured to overthrow the lawful authority in the Gambia Armed Forces to wit the President and the Commander-in-chief of the Gambia Armed Forces by coup d’ etat and thereby committed an offence.

Count eight stated that Lamin Njie, on the same date and place being aware that Capt. Lamin Sanneh and others were preparing to overthrow the lawful authority in the Gambia armed forces to wit President and the Commander-in-chief of the Gambia Armed Forces by coup d’ etat improperly held communication with them and thereby committed an offence.

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